The ‘Folk’ and Modern Narratives UNIT 2 GENDER AND FOLKLORE: CONCEPT AND CHARACTERIZATION

Structure 2.0 Objectives 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Women in patriarchy 2.2.1 Fertility 2.2.2 Chaste wife dedicated to husband 2.2.3 Motherhood 2.3 Women’s tales 2.3.1 Brothers and sisters 2.3.2 Parents and daughters 2.4 Masculinity and characterization of men 2.5 Love and mysticism 2.6 Role reversals and other characterizations 2.6.1 Some well-known characterizations 2.6.2 Mother-deities 2.6.3 Tales of Intermarriage 2.7 Let us sum up 2.8 Activity 2.9 References and further reading 2.10 Glossary 2.11 Check your progress: possible answers 2.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you will be able to: x understand some basic ideas of what constitutes gender; x identify how gender is projected through characterization in folklore; x identify the prescribed image of women and men; x identify the prescribed space, role, and values for women; x see the implicit protest against the above imposition; and x know the reaction of patriarchy against the protest and assertion of individual identity involving gender.

2.1 INTRODUCTION There are many obvious and visible differences between men and women. Starting from biological and physical differences, there are many more differences in the 102 social roles they are supposed to play. Gender refers to this social role demarcation ‘Folk’ Representations by/ and perception of the roles, wishes and desires that men and women take on. of Dalits and Tribals However there may not be a passive acceptance of the roles imposed by society upon individuals. There may be resistance to what is thought appropriate for each gender. The relationship between biological sex and socially constructed gender is multi-layered and complex. Folklore contains many narratives of individuals coming to accept or subvert or openly question the socially gender- appropriate roles prescribed for them. While we hear of Arjuna taking on the role of ‘Brihannala’, a eunuch dance-master in the Mahabharata, during the exile period of the Pandavas, it is our folk literature and culture that is rich in characterization of individuals and heroes who take on gender roles or defy them. If we look for the image of women in our folklore it would seem to arise from many tales of hurt and suffering. Yet, it is no simple single pattern regarding gender which emerges from our folklore. Rather it appears to be a complex picture embracing contraries. Two major gender paradigms can be found across the world and through ages; one is the passive submissive woman who is valorized and the other is the defiant assertive woman who is held in suspicion and awe. The ‘angel in the house’ corresponds to the image of the long-suffering, all-enduring passive woman valorized by the teller and listener. It is the good woman who suffers for most of the narrative span, though she is restored to home and happiness at the end. The good woman is necessarily passive represented by the sleeping princess or a captive rendered immobile, passively waiting to be rescued by some prince or heroic youth. Another common type of the ‘good’ woman is the unquestioning long-suffering type, the wronged woman who never questions the wrongdoer, i.e., the husband or in-laws, and passively endures her lot.

This is one of the most popular images of women, which is loved, adored, and valorized by the folk. We find indeed an extraordinary insistence on the image of the suffering woman. At the centre of many a folktale there is a sad innocent woman who suffers for no fault of her own, but remains unflinching in her loyalty to husband or in-laws. Dakshinaranjan MitraMajumdar’s Thâkurdâdâr Jhuli(Grandpa’s Bag), a collection and faithful transcription of oral narratives still extant in rural Bengal in the late nineteenth century is replete with such images of women. We can try to guess the purpose of such tales, Is it sensitizing the listener to the many sufferings women have to undergo? Or is it aimed at preparing women for the kind of cast they should get fitted in?

The loyal, passive, unquestioning women are rendered immobile within a severely restricted space. Literally speaking, it is just the homestead. Variations on the same image of immobility can be found in various folk forms: x Bârah Mâsa – popular songs in Assam and Eastern India. The unvarying form is a woman lamenting the absence of her husband/beloved/son. x Jat’sar— songs of the mill; jat is wheat-mill; women while grinding wheat sing these songs which are in sad melody: refrain of a jatsar: “The river is deep, and the water flows bottomless. My beloved has gone to the Morang, and my bosom is being cleft asunder” (Grierson)

While the images of women in folklore may evoke feelings of discontent and sorrow, characterizations of men offer explorations of social space in various ways. Self-reliance and valour seem to be the dominant features of folk hero. 103 The ‘Folk’ and Modern Love and mysticism and their relationship with socially defined gender roles Narratives will also be looked at briefly.

2.2 WOMEN IN PATRIARCHY

Under the patriarchal ethos the woman’s cultural space is severely cramped. Women’s folksongs are concerned mostly with rites and ceremonies centering round joyous events such as birth and marriage or sad occasions like bidding farewell to the departing daughter. You can contrast this with menfolk’s songs containing ballads of bravery or philosophical-religious themes of birth-rebirth, detachment from this world, etc. Domesticity is generally considered the only proper field for women. Of course there too they are seen only in relation to the family. The patriarchal ethos that limits the space of women also defines them in terms of roles such as Daughter, Sister, Wife and Mother. Woman is perceived to be of lower status than the male in the domestic structure. In Uttar Pradesh Sohar songs are sung on the occasion of the birth of a son. But these are never sung on the birth of a daughter in the family. The daughter is unwelcome. ‘Pumsavanam’ is a rite observed by women in Kerala in the third month of pregnancy for begetting a male child. Even the lullaby is in tune with the social constructs about gender which have been imposed from infancy. ‘Ghum ay ghum, nishîth nijhum … Khokan âamâr juddhe jâbe lâl ghodâte code Anbe kato taka mohar des bidese ghure. … Khukun amar ajke jabe natun sasur badi, Parbe kato sona dana rang –berang-er sadi…’ (Deb, 125) [While invoking sleep in the deep silent night the singer weaves her images of the future when the boy child will go to war riding red horse, will go out to the big world and return home with treasure, whereas the girl will before long leave for the in-laws’ house, wearing gold ornaments and colourful saris.]

