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Human Rights in Russia 2013
APPROACHING THE 2014 SOCHI OLYMPICS: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S BRIEF HUMAN RIGHTS IN RUSSIA 2013 SUMMARY: As the 2014 Sochi Olympics approach, the space for human rights in the Russian Federation is rapidly shrinking. Since President Vladimir Putin’s return to office in May 2012 Russian authorities have intensified their assault on basic freedoms and undermined rule of law. New legislation restricts the operation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), criminalizes public actions “committed to insult the religious feelings of believers,” outlaws free expression and activism by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) individuals and their supporters, and increases sanctions for peaceful protest. In the North Caucasus insecurity and volatility persist. Security operations launched in response are marred by systematic human rights violations with near-total impunity for the perpetrators. To see a comprehensive Amnesty International timeline of human rights abuses in Russia visit: http://www.amnestyusa.org/russia/ BRIEF: NGOs Under Attack In July 2012 President Putin signed a new law obligating NGOs receiving overseas funding and involved in undefined “political activities” to register as “foreign agents”. As a result of this legislation, leading human rights NGOs, including Memorial, For Human Rights and Amnesty International itself have been subjected to unplanned inspections resulting in prosecutorial “warnings” and court cases. This particular brand of harassment can result in self-censorship, restriction of activities, or even flight. The conflation of NGOs with “foreign agents” or spies has also resulted in stigmatization and, in some cases, offices being vandalized. More than 200 Russian non-governmental organizations in 50 regions have already undergone inspections, often with devastating effects. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
United States District Court for the District of Columbia
Case 1:14-cv-01996-ABJ Document 24-1 Filed 10/20/15 Page 1 of 39 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) HULLEY ENTERPRISES LTD., ) YUKOS UNIVERSAL LTD., and ) VETERAN PETROLEUM LTD., ) ) Petitioners, ) ) v. ) Case No. 1:14-cv-01996-ABJ ) ) THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, ) ) Respondent. ) ) DECLARATION OF GITAS POVILO ANILIONIS I, Gitas Povilo Anilionis, declare and state as follows: 1. I was born in 1953 in the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. I have lived in Moscow since 1976 and I am a Russian citizen. Since 2002, I have been the general director of a company called OOO Lion XXI, which provides financial consulting and market research services for business clients. 2. I completed high school in 1971 and from 1971 to 1974 I studied at the Department of Mathematics and Mechanics of Vilnius State University with a specialization in applied mathematics. From 1974 until 1976, I served in the Soviet army. In 1976, I came to live in Moscow and studied economics at the University of the Friendship of Nations named after Patrice Lumumba. I graduated in 1982, and worked until 1986 in Nigeria on the construction of metallurgical plant in Ajaokuta, which was an economic-development effort supported by the Case 1:14-cv-01996-ABJ Document 24-1 Filed 10/20/15 Page 2 of 39 Soviet Union. I then returned from Nigeria to Moscow in 1986 and worked until November 1990 in a cooperative known as Geology Abroad (Ɂɚɪɭɛɟɠɝɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ) in the economic planning department. 3. At Geology Abroad, my supervisor was Mr. Platon Leonidovich Lebedev. -
Berezovsky-Judgment.Pdf
Neutral Citation Number: [2012] EWHC 2463 (Comm) Royal Courts of Justice Rolls Building, 7 Rolls Buildings, London EC4A 1NL Date: 31st August 2012 IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Case No: 2007 Folio 942 QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION COMMERCIAL COURT IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Claim Nos: HC08C03549; HC09C00494; CHANCERY DIVISION HC09C00711 Before: MRS JUSTICE GLOSTER, DBE - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Between: Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Roman Arkadievich Abramovich Defendant Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Hine & Others Defendants - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Laurence Rabinowitz Esq, QC, Richard Gillis Esq, QC, Roger Masefield Esq, Simon Colton Esq, Henry Forbes-Smith Esq, Sebastian Isaac Esq, Alexander Milner Esq, and Ms. Nehali Shah (instructed by Addleshaw Goddard LLP) for the Claimant Jonathan Sumption Esq, QC, Miss Helen Davies QC, Daniel Jowell Esq, QC, Andrew Henshaw