DOCSLIB.ORG

Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order by Andrej Krickovic a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order by Andrej Krickovic A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Steven Weber, Chair Professor M. Steven Fish Professor Yuri Slezkine Fall 2012 Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order Copyright 2012 by Andrej Krickovic Abstract Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order by Andrej Krickovic Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Steven Weber, Chair The world is experiencing an unprecedented shift in wealth and power away from the West and towards the developing countries According to some estimates the combined gross domestic product of the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India and China) will surpass that of the G7 nations by 2032. India’s GDP alone is predicted to surpass that of the United States by 2043 and China’s GDP will be almost twice that of the US by 2050. Rising powers are using this newfound wealth to expand their global influence. China has taken the lead in investment and development in Africa. Russia is consolidating its influence in the Post-Soviet space. India is flexing its muscle on the subcontinent. Brazil is pushing for regional integration in South America and promoting diplomatic initiatives to address some of the world’s most difficult problems, such as the Iranian nuclear program. What is the impact of institutions and regimes during periods of major power transition in the international system? My dissertation challenges liberal theories, which argue that the institutions and regimes established by the Western powers after World War II constitute a resilient and robust “International Liberal Order” (ILO) that will shape and restrain the behavior of rising powers. I develop a test of eight observable hypotheses for how the ILO should affect the behavior of rising and then test these against the behavior of post-Soviet Russia. I find that the Russian case fails along all eight hypotheses and that Russia has adopted a range of policies that undermine the existing order and work to transform it. The ILO’s institutions and regimes have not shaped and constrained Russia’s behavior in the ways that the theory predicts. Nor have the larger political and economic processes that ILO theorists believe bolster the existing order, such as global economic integration, the rise of transnational non-state actors (NGOs and big business) and the spread of liberal and democratic values, made Russia more amenable to integration into the ILO. Evaluated in this way, claims about the robustness and resilience of 1 the existing order fail, suggesting that Russia and other rising states will look to use their growing power to bring about major changes in the international order. Interestingly, it’s not only Russia’s behavior that does not conform to the ILO’s expectations. The leading Western powers have not been willing to give Russia a seat at the table that would give it a real say over major political and economic questions. They continue to be wary of growing Russian power and suspicious of Russia’s true intentions. As a result, Russia’s leaders are unsatisfied with the existing order’s ability to promote their country’s interests. Instead of embracing the ILO, Russia has increasingly looked to preserve its freedom of action and has followed an independent foreign policy course. The Russian case challenges the ILO’s universalistic argument that all emerging states will simply find common cause within the existing framework of international institutions and regimes. It shows that rising states have a mind of their own and that they are ready to utilize a wide range of tools to realize their ambitions. They see the ILO as only one among many means to pursue their interests. But in many cases concerns about relative gains and their reluctance to enter into relationships of dependence will also make them question the wisdom of working through existing institutions. Rising states will often see the pursuit of their own power and capabilities – rather than strengthening institutional relationships - as the most reliable strategy for promoting their interests. They will also look to use their newfound power to transform international institutions so that they serve their interests more effectively. Not only is there a demand for change on the part of rising powers, but they may also be able to effect change more readily than is usually acknowledged by either realist or liberal IR theories. Both realist and liberal theories assume that rising powers only have two strategies open to them: they can either accept the existing order or wage a full-out frontal assault to overthrow it (i.e., behave as Germany and Japan did in the lead up to WWI/WWII or the Soviet Union did after WWII). Proponents of the ILO argue that rising powers will accept the established order because they will find the costs and risks of pushing for change to be prohibitive. In examining Russia’s behavior, I find that rising powers have a wider menu of effective strategies and tactics available to them – from simply ignoring the parts of the ILO that they do not like, to forming new relationships and institutions that achieve specific aims. These strategies allow rising powers to resist the current order and work towards its gradual transformation without having to challenge it openly and directly. The future international order may take the form of a traditional multi-polar system where order is the product of power balancing between system’s most powerful states. This does not mean that we will see a complete return to intense military completion between great powers, as some realists have claimed. Though liberal theorists tend to overstate their transformative effects, new technologies and other processes related to globalization have had a profound effect on international relations. Nuclear weapons and growing economic interdependence will moderate conflict between states and make the prospects of great power war – and even the type of hard balancing we witnessed in earlier historical periods – remote. Competition between states will be intense, though it will manifest itself primarily in the economic and 2 ideological (soft power) realms. Nontraditional security threats will also continue to be a primary concern in the years to come. However, states will be more likely to address these threats through ad-hoc and bilateral cooperation, rather than through institutions. Change can be gradual and can come through the decay and reform of old international institutions or the creation of new ones. This last point gives us some comfort and hope for the future as we enter an era of uncertainty and unpredictability in international politics. It suggests that Western leaders need not be afraid of change. Rather than insisting that rising powers accept the existing order, it may be in the West’s own long-term interests to begin looking for ways to work with rising powers to transform the international order so that it better serves the interests of all of states. 3 Table of Contents List of Tables ........................................................................................................................ iv Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... v Chapter 1 Introduction: Will the International Liberal Order Survive the Decline of the West and the Rise of the Rest? ....................................................................................................... 1 Theories of Order in International Relations .............................................................................. 2 Ikenberry’s Theory of International Liberal Order ...................................................................... 3 Eight (Testable) Hypotheses for How the ILO Shapes and Constrains State Behavior ............... 6 Russia as a Test Case for the ILO ............................................................................................... 10 Moving Forward ........................................................................................................................ 13 Chapter 2: Testing the ILO’s Hypotheses about Co-Binding and Relative Gains ..................... 16 Co-Binding in ILO Theory ........................................................................................................... 19 Relative Gains in ILO Theory ..................................................................................................... 21 Testing ILO Predictions about Co-Binding and Relative Gains .................................................. 22 Part I: Russia and NATO: The Failure of Co-binding and the Continued Salience of Relative Gains .......................................................................................................................................... 24 Russia’s Kosovo Lesson .......................................................................................................... 26 Relative Gains and NATO Enlargement ................................................................................. 28 Missile Defense – A New Opportunity to Make Co-binding Work? ...................................... 32 Part II: Russia and the EU – Co-Binding Fails Once Again ........................................................
Recommended publications
  • Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms

    Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms

    Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms Aziz Elmuradov Introduction Over the past decade, Russia’s relations with the European Union have evolved from competition to conflict. With the Ukraine crisis as a culmination point, many scholars explain the conflictual stand-off as a result of a long-term cri- sis rooted in the internal structure of EU–Russia interaction (Casier 2016; Chaban et al. 2017; Haukkala 2015). While such a perspective contributes to a better understanding of the conflict, there is more to the confrontational dynamics between the two sides. World politics can be traced back not only to the pursuit of national interests, but also to differing ways of envision- ing the world. To a considerable extent, the current conflict with Russia is a conflict of worldviews. In line with the theme of this volume, the following chapter takes this epistemic dimension of world politics seriously. The world and the global are not fixed realms but are constituted in the practices ofcon- crete actors who create their discursive horizons of the world and the global through symbolic representations, narratives and models. This chapter, there- fore, focuses on practices of worldmaking inherent in Russian foreign policy discourse. Retracing popular modes of mapping the world from the Russian perspective, I will show how a multipolar worldview informs the relationship between Russia and the Western world. Russian foreign policy discourse is greatly affected by major trends and trajectories under way in world politics. Russia finds itself in an increasingly dynamic global environment. The world is more volatile and uncertain to- day than at any time since the fall of the Berlin Wall.
  • Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation

    Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation

    POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work.
  • Network Map of Knowledge And

    Network Map of Knowledge And

    Humphry Davy George Grosz Patrick Galvin August Wilhelm von Hofmann Mervyn Gotsman Peter Blake Willa Cather Norman Vincent Peale Hans Holbein the Elder David Bomberg Hans Lewy Mark Ryden Juan Gris Ian Stevenson Charles Coleman (English painter) Mauritz de Haas David Drake Donald E. Westlake John Morton Blum Yehuda Amichai Stephen Smale Bernd and Hilla Becher Vitsentzos Kornaros Maxfield Parrish L. Sprague de Camp Derek Jarman Baron Carl von Rokitansky John LaFarge Richard Francis Burton Jamie Hewlett George Sterling Sergei Winogradsky Federico Halbherr Jean-Léon Gérôme William M. Bass Roy Lichtenstein Jacob Isaakszoon van Ruisdael Tony Cliff Julia Margaret Cameron Arnold Sommerfeld Adrian Willaert Olga Arsenievna Oleinik LeMoine Fitzgerald Christian Krohg Wilfred Thesiger Jean-Joseph Benjamin-Constant Eva Hesse `Abd Allah ibn `Abbas Him Mark Lai Clark Ashton Smith Clint Eastwood Therkel Mathiassen Bettie Page Frank DuMond Peter Whittle Salvador Espriu Gaetano Fichera William Cubley Jean Tinguely Amado Nervo Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay Ferdinand Hodler Françoise Sagan Dave Meltzer Anton Julius Carlson Bela Cikoš Sesija John Cleese Kan Nyunt Charlotte Lamb Benjamin Silliman Howard Hendricks Jim Russell (cartoonist) Kate Chopin Gary Becker Harvey Kurtzman Michel Tapié John C. Maxwell Stan Pitt Henry Lawson Gustave Boulanger Wayne Shorter Irshad Kamil Joseph Greenberg Dungeons & Dragons Serbian epic poetry Adrian Ludwig Richter Eliseu Visconti Albert Maignan Syed Nazeer Husain Hakushu Kitahara Lim Cheng Hoe David Brin Bernard Ogilvie Dodge Star Wars Karel Capek Hudson River School Alfred Hitchcock Vladimir Colin Robert Kroetsch Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai Stephen Sondheim Robert Ludlum Frank Frazetta Walter Tevis Sax Rohmer Rafael Sabatini Ralph Nader Manon Gropius Aristide Maillol Ed Roth Jonathan Dordick Abdur Razzaq (Professor) John W.
  • Soviet Domestic Politics and Collapse of the Outer Empire, 1989