Proverbs in the Kuru region (cited in Arya 88) bear out this phenomenon as follows, “Jis din laado tera janam hua hai, Hui hai bajar ki raat…” (the day the daughter was born a gloom fell upon the parents, it has been difficult to bear since the very first night). “Ladki ka baap kamata hi mar jaa hai” (the daughter’s father can never hope to prosper) is another such folk observation. Women are often punished for no fault of their own. Though being innately chaste like Sita in the Ramayana, they are rejected by their consorts due to some perceived defilement. Dinendrakumar Roy wrote in 1905 about a fair in Trihatta village, by Khadia river, a few miles off Krishnanagar town near a huge temple of Krishnaroy, held in the month of Magh. “Krishnaroy had been without his divine consort since long years. Long ago some miscreants had broken open the temple door and stolen the gold ornaments on her body. It was rumoured that the burglars were not Hindu but Muslims, and therefore outside the jurisdiction of the lord. So he could not punish them. How to give vent to the male anger? The god divorced his consort as she had been touched by Muslims and therefore rendered unholy. Since then the goddess deity, in her dejection, had made the tank near the temple her abode. After this the god had not taken a second wife. 104 We don’t know whether it was due to the lack of a suitable girl or owing to the ‘Folk’ Representations by/ lack of initiative on the part of the priest”(Roy rpt 1992: 160-1). of Dalits and Tribals A greater social rejection and belittlement falls to the lot of the widow. Krappe writes, “…the death of the husband imposed certain observations upon the surviving wife, whilst the death of the wife imposed none whatever upon the surviving husband, so that the latter distinguished himself very little from the rest of the males of the community and no word was needed to designate him especially.”(277) Women were the common repositories of these oral folk narratives. It is possible that the female narrators too internalized the patriarchal ideology and paid a major role in enforcing taboos against women. Women have often been at the receiving end of domestic cruelty. Here is a Patgeeti about ‘Gopalan’ which shows even cattle were held as more precious than women. Barid Baran Ghosh cites the following tale (excerpt no 12), A householder had lost his cattle owing to the lack of adequate care on part of his seven daughters-in-law. The mother-in-law, Neelvati, punishes them with horrifying cruelty which has been apparently upheld by the rural Pat artist, “Nâpit dâkye bouder kesh mudailo. Peter bhunti kete sâr kunde felilo. Gayer rakto kete alipana dilo Byater jiv loye kalar pate thulo Hentor chaki kete go peedim gadailo. Hater angul kete salte banailo. Hadchur gunda niye dhupsite dilo. …. Samsarer madhye ma goru je baro Dhan.” It is a horrifyingly sadistic list of incremental cruelty which includes shearing, wrenching off the navel, bleeding dry, chopping off the tongue, fingers and knee –joints and grinding the bones. There is no censure of the cruelty, rather it is justified. This is perpetrated by another woman who acts on behalf of the patriarchal ideal.

Patriarchy has been scared of the questioning voice of any individual. Hence the abundance of strictures, mockery, belittling of the woman, and resorting to familiar divisive patterns. The woman is responsible for all maladies as can be seen in the following song. Patgeeti: (cited by Barid baran Ghosh): “Rajar pape rajya nasta praja kashta pay Ginnir pape girasta nasta gharer lakshmi ude jay.” The Anti-woman bias is glaringly apparent in customs and rituals. The bulk of superstitions and proverbs carry a core of gender bias. Proverbs in the Kuru region (cited in Arya 1975:68) such as “Joru jor ki, nahin kisi aur ki”, justify and uphold the control of the husband over the wife. “Bavri kya to challe ni, ar jo challe to phir ruke ni”, is another proverb suggesting the foolishness and wrongheaded obstinacy of women. Some proverbs are frankly abusive to the point of offence. 105 The ‘Folk’ and Modern Narratives 2.2.1 Fertility Women’s fertility has traditionally been sought to be controlled and regulated by patriarchal structures. Increasing the population by socially regulated means was the primary emphasis. Therefore fertility in women was upheld and sterility frowned upon. ‘Garbhadhanam’ is a ritual in Kerala observed by women to secure the blessings of God so that they can conceive. A.H.Krappe writes about the belief among European peasants of olden times, “Artificial or … magic means to produce sterility in women are severely condemned; and the failure to have given life to the number of human beings allotted, as is believed, by fate to every woman, is considered a serious crime.”(85) Barrenness was considered a serious blemish upon women and childlessness always blamed upon women. P.C.Roychowdhury cites a Chhati song of Bihar, sung on the occasion of Chhatt festival or brat, held in honour of Sun-God: “A barren lady wanted to observe the Chhat festival. She went to the door of a Goala to fetch cowdung. The Goala’s son became angry when he saw the barren lady and said, ‘O lady, leave my door and go far away because by your shadow my cow will also become barren’. The barren lady prayed to the Sun God with tears in her eyes… ‘My mother-in-law always beats me, sister-in-law also beats me and husband’s brother’s wife also treats me rudely. Besides, my husband also rebukes me quite often…’ By the grace of the Sun God she bears a son and comes to her house. The Sas (mother-in-law), Nanad (husband’s sister) and Gotni (wife of husband’s brother) beg her forgiveness by touching her feet (78-79). Child-bearing is very important; hence so many fertility rituals. Amongst the Totos, a sub-Himalayan tribe, the elders of the community negotiate a marriage, following which the bride comes to live in the prospective husband’s house. The marriage is however solemnized only after the girl gets pregnant. 2.2.2 Chaste wife dedicated to husband Loyalty to the husband on part of the wife is supposed to be a highly desirable value often endowed with a mystic aura. From the well-known tale of Savitri who saves her husband, Satyavan from the lord of death himself to countless narratives of folk heroines, the values of chastity and loyalty are continuously reinforced.