Esq, Richard Eschwege Esq, Edward Harrison Esq and Craig Morrison Esq (instructed by Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP) for the Defendant Ali Malek Esq, QC, Ms. Sonia Tolaney QC, and Ms. Anne Jeavons (instructed by Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP) appeared for the Anisimov Defendants to the Chancery Actions David Mumford Esq (instructed by Macfarlanes LLP) appeared for the Salford Defendants to the Chancery Actions Jonathan Adkin Esq and Watson Pringle Esq (instructed by Signature Litigation LLP) appeared for the Family Defendants to the Chancery Actions Hearing dates: 3rd – 7th October 2011; 10th – 13th October 2011; 17th – 19th October 2011; 24th & 28th October 2011; 31st October – 4th November 2011; 7th – 10th November 2011; 14th - 18th November 2011; 21st – 23 November 2011; 28th November – 2nd December 2011; 5th December 2011; 19th & 20th December 2011; 17th – 19th January 2012. -
Understanding EU Member States' Motivations for Dealing with Russia
With or Without the EU? Understanding EU Member States’ Motivations for Dealing with Russia at the European or the National Level. Anke Uta Schmidt-Felzmann submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Ph.D 2011 Politics School of Social and Political Sciences College of Social Sciences University of Glasgow ABSTRACT This thesis seeks to explain why European Union (EU) member states choose to pursue their objectives regarding Russia at the EU level or bilaterally. With a systematic analysis of national governments’ choices across different policy issues it helps clarify the motivations underpinning the decision to pursue national objectives at the European or the national level. It thereby contributes to filling a lacuna in the existing literature on EU-Russia relations and the extant research on member states’ foreign policies in the EU context. The contribution to existing scholarship that the thesis makes are: first, it demonstrates that the decision to cooperate, or act at the bilateral level, is not as clear cut as it is often depicted. I show that in most cases it is not a question of either-or. Member states frequently pursue cooperation at the EU level to achieve objectives that they also pursue at the bilateral level. Second, I show that member states’ choices are predominantly influenced by their assessment of the utility of the European and the national route. There is considerably less evidence to suggest that the European level is being privileged as a result of socialisation in the EU, so the length of membership, and thus the duration of their exposure to EU policy-making does not determine a member government’s choice. -
Infographics in Booklet Format
SWITZERLAND CHINA 243 535 ITALY AUSTRALIA 170 183 State of Corporate pOWER 2012 Toyota Motor Exxon Mobil Wal-Mart Stores $ Royal Dutch Shell Barclays plc 60 USA Capital Group Companies 28 Japan 20 China Carlos Slim Helu Mexico telecom 15000 T 10000 op 25 global companies based ON revenues A FOssIL-FUELLED WORLD 5000 Wal-Mart Stores 3000 AUTO Toyota Motor retail Volkswagen Group 2000 General Motors Daimler 1000 Group 203 S AXA Ford Motor 168 422 136 REVENUES US$BILLION OR Royal C Group 131 OIL Dutch powerorporationsFUL THAN nationsMORE ING Shell 2010 GDP 41 OF THE World’S 100 L 129 EC ONOMIE Allianz Nation or Planet Earth Company 162 USA S ARE C China F Japan INANCIAL 149 A Germany ORP France ORatIONARS Corpor United Kingdom GE 143 Brazil st Mobil Exxon Italy Hathaway India Berkshire 369 Canada Russia Spain 136 Australia Bank of America Mexico 343 BP Korea Netherlands Turkey 134 Indonesia ate Switzerland BNP 297 Paribas Poland Oil and gas make Belgium up eight of the top Group Sweden 130 Sinopec Saudi Arabia ten largest global Taiwan REVENUES World US$BILLIONS 273 corporations. Wal-Mart Stores Norway Iran Royal Dutch Shell 240 China Austria Petro Argentina South Africa 190 Exxon Mobil Thailand Denmark 188 BP Chevron 176 131 127 134 150 125 Total Greece United Arab Emirates Venezuela Hewlett Colombia Packard other Samsung ENI Conoco Sinopec Group Electronics Phillips PetroChina E.ON Finland General Malaysia Electric Portugal State Grid Hong Kong SAR Singapore Toyota Motor http://www.minesandcommunities.org Egypt http://europeansforfinancialreform.org -
RICHARD ALLEN, Et Al., Plaintiffs, V. RUSSIAN FEDERATION, Et Al