    Soviet Domestic Politics and Collapse of the Outer Empire, 1989

    Soviet Domestic Politics and Collapse of the Outer Empire, 1989 FREDO ARIAS-KING n this article, I explore the role of domestic politics in precluding the inter- I vention of the Soviet army in Eastern Europe in fall 1989. A close look at the USSR’s domestic political situation as early as summer 1989 suggests that there was little, if any, intention on the part of the legislators, government, or even the Communist Party to prop up the fast-disintegrating Communist regimes in the East bloc with force. Rather, there is substantial evidence that a revolution in Eastern Europe would be welcomed in Moscow. To my knowledge, this angle has not been examined in the scholarly literature. Many of the leading authori- ties on the collapse of Eastern Europe fail to connect internal policymaking— particularly relating to the creation of legislative power in the USSR and its con- sequences—to the historic collapse of the Soviet Union’s “outer empire.” I do not argue that Soviet democratization caused the collapse of the East European regimes in 1989, but that it was the main factor that precluded an armed inter- vention to save those regimes. Only one of six major books on the revolutions of 1989, for example, even mentions the USSR Congress of People’s Deputies, and then only in passing.1 They focus instead on the USSR as a unitary player, with a reformer (Gorbachev) at the helm, surrounded by like-minded advisers advocating new political think- ing, who decided to “allow” the East Europeans to go their own way.
  • Reducing Nuclear Risks in Europe a FRAMEWORK for ACTION

    Reducing Nuclear Risks in Europe a FRAMEWORK for ACTION

    Reducing A FrAmework For Action Nuclear Risks e dited by Steve AndreASen in Europe And iSAbelle williAmS Featured essay: “the race between ­Cooperation and catastrophe” by sam NuNN Reducing Nuclear Risks in Europe a FrameWork For acTIoN Edit eD by STeve aNDreaSeN aND ISabelle WIllIamS Featured essay: “The race between ­Cooperation and catastrophe” by sam NuNN Nuclear ThreaT INITIaTIve Washington, D.c. t he Nuclear threat INItIatIve NTI is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization with a mission to strengthen global security by reducing the risk of use and preventing the spread of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, and to work to build the trust, transparency, and security that are preconditions to the ultimate fulfillment of the Non-Proliferation Treaty’s goals and ambitions. www.nti.org The views expressed in this publication are the authors’ own and do not reflect those of NTI, its Board of Directors, or other institutions with which the authors are associated. © 2011 the Nuclear Threat Initiative All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval sys- tem, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without written permission of the publisher and copyright holder. c over phoTo oF a u.S. aIr Force F-16 FIghTINg FalcoN aIrcraFT courTeSy oF The u.S. aIr Force. phoTo by maSTer SgT. WIllIam greer/releaSeD. ii T able oF coNTeNTS Acknowledgments v Authors and Reviewers vii summary coNteNt executive summary: Reassembling a More Credible NATO Nuclear Policy and Posture 1 Joan Rohlfing, Isabelle Williams, and Steve Andreasen featured essay: The Race Between Cooperation and Catastrophe 8 Sam Nunn chaPters 1.
  • A Precarious Peace 1 Michael Mcfaul Domestic Politics in the Making of Russian Foreign Policy

    A Precarious Peace 1 Michael Mcfaul Domestic Politics in the Making of Russian Foreign Policy