Jhapan and Bhasan songs are sung to appease the snake-goddess around the Medinipore area. According to the folktale, a young bridegroom was killed by snake-bite on the nuptial night. The young bride took the dead body out on the river on a raft and floated up to the heavens to please the gods by her song and dance thus restoring him to life. The Jhapan and Bhasan songs however highlight the sorrow and valorize the loyalty of the miserable bride. Around the middle of the month of Sravan the Vediya women, particularly in the surrounding areas of Katwa, Medinipore, set out carrying the basket of snakes on their head, singing Jhapan gan which glorifies the loyalty of the long-suffering woman: ‘Uthal pathal jal Gangudi kal kal Hangar, bhangar, boal sada mare ghai re Kalar valay beulo sati Dheu-e dheu-e bhesse cale 106 Prane dar lai re’(Deb) There is no such tradition commemorating a husband’s venture to revive his ‘Folk’ Representations by/ snake-bitten wife, barring one single exception. It is the story of Lurik, a popular of Dalits and Tribals hero among the Ahirs in Bihar. Lurik, a poor boy, and Chanain, the daughter of the Raja of the village fell in love and ran away and married with the help of Goddess Durga. Then Chanain dies of snake-bite. “Lurik lit the funeral pyre and sat on it with Chanain in his arms. An unknown power put off the fire which was rekindled to be extinguished again. The gods in heaven trembled at the unusual sight of a husband offering to die in his wife’s funeral pyre. A goddess was sent out to the earth in the shape of an old woman and tried to dissuade Lurik. Finding Lurik adamant she made the snake suck the poison and Chanain revived…”(Roychowdhury 43).

Many customs reinforce the ideal of devotion to the husband and his family. In M.P. it was customary for the wife to show respect and fidelity to her husband by bending down at a distance and touching the earth with her fingers (Guha 1999:56). This is much in the same way as a low caste is to show respect to a Brahmin. In Malwa a wife’s standing in the husband’s family could be indicated by allowing her to have her meal with the other women or by forcing her to have it afterwards (Guha 1999:58) 2.2.3 Motherhood ‘Mother Earth’, ‘Mother Ganga’, “Mother Cow’and ‘Mother goddess’ are terms we are all familiar with. They glorify motherhood as the highest and most prestigious role for women. Even in stories of mammals and reptiles the mother’s love is underscored. Proverbs talk of the Mother’s impartial love—“Betta ho ya betti, maa ko domnon lagen piyaare, Jaan bobaj men phansi hui, mushkil se jaan bachaayi”(Arya 94)—be it a son or daughter, the mother’s affection knows no limits.

A mother’s dedication to her children is another subject of discussion, “Maa pissanhaari bhi pala legi, Baap lakkhpati bhi ni paal sake” (Arya 94)—the poorest mother will look after her kids with better commitment than a millionaire father. A common story type across cultures is the spirit of the dead mother coming back to nurse or look after her child who may have been neglected by the stepmother. Motherhood is celebrated but the mother is held responsible for the performance of the children. The father seemingly has no responsibility, though officially they are only the father’s children. The following proverb from Assam seems to enforce this, “Mati gune viti Mao gune beti” “Mao gune chao Kula gune bao.” “Aas ki baap, niras ki maa”(Arya 94), says another proverb. While the father may favour the achieving son, the mother will support the neglected and failures. However the mother is valorized only as a role, and never as an individual in her own right. Perhaps this is to suggest a kind of compensation for the woman who is otherwise so demeaned, belittled, deprived at every other role.

107 The ‘Folk’ and Modern Narratives Check Your Progress 1 Note: 1) Your answers should be around thirty words each. 2) You may check your answers with the possible answers given at the end of this Unit. 1) What do you understand by the term ‘Gender’? ...... 2) What is the status of women in patriarchy as described above? ......