Case 1:05-cv-02077-CKK Document 74 Filed 11/26/07 Page 1 of 51 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA RICHARD ALLEN, et al., Plaintiffs, Civil Action No. 05–2077 (CKK) v. RUSSIAN FEDERATION, et al., Defendants. MEMORANDUM OPINION (November 26, 2007) Presently before the Court is an action brought by a group of investors who own or used to own an interest in a Russian company called Yukos. The investors claim that the Russian Federation, acting in combination with senior Russian government officials and several Russian energy companies (and several executives of those companies), expropriated Yukos beginning in 2003. The Defendants allegedly levied illegal and confiscatory taxes on Yukos, forced a sham sale of Yukos’s most important asset, seized a majority of Yukos shares, intimidated and harassed Yukos executives, and used bankruptcy proceedings to paralyze Yukos’s non-Russian- based management team. These and other allegations contained throughout Plaintiffs’ 116-page, 424-paragraph Complaint tell a troubling story if proven true. Notwithstanding the foregoing, this Court is one of limited jurisdiction. Defendants have brought four Motions to Dismiss arguing, inter alia, that this Court lacks jurisdiction to hear Plaintiffs’ claims. The Motions decry Plaintiffs’ decision to file a Complaint in this Court when the case involves the conduct of the Russian government, senior Russian government officials, Russian companies, and Russian citizens. After a thorough and dedicated review of the Parties’ Case 1:05-cv-02077-CKK Document 74 Filed 11/26/07 Page 2 of 51 lengthy submissions and the exhibits attached thereto, the record as a whole, applicable case law and statutory authority, the Court finds that it cannot reach the merits of Plaintiffs’ claims based on the doctrines of sovereign immunity and personal jurisdiction. -
Yukos Oil: a Corporate Governance Success Story?
Yukos Oil: A Corporate Governance Success Story? Diana Yousef-Martinek MBA/MIA ‘04 Raphael Minder Knight-Bagehot Fellow‘03 Rahim Rabimov MS ‘03 © 2003 by The Trustees of Columbia University in the City of New York. All rights reserved. CHAZEN WEB JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS FALL 2003 www.gsb.columbia.edu/chazenjournal 1. Introduction In what would become post-Communist Russia’s largest takeover transaction, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the controversial 39-year old chief executive and controlling shareholder of the Russian oil company Yukos, announced last April that Yukos would buy Sibneft, the fastest growing Siberian oil corporation. The Yukos-Sibneft merger created the world's fourth-largest company in terms of oil production, dwarfed only by ExxonMobil, BP, and Royal Dutch Shell. The new company projected a daily output of 2.06 million barrels, more than 25 percent of Russia’s total, and it has total reserves of about 19.4 billion barrels. It was expected to generate $15 billion in revenues every year and boasted a market value of about $35 billion.1 How has Khodorkovsky, who only a few years ago was making newspaper headlines for his business practices, managed to become the champion of a new corporate Russia? Is the transformation for real or just short-term opportunism? This paper will examine the way in which Khodorkovsky moved from banking to the oil business, benefiting from the tumultuous changes in Russia, and how he slowly came to espouse a Western model of corporate governance and management. The paper will also discuss a number of external factors, such as the Russian legal system, which have helped Khodorkovsky in his rise while making it difficult for investors to assess Yukos’ performance and predict its future. -
The Yukos Money Laundering Case: a Never-Ending Story
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 28 Issue 4 2007 The Yukos Money Laundering Case: A Never-Ending Story Dmitry Gololobov Gololobov and Co. Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Business Organizations Law Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Criminal Law Commons Recommended Citation Dmitry Gololobov, The Yukos Money Laundering Case: A Never-Ending Story, 28 MICH. J. INT'L L. 711 (2007). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol28/iss4/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE YUKOS MONEY LAUNDERING CASE: A NEVER-ENDING STORY Dmitry Gololobov* I. A BRIEF STORY OF THE YUKos GROUP ................................... 711 II. THE YUKOS CASE: THE TIMELINE AND THE C ON SEQUEN CES ........................................................................ 7 16 III. THE MONEY LAUNDERING LEGISLATION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION .............................................................. 720 IV. PRINCIPLES OF THE KHODORKOVSKYIYUKOS MONEY LAUNDERING C ASE .................................................................. 724 V. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CASE .............................. 726 A . Tim ing ............................................................................... -
Is Political Risk Company-Specific? the Market Side of the Yukos Affair*