    A Precarious Peace 1 Michael McFaul Domestic Politics in the Making of Russian Foreign Policy I Throughout the his- tory of the modem world, domestic regime change-be it democratization, automatization, decolonization, decommunization, federal dissolution, coups, or revolutions-has often triggered international conflict and war. When a regime changes, decaying institutions from the ancien regime compete with new rules of the game to shape political competition in ambiguous ways. This uncertain context provides opportunities for political actors, both new and old, to pursue new strategies for achieving their objectives, including belligerent policies against both domestic and international foes. In desperation, losers from regime change may resort to violence to maintain their former privileges. Such internal conflicts become international wars when these interest groups who benefited from the old order call upon their allies to intervene on their behalf or strike out against their enemies as a means to shore up their domestic legitimacy. In the name of democracy, independence, the revolution, or the nation, the beneficiaries of regime change also can resort to violence against both domestic and international opponents to secure their new gains. The protracted regime transformation under way in Russia seems like a probable precipitant of international conflict. Over the last decade, old political institutions have collapsed while new democratic institutions have yet to be consolidated. Concurrently, political figures, organizations, and interest groups that benefited from the old Soviet order have incurred heavy losses in the new Russian polity. The new, ambiguous institutional context also has allowed militant, imperialist political entrepreneurs to assume salient roles in Russian politics.
  • NATO Partnerships and the Arab Spring: Achievements and Perspectives for the 2012 Chicago Summit by Isabelle François

    NATO Partnerships and the Arab Spring: Achievements and Perspectives for the 2012 Chicago Summit by Isabelle François

    TRANSATLANTIC PERSPECTIVES 1 NATO Partnerships and the Arab Spring: Achievements and Perspectives for the 2012 Chicago Summit by Isabelle François Center for Transatlantic Security Studies Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Center for Transatlantic Security Studies Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Center for Transatlantic Security Studies (CTSS) serves as a national and international focal point and resource center for multi- disciplinary research on issues relating to transatlantic security. The Center provides recommendations to senior U.S. and inter- national government and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) officials, publishes its research, and conducts a broad range of out- reach activities to inform the broader U.S. national and transatlantic security community. CTSS develops and conducts education and orientation programs for U.S. and allied military officers, government civilians, and interna- tional partners on issues relating to NATO and transatlantic security and defense. In partnership with both U.S. and international govern- ments and with academic and private sector institutions engaged in transatlantic security issues, the Center builds robust and mutually beneficial relationships. Cover: Chicago Skyline from Lake Michigan Photo by Esben Ehrenskjold NATO Partnerships and the Arab Spring: Achievements and Perspectives for the 2012 Chicago Summit NATO Partnerships and the Arab Spring: Achievements and Perspectives for the 2012 Chicago Summit By Isabelle François Center for Transatlantic Security Studies Institute for National Strategic Studies Transatlantic Perspectives, No. 1 National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. December 2011 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government.
  • Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05

    Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05

    CO VERIN G CO N FLICT Reporting on Conflicts in the N orth Caucasus in the Russian M edia N M AY 2008 ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Am w ell Street, London EC1R 1U Q , U nited Kingdom Tel +44 20 7278 9292 · Fax +44 20 7278 7660 · info@ article19.org · http://w w w .article19.org ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media May 2008 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 978-1-906586-01-0 Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 ii i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION A CKN O W LED G EM EN TS This report was researched and written by the Europe Programme of ARTICLE 19. Chapter 6, on ‘International Standards of Freedom of Expression and Conflict Reporting’ was written by Toby Mendel, Director of ARTICLE 19’s Law Programme. Chapter 5, ‘Reporting Conflict: Media Monitoring Results’ was compiled by Natalia Mirimanova, independent conflict resolution and media consultant. The analysis of media monitoring data was carried out by Natalia Mirimanova and Luitgard Hammerer, (formerly) ARTICLE 19 Regional Representative - Europe, CIS.
  • Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda

    Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda

    Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens
  • NATO Summit Warsaw 2016: a Primer