2.3 WOMEN’S TALES

Within the body of folklore there is a strong current of subversion of patriarchal values. Within the heart of a patriarchal society the folklore often carries a register of femino-centric attitudes, approaches, even protests. These protests were frequently indirect but sometimes direct too. Songs of lamentation by women on various occasions become expressions of sorrow and anger. Marriage brings a sense of dislocation for the girl. Songs sung by women on the festive occasion sound more like helpless lamentation than joy. After the marriage is finalized, women in the bride’s house sing, ‘ Bhulo na bhulo na, mago, bhulo na amare Ke sangsarer majhe ma go, tumi na hoile’ (Deb 26) On the occasion of the daughter’s departure following marriage the mother tearfully imparts to her some last minute wisdom, ‘Jaoar kale ektire katha kanya are kaya dei re tore, Bis khaiya bish hajam kairya , kanya tumi thaiko jamaiyer ghare.’(Deb 20-21) [Before you leave, my daughter, listen to my advice—

Consume poison and absorb it, as you live in your husband’s house…] 108 Similar helpless endurance is highlighted in the marriage songs among the Muslim ‘Folk’ Representations by/ women. As the bridegroom arrives for the marriage the women in the bride’s of Dalits and Tribals house begin to sing inside the haveli or mansion,

“Kamone saibo ma, parar puter jwala re… tar bap-mar jwala re’, a young girl asking her mother as it were, ‘how shall I endure all the maltreatment from a stranger’s son, from his parents?’ the other women reply in chorus, “ Nadir kule ma bat birikshi ache re—Sonar Fatema re! Nadir kule ma , kalmilata ache re—sonar Fatema re! Tara je say ma, bhara Gangar akal re—sonar Fatema re! Tara je say ma, chaid- baithar badi re—sonar Fatema re! Temni soyo ma, tar ma baper jwala re—sonar Fatema re…! (Deb 22) [As the tree and plants by the river endure the terrible assaults of the flood, the rude beatings of the boatmen, so you bear with his parents’ torture, my precious dear!]

The songs of ‘Vida’ or departure such as, “Kaahe ku byaahi bides, re lakhi babul mere… Bhaiyon ku deene mahal dumahale, Ham ku diyo pardes, re…” (Arya 89) where the daughter asks the father, ‘why have you married me off so far away? While you gave palaces and mansions to my brothers, to me you gave banishment in a far off land’, suggest covert interrogation of the system that involves such pain and dislocation for the girl. Dinendrakumar Sarkar cites some common popular songs once sung on the eve of the departure of the daughter following marriage. The women of the neighbourhood would sing in chorus in very sad tunes, parer ghare jao-re kanya, kanya-a-re kayia dyi tor age,/duhkhini jananir katha mago, tomar mane jano thake .(Sarkar 87). The song of ‘the marriage of Surjai Thakur’ used to be sung by women during the month of Magh, at the rite of ‘Maghamandal’. This expresses the sadness of the daughter: Bhanga nao madarer baitha calke othe pani./dhire dhire baore majhi bhai mayer kandan suni.(Sarkar 87) [O boatman, please row your shaggy boat slow /that I can hear my mother’s weeping.] A Chatka song of North Bangal ironically assesses marriage from the bride’s perspective, “With what great expectation I married For a full meal a day. But now I get not even a grain of rice, But thrashing every now and then. My back is bent from constant thrashing. The landlord’s collector comes, And jeeringly asks: How do you enjoy the blessings of marriage?” (Translation, Hemango Biswas)

109 The ‘Folk’ and Modern A Proverb from Goalpara in Assam) says, “Betir kapal ar bandir kapal saman” Narratives or “the daughter has the same chances as a slave woman.”

However women’s tales which can include retelling of puranic stories, retelling of great epic stories from a woman’s point of view, household stories of clever heroines succeeding in their plans and stories where ideas of chastity are mocked and questioned add a greater dimension to folklore. 2.3.1 Brothers and sisters Rabindranath Tagore had compared the following rhyme to Kalidas’s Meghdut, The rain lashes the other bank, Trees get blurred On this side of the bank The cloud gleams with hundred gems O my darling brother, my heart aches (Translation, Rama Kundu) Yet the brother also represents the patriarchal system and Bhai-tikka, Bhaiduj, Bhaiphonta, Tiwhar (in Nepal) are all rituals performed by the sister for the well-being of the brother. However, the brother is also shown as mercilessly enforcing the sister’s departure to her in-laws. Even if the others can soften the brother would not allow her respite. ‘ May dilo bhat-gun capya cupya, khudi dilo benuntuku jhinuk katya. Bap dilo gaviti lafshi lufshi caiya, Khuday dilo kapad joda keni katiya, Bhai dilo jhantar badi, Ja chemdi tor sasurbadi, Amar bhat khaite aicho kya?’ (Deb 134) [Whereas mother helps her with extra ladles of rice, aunt puts in some delicate dish, father lovingly gifts the cow, uncle gifts a pair of sadis, the brother thrashes her the broomstick screaming, ‘Get out damsel, make at once for your in-laws house! How can you think of sponging on me!’] 2.3.2 Parents and daughters It is interesting to note how the parental affection for the daughter seeps through many folksongs in spite of the patriarchal ethos bent on demeaning and sending the daughter to another house at the earliest chance. Folksongs relating to ‘Gahavana’ or final departure of the married daughter to her in-laws’ house are marked by sorrow. K.D.Upadhyaya mentions a song in which at the time of ‘Gahavana’ the father weeps so much that there is flood, the mother weeps so much that darkness descends, the siblings weep so much that their garments get wet, etc.