Is Political Risk Company-Specific? The Market Side of the Yukos Affair* † ‡ Alexei Goriaev and Konstantin Sonin September 2007 Abstract The Yukos affair, a state-led assault on controlling shareholders of a private Russian oil company, demonstrated the shaky nature of property rights in emerging markets. As it appeared, the market was more effective in determining the underlying causes than business and political analysts. While some rating agencies first predicted no threat to company creditors, the stock market correctly predicted that (i) political ambitions of the Yukos CEO and other majority shareholders would prove damaging to their business; and (ii) arrests of Yukos’ top managers for unrelated criminal charges was a signal of across-the-board toughening of the state policy towards big business. Among private companies, the risk appeared especially high for non- transparent companies, oil companies, and companies privatized via the infamous loans-for- shares auctions. Surprisingly, transparent state-owned companies were also very sensitive to Yukos events. This evidence suggests that investors considered the risks of a company losing its value due to the political ambitions of its top management, but were also concerned with tax and privatization reviews for private companies and inefficient government interference for state- owned ones. JEL classifications: G14, G38, P26 Keywords: firm-specific political risk, event study, Russian stock market * We thank Erik Berglof, Ingolf Dittmann, Tim Frye, Scott Gehlbach, Sergei Guriev, Barry Ickes, Arjen Mulder, Theo Nijman, Stephen Ongena, Alexei Pomansky, Andrei Shleifer, Andrei Simonov, Greg Trojanowski, Ekaterina Zhuravskaya, participants of the 2005 ACES, 2005 and 2006 EFA meetings, 2005 SITE/KEI conference in Kiev, and seminars at the Bank of Finland, Bilkent University, Erasmus University, Institute of Financial Studies (Moscow), Maastricht University, Swedish School of Economics (HANKEN), and Tilburg University for helpful comments. -
Russia's Oligarchs
russian analytical russian analytical digest 63/09 digest analysis It’s Not Easy Being An Oligarch By Marshall I. Goldman, Cambridge, MA Abstract Perhaps it was inevitable, but it is hard to ignore the irony that a country that once held itself out as a new world in which extremes in wealth would be eliminated (if need be by imprisonment or even death) by 1998 had become a society in which the differences in wealth were once again extreme. Before long, Russia’s ma- jor city, Moscow, had become the home of the world’s second largest concentration of billionaires, second only to New York City. In 2004, Forbes Magazine, the major collector of such data, reported that Moscow actually had more billionaires than New York City. How did this once communist country, where officially as late as 1987 there were only minor disparities in income between the richest and poorest, become so top heavy with the very wealthy? And how did Russia’s newly rich, the so-called “oligarchs”, fare under Putin and during the recent financial crisis? Understanding the Rise of the Oligarchs appointed by the state, simply claimed ownership of Moscow’s oligarchs first made it into the Forbes those factories for themselves. Magazine annual tabulation of the world’s richest bil- lionaires in 1998. This achievement was notable for sev- The L“ oans for Shares” Program eral reasons. The first was that none of the new billion- Much of Russia’s privatization took place under what aires had any net worth to speak of as recently as a de- was called the “Loans for Shares” program. -
Russian Federation – Yabloko – Treatment of Supporters – Tax Investigations
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: RUS32923 Country: Russian Federation Date: 27 February 2008 Keywords: Russian Federation – Yabloko – Treatment of supporters – Tax investigations This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide information on fate of Yabloko Party supporters from 2003 to present. 2. What are the procedures for investigating tax offences? Who are the investigators? Where are the people interviewed? 3. Where are the tax offices located in Moscow? 4. What are the summons and charge procedures for tax offences? 5. Is there a “black list” for people wanted for tax offences when departing Russia? RESPONSE 1. Please provide information on fate of Yabloko Party supporters from 2003 to present. Information on this question is provided under the following sub-headings: Information on the Yabloko Party Funding of the Yabloko Party Treatment of Yabloko supporters since 2003 Information on the Yabloko Party The Yabloko Party is a liberal democratic party in Russia. Although it is well established, Yabloko has been marginalised in Russian politics and has a relatively low level of support. It did not win any seats in the Duma elections held in December 2007.