    NATO Summit Warsaw 2016: a Primer

    BRIEFING PAPER Number 7640, 4 July 2016 NATO Summit Warsaw By Louisa Brooke-Holland 2016: a primer Summary The NATO summit in Poland begins on Friday 8 July 2016. The Secretary General of NATO expects it to be a ‘landmark’ summit. NATO faces challenges on two fronts: to the east from Russia and to the south from ongoing conflict in Middle East and North Africa. The Summit will see NATO adopt further measures, building on those made at its previous summit in 2014, to deter Russia from any militarily aggression against its members. This includes the deployment of four multinational battalions to the Baltic States and Poland (one of which will be led by the UK). In addition the summit will discuss how the Alliance address instability in North Africa and the Middle East, including countering Daesh/ISIS and the refugee and migration crisis. This will include a joint statement with the EU. Members are expected to reaffirm the commitment to spend 2% of GDP on defence. Other topics include missile defence and cyberspace as an operational domain. Montenegro will be at the Summit as an observer nation, while it awaits the formalities of joining NATO as the 29th member of the Alliance to be completed. Key information Poland hosts the next summit meeting of NATO heads of state and government in Warsaw on 8-9th July. Decisions are issued in declarations and communiqués throughout the two day summit. The last summit hosted by the UK in Newport in Wales in September 2014. Defence and Foreign Ministers of the 28 members of the Alliance meet regularly between summits.
  • H-Diplo Roundtables, Vol. XIV, No. 28

    H-Diplo Roundtables, Vol. XIV, No. 28

    2013 Roundtable Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane H-Diplo Labrosse Roundtable Web/Production Editor: George Fujii H-Diplo Roundtable Review Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables Volume XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State 22 April 2013 University Northridge Geoffrey Roberts. Molotov: Stalin’s Cold Warrior. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2011. ISBN: 978-1-57488-945-1 (cloth, $29.95). Stable URL: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/Roundtable-XIV-28.pdf Contents Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge ............................... 2 Review by Alexei Filitov, Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences ................ 5 Review by Jonathan Haslam, Cambridge University ................................................................ 8 Review by Jochen Laufer, Potsdamer Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung ...................... 13 Review by Wilfried Loth, University of Duisburg-Essen .......................................................... 18 Author’s Response by Geoffrey Roberts, University College Cork Ireland ............................. 21 Copyright © 2013 H-Net: Humanities and Social Sciences Online. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for non-profit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author(s), web location, date of publication, H-Diplo, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For other uses, contact the H-Diplo editorial staff at [email protected]. H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Vol. XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge emarkably, until recently Joseph Stalin’s closest aide, Vyacheslav Molotov, has rarely been the subject of serious scholarly interest. Geoffrey Roberts was one of the first R to see Molotov’s files.
  • Dramatic Expansion of the Range of the Invasive Ash Pest, Buprestid Beetle Agrilus Planipennis Fairmaire, 1888 (Coleoptera, Buprestidae) in European Russia M

    Dramatic Expansion of the Range of the Invasive Ash Pest, Buprestid Beetle Agrilus Planipennis Fairmaire, 1888 (Coleoptera, Buprestidae) in European Russia M

    ISSN 0013-8738, Entomological Review, 2013, Vol. 93, No. 9, pp. 1121–1128. © Pleiades Publishing, Inc., 2013. Original Russian Text © M.Ja. Orlova-Bienkowskaja, 2013, published in Entomologicheskoe Obozrenie, 2013, Vol. 92, No. 4, pp. 710–715. Dramatic Expansion of the Range of the Invasive Ash Pest, Buprestid Beetle Agrilus planipennis Fairmaire, 1888 (Coleoptera, Buprestidae) in European Russia M. Ja. Orlova-Bienkowskaja A.N. Severtsov Institute of Ecology and Evolution, Moscow, Russia email: [email protected] Received June 23, 2013 Abstract—The emerald ash borer (Agrilus planipennis Fairmaire, 1888) is a dangerous invasive pest of ashes. It was previously believed that in European Russia it occurs only in Moscow, Moscow Province, and in the eastern regions of Smolensk Province. An examination of ash trees in 12 cities of European Russia has revealed a much wider area of the emerald ash borer invasion. The pest was found in Konakovo (Tver Province), Tula, Kaluga, Orel, and Voronezh. We have found that A. planipennis damages not only Fraxinus pennsylvanica (an American species which is commonly planted in cities), but also the aborigine European ash Fraxinus excelsior. Ashes in the European forests and in the protective forest belts are badly endangered. DOI: 10.1134/S0013873813090042 The emerald ash borer Agrilus planipennis Fair- The first foci of A. planipennis in Europe were maire, 1888 is the most dangerous trunk pest of ash- found 10 years ago in Moscow (Izhevskii, 2007; trees. Invasion of this Asian beetle into North America Volkovitsh, 2007; Mozolevskaya, 2007; Shankhiza, has led to killing tens of millions trees (Emerald Ash 2007).