The goddess of harvest is also seen as young daughter in some cultures. Roy writes, “Tusu happens to be the goddess of corn and bumper harvest. The image 110 looks like a little toy-girl, she wears a crown made of tinsel, her sari is made of ‘Folk’ Representations by/ deep blue or red coloured paper and her hands and neck are adorned with of Dalits and Tribals ornaments of tinsel. The women-folk of Purulia, Bankura, West Burdwan, Midnapore and Southern parts of Birbhum celebrate Tusu worship throughout the month of Paus.”(7)

Tushu songs, sung in winter, Agrahayan and Paush, are supposed to come from the region of the Shushunia Hills of Bankura district in West Bengal. Tushu is a corn-goddess, and the songs are a kind of pleading to the deity for plenty of corn. She is the emblem of agricultural prosperity, Tusu shakes her hair In course of bath, exposing thereby her Golden chain of ripe corns (Roy 8). The deity is also imagined as the dear little girl in the homestead, the daughter figure and addressed as ‘adarer (loved and adored) Tushumoni’. Tushu songs are sung without any musical accompaniment. Again, among the Oraons of Sunderban Tushu festival is held on the last day of Paush. Women sing the songs and in these songs too Tushumoni is envisioned as a little girl living in a poor home. She suffers the same sufferings as her worshippers such as being drenched by rains. She shares their little joys and is even married off. Tushu or Toshla devi or ‘Tush Tushli’, all endearing terms make the goddess seem more like a mortal girl in a poor home than a deity. Women report their intimate sorrows and joys to her. Tusu is also imagined as the dear daughter who can be even abused by her in-laws and who weeps before returning to her in-laws, ‘ … Olo oi nadir dhare Toder tusu kandche lo, olo oi nadir dhare…’ (Deb 50) [listen all, your Tushu is weeping by the river…] In a Tusu brata song among the Santhals of Sunderban we even see a rebellious girl who refuses to return to the in-laws in protest against beating, ‘Adh pai dhaner du pai mudi khaye ja lo sasudi Ar jabo na sasur badi – dhore mare atuk Ak kil maro, du kil maro, tim kil maro saibo na. Baran karo guner deor, tor bhaier ghar korbo na. (Deb 70) Bhadu indicates deification of a real mortal girl, Bhadreswari, the daughter of a king, who died before marriage. During the last weeks of the rainy season, in the month of Bhadra women of Birbhum, Bankura, Bradhaman and Manbhum install a small clay image of ‘Bhadali’ or ‘Bhadu’, and worship it sometimes affectionately like a daughter or lovingly like a mother. These songs reflect the image of a beautiful beloved daughter. At the end of the month of Bhadra the worshippers bring the icon to the river and sing the farewell song which is just like the song of the mother to the newly married departing daughter. ‘Biday dite mon sare na tomare ……… jachho jadi bhadumoni, Kendo nako manomohini, 111 The ‘Folk’ and Modern Ar bacchor thaki jodi Bhadu Narratives Anibo tomare; Ar kendo na , dhairyo dharo— … Ki koribi jetei habe bhadu— bidhatar niyam re.’ (Deb 40-41) A Jhumur song found among the Oraons of Sunderban contain the lamentations of the married daughter, “Nâhi-ârâ Jâbo kâike Cheruâ moi kutâli Seh cheruâ dhân mesâi dilâi Nâhi-ârâ jâi nâi dilâi Bali hâire Sâyâ nâhi-ârâ jâi nâi dilâi Nâhi-ârâ Jâbo kâike Telâ kere lukâi dilâi, haire Nâhi-ârâ jâi nâi dilâ I” (Manish Kumar Raha) [I have pounded chapped –rice/ So that I can go to my father’s house/ But some one has mixed paddy into it./ Alas, I am unable to go there./ I have purchased oil to take to my father’s house /But somebody has hidden that oil,/ Alas, I am not allowedtogothere.] [Translation, Soumen Sen] Check Your Progress: 2 Note: 1) Your answers should be around thirty words each. 2) You may check your answers with the possible answers given at the end of this Unit. 1) Which folk goddesses are visualized as daughters? ......

2.4 MASCULINITY AND THE CHARACTERIZATION OF MEN

Masculinity has traditionally been associated with issues of power, social dominance, leadership, individual quest and martial aggressiveness. Feminity as we have seen in the previous section has been usually associated with passive attitudes such as endurance, sorrow etc. what defines the manly character? Ancient literature is full of tales of men and gods upholding values of self-reliance, 112 ‘Folk’ Representations by/ adventurousness and valour. While heroic figures uphold the right and the just of Dalits and Tribals values and ‘Dharma’ in the Indian context, villainous characters are often portrayed as being unable to control their sexual appetites or scheming and cowardly. The money-lender, miserly landowner, shrewd priest and hypocrite- saint are some popular characterizations of the villain in many folk tales. Hilarious tales of misers and their equally miserly wives are the mainstay of many tales. Folk heroes are often chieftains of small areas fighting valiantly against greater powers due to unjust taxation, encroachment of lands, perceived dishonor or other factors. Whether the folk heroes win or end their exploits in tragedy, they become the objects of folk-worship and folk-cults as they are seen to be upholding values of right against might. Popular ballads of ‘Aadha and Udal’ from Uttar Pradesh and ‘Desingu Raja’ from Tamil Nadu are only two examples of such folk heroes. The kings Vikramaditya and Bhoja who were actual historical personalities have found their way into numerous folktales across the country in various languages and cultures. While Vikramaditya is the archetype of the valorous king, Bhoja is the famed munificent patron with an ever-replenished treasury.

In many tales we hear of the common peasant or poor man who benefits greatly by his wife’s cleverness. In contrast to tales of folk heroes, the poor peasant is usually incapable of initiating any action and relies on others to save him from some doom. In some cases it is his guilelessness that is often rewarded by kind fate as his greedy masters are punished by the same fate in humorous ways. Nevertheless the masculinity of this guileless hero is never in question. Even in tales where the hero is dominated by a shrewish wife, very much in control of the domestic sphere, he manages to retain his masculinity somehow. Many folktales have male characters who though heroic outside fail to win the appreciation of his wife within the home.

Ideal masculine behaviour seems to discourage expressions of love towards the wife or lover. However many contrary instances exist in our literature. The epic hero Rama gives vent to great grief and sorrow upon the abduction of his wife Sita. The Aranya Kanda of the Ramayana contains the great poetic expression of this sorrow. The anger and hurt of Shiva over his wife’s death and his ensuing dance of destruction is too well-known a tale to be repeated here. The folk hero Lorik, an Ahir is also celebrated for the love he bore towards his wife. Indeed in such instances love for the wedded partner is an attribute of Dharma or right behaviour and adds rather than detracts from the masculinity of these heroes. The ordinary hero on the other hand seems to behave sullenly towards his wife. This could be due to the presence of the joint family or the watchful eyes of the mother-in-law which discourage expressions of intimacy between the wedded couple. The husband does not seem to appreciate the wife when alive and on her death seems to casually take another wife. This in turn creates the pattern of the cruel stepmother or the suffering step daughter. In some tales the stepson becomes the object of the stepmother’s desires confounding familial relationships!

Some prominent characterizations of men include the wandering saint, who can turn householder briefly, the young man from an ordinary family out on a heroic quest, the folk hero and his friend on an exploit, the householder who outwits scheming moneylenders and the just king who goes through a period of suffering before reclaiming his power. On the villainous side are the greedy and covetous moneylender, the scheming priest, lustful landowner, hypocritical ascetic forever 113 The ‘Folk’ and Modern seducing young women, the miserly rich man and the sullen husband. In both Narratives the characterizations of men their masculinity is always underscored even where the situation is humorous. Perhaps it is the great mystics and seers of the various Bhakti traditions who made fun of the social constructs of masculinity and feminity as irrelevant and obstacles to the inspired individual.

2.5 LOVE AND MYSTICISM

Both female and male mystics have rejected the imposition of socially gendered roles. While Mahdeviyakka of the Lingayat sect in medieval Karnataka defiantly threw away her clothes and sang her verses to shiva clothed in her own tresses, other saints have pointed out the absurdity of clothing the indestructible soul or self in any gender or social role. Saints have always occupied a prominent role in folklore, as revered seers who are outside society and a part of it at the same time. Great vaishnava mystics have declared all souls to be female and Krishna the Supreme Soul to be the only male. Human love provides a paradigm for divine love in many bhakti traditions, and folk versions of great love-tales are continuous with these traditions. In Sufism, great seers and mystics have penned immortal lyrics celebrating God as the eternal lover and the aspirant soul as the eager bride or expectant lover. The seers significantly composed their lyrics in colloquial idioms and regional languages as opposed to priestly and ritual languages like Sanskrit to reach out to ordinary people. Thus folklore has been continuously enriched by this mystic stream and ordinary feelings are often clothed in the words of these traditions. On a more earthly level, folktales of passionate love or clandestine love which can be bawdy abound in our literature peopled by characters like the adulterous wife, the old go-between and the intrepid lover.

In the Bhaoaia songs of North Bengal, Assam, Rangpur and Dinajpur of Bangladesh, women are at the centre, but always lamenting the absence of lovers who are ever going away. Shame to you buffalo-rider, Oh shame on your misconduct! How do you leave this Beautiful damsel all alone. (Roy 7) At the centre of the ‘Barmahi Geet’ (Song of the twelve months) is the lonely woman whose husband has left for some distant land in search of work or in connection with trade. The woman rendered helplessly passive, fixed, feeling desolate and insecure while the male moves about free in a world strange and unknown to the woman. Baramashya songs, as a rule, underscored the poverty and misery of the folk. Here is a song from Sylhet (now Bangladesh) which brings out the miserable mother’s apprehension about her daughter’s suffering in the husband’s house, In the month of asharh, it rains the whole day, Brings tears for the poor mother, There is no food, not a piece of cloth to wear, What can I send to my daughter’s house? But my daughter’s mother-in-law will not understand 114 And my daughter will be tortured. ‘Folk’ Representations by/ Check Your Progress 3 of Dalits and Tribals Note: 1) Your answers should be around thirty words each. 2) You may check your answers with the possible answers given at the end of this Unit. 4) What are the characterizations of men in folklore? ......

2.6 ROLE REVERSALS AND OTHER CHARACTERIZATIONS

In rare instances the woman is seen successfully performing beyond her prescribed role. Role reversal takes place in quite a few tales in the following ways: i) The sister undertaking the responsibilities of a brother. ii) Daughter undertaking the responsibility of parents. iii) Wife undertaking the responsibility of husband. iv) Mother undertaking the responsibility of the father as well. These tales envision extraordinary situations, following family calamities and/ or loss and social calamities involving banishment/exile of the woman.

In Kerala we have the folklegend of Unniarcha, the sister of Aromal, the young valiant fighter hero in the ballads of Kerala. Panikkar mentions the “many” stories about “the bravery and martial attainments of Unniarcha. Once on her way to participate in a festival atAllimarkkavu with her husband, the couple was attacked by a group of miscreants. She had to fight with them all alone. Her husband was shivering with fear. However, she challenged them and exhibited unusual courage and strength by dealing with eighteen strong men at a time”. Such tales, rare as they are, can be considered a kind of counter-discourse to the prevailing patriarchal discourse about gender. Frequently, while performing the reversed role in exchange of/ in addition to her common role, the woman adapts male disguise. Sometimes, while on such missions, she can be aided by some supernatural agency.

The outside world is tabooed for women, although in extraordinary situations this taboo could be broken. Women were not to take part in hunting which was the domain of male activity. Rather they would prepare the provisions and perform ceremonial rituals on the return of the hunters. However during the Hul (1885) they physically joined the men. While the men did the ambush and wreck women 115 The ‘Folk’ and Modern gathered the plunder. This was proudly recorded in the Santhali ballads on the Narratives event. This can be seen to correspond to the pattern of other regular works of their daily life—like leaves gathering, timber-cutting and harvesting work. The Santhal women were considered real threat by the British administration which came down upon them as heavily as they did on the men. [Guha, Ranjit, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India OUP(India), 1999.] 2.6.1 Some well-known characterizations The Wicked stepmother: The Wicked stepmother and victimization of stepdaughter is a common pattern in many folktales. Among the two stories Panikkar cites from the “rich stock of folktales of Kerala” one is about a poor girl abused and thrown out by her stepmother who goes on to winning the favour of an old woman through her meek service. She returns with reward in the form of a small box full of gold. The jealous stepmother sends her own proud daughter who earns punishment and comes back with a box of serpents which kill both mother and daughter (120). The Satin or co-wife: The Husband’s mother, husband’s sister and ‘satin’ are the three terrors for the married girl. Women were compulsively confined within a narrow world and were made to fight other women competing for authority inside the same small domain. This could lead to frenzy of jealousy. Proverbs such as “Saut to choon ki bi buri ho”, reflect the anguish of compulsive co-wifehood, in which ironically the hatred is channelised against another unfortunate woman instead of the real malady. Demoness: There are many stories of a demoness, or ogress taking over the house in the guise of a human wife and ruining the house. Also the demon wife the rakhsashi or witch wife or the ogress eating up all the inmates, including horses and cattle of the palace is a noticeable pattern. In some tales the witch wife transforms husband into an animal. 2.6.2 Mother deities The ambivalence in the perception of the society regarding women are particularly borne out by the schism in the imagination about mother-deities and the preponderance of angry or fearsome deities who have to be propitiated, though not loved. The mother-deity in the form of a sweet, charming, kind woman or ‘Lakhimi’ the goddess of wealth is a very popular deity. Kamakhya of Assam is perhaps the most famous instance. Some guess that she could have been initially the deity of a matriarchal society, i.e. the ‘khasi’s, for example. Tripura (in Tejpur), herself a virgin deity is associated with ‘kumari puja’ or the worship of a virgin girl. Among other mother deities of Assam can be mentioned Ugratara, Tamreswari, Manasa and Sitala. Tamreswari, Manasa and Sitala are terrible and habitually angry deities who have to be propitiated with praise and offerings. It is guessed that at one time human sacrifices were offered to Tamreswari (in Shadia). 116 During the rituals of ‘Alakshmi puja’, the force of adversity is imagined as a ‘Folk’ Representations by/ woman deity. She is worshipped and then carefully carried out of the house by of Dalits and Tribals some male member to be thrown into the garbage heap. Prior to this the icon is broken by a katari amidst loud hue and cry accompanied by chorus song: ‘Alakshmi keitye alam ma-lamkshmi mathay thakun’ (Deb) In some areas of East Bengal (now Bangladesh), especially in Faridpur district, women of the village used to gather under the oldest Hijal tree in the months of Falgun /Caitra and cite the ritual rhymes. There was no priest in this puja. The puja articles were placed on a broken ‘kula’, including cinder from last night’s oven, dust collected from the rat holes, etc. The burden of the rhyme: ‘Hijal gache diya sada, Panchda magire kar geram chada’ [By shaking the hijal tree drive out the old hag Panchda from the village] (Deb 85) 2.6.3 Tales of intermarriage This is an interesting area offering many a tale of a young girl, being married off to a serpent/tiger/elephant, etc. Krappe, however, suggests the possibility of a connection of the stories of ‘animal bridegroom’ or ‘animal bride’ to the totemic system. But it is possible to consider these as register of some folk memory of some tragedies or the memory of some terrible/ disastrous/anachronistic marriages in which the girl had no choice.

The identity of the animal varies from place to place. The naga (serpent) in Japan and South East Asia and tiger-husband in Assamese folk tales appear to be common patterns. The legend of ‘Hastir kanya’ informs many a mahout song of Bhutan, Goalpara, and other areas of Assam. This is a tale of intermarriage between Jayamala, a Brahmin girl, and the elephant king. Again, Panikkar mentions a ‘tottam’ (a ritual song sung to the accompaniment of beating rhythm on an earthen vessel) which “deals with the story of a girl giving birth to an elephant”(105).

The tribal folktales of Assam and legends of Japan abound in such anecdotes. The tale of ‘Chiasung and Manghan’(Barkataki Story No. 53) is one such typical story in which Chiasung, a girl, falls in love with Manghan, a boy from a distant village, gets married after a brief courtship. Only after coming to the husband’s house she discovers to her terror that they are a family of tigers with their tiger- rituals, and tiger-diet, including human blood.

“The Serpent Suitor” is mentioned by Richard Dorson as one of the most popular of all Japanese tales. Hiroko Ikeda reports ninety-seven versions of the same tale collected from all over Japan besides other instances of “The Snake Husband” or “The Girl as the Bear’s Wife” tales from Korea, China, Formosa.

117 The ‘Folk’ and Modern Narratives Check Your Progress 4 Note: 1) Your answers should be around thirty words each. 2) You may check your answers with the possible answers given at the end of this Unit. 5) What are some well-known characterizations of women as mentioned above? ...... 6) Can you give some instances of intermarriages as discussed above? ......

2.7 LET US SUM UP

Gender is a term that has evolved into meaning much more than the biological sex or the physical attributes of an individual. Both masculinity and feminity are widely accepted to be socially constructed roles which may or may not fit in with the self-perception of an individual. Through history we can see instances where men have taken on feminine behaviour or women have taken on masculine behaviour due to some exigency. This is by no means a comprehensive picture and many areas remain untouched. While the masculine/feminine divide can become irrelevant to mystics and seers, earthly life constantly reinforces these stereotypes. Some common characterizations seem to bear this out. Though this unit has covered only a few aspects of gender and characterization in folklore you can have some idea about the complex projection of gender in our folklore.

2.8 ACTIVITY

Try to read anthologies of folk literature at libraries that you can access. Try to find out tales similar to the patterns you have read about here. Try to understand more about gender through discussions and reference.

118 ‘Folk’ Representations by/ 2.9 REFERENCES AND FURTHER READING of Dalits and Tribals 1) Arya, S.P. A Sociological Study of Folklore, Calcutta: Indian Publications, 1975. 2) Barkataki, S.N. [ed.]. Tribal Folk-Tales of Assam, Gauhati: Publications Board Assam, 1970. 3) Das, Yogesh. Assamer Loksamskriti. New Delhi: NBT India, 1983. 4) Deb, Chittaranjan. Banglar Loksahitye Narir Dan. Calcutta: De Book Store, 1990. 5) Ghosh, Barid Baran, Pat, Patua, Patgeeti. Visvavidyaparicay, May, 1992. 6) Grierson, George A. ‘Some Bihari Folk-Songs’(1884). Folkmusic and Folklore: An 7) Anthology. Vol.1 (ed. Hemanga Biswas, et al). Calcutta: Folkmusic and Folklore Research Institute, 1967. 8) Dorson, Richard M. Folk Legends of Japan. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1962. 9) Handoo, Lalita. ‘Discourse of gender: power and practice’ in Folklore as Discourse. Muthukumaraswamy, M.D.(ed.) . Chennai, National Folklore Support Centre, 2006. 10) Krappe, A.H. The Science of Folklore. (1930). London: Metheun & Co Ltd., 1962. 11) Panikkar, K.N. Folklore of Kerala. NBT, 1991. 12) Roy, Dinendrakumar, ‘Pallibaicitra’(1905) rpt, Loksangsanskrti Gabeshana, Jan-March, 1992 (4:2) 13) Roy, Buddhadev. Folksongs of Bengal. Calcutta: Firma Klm Private Ltd., 1980. 14) Sanders, J. Adaptations and appropriatins. …2006 15) Sarkar, Dinendrakumar. Bibaher Lokacar. Kolkata: Akademy of Folklore, 1980. 16) Sen, Soumen. “Protest—A Major Function of Folklore: The Indian Paradigm”. Folklore Research Journal(I,i), April-June, 1993. 17) Sinha, Maniklal. ‘Folksongs of the South Radh’ in Folkmusic and Folklore: An Anthology, Vol.1 (ed. Hemanga Biswas, et al). Calcutta: Folkmusic and Folklore Research Institute, 1967. 18) Translations from non –English sources have been done by the present writer, where any other translator has not been mentioned. 2.10 GLOSSARY 1) Characterization: projection of certain qualities peculiar to a character in a story. 2) Pradigm: a model or format or structure on which others can be based.

119 The ‘Folk’ and Modern 3) Patriarchy: a system of government and social power with males at the Narratives lead. It refers to values which endorse the control of men over the social sphere and line of descent through men which governs family structures. 4) Lamentation: cries or songs of sorrow. 5) Masculinity: socially accepted and desired characteristics of men. 6) Mysticism: a method where the individual seeks self-realization or unity with godhead and enforces ideals of love and brotherhood.

2.11 CHECKYOUR PROGRESS: POSSIBLEANSWERS 1) Gender refers to the socially demarcated or socially constructed role that men and women are supposed to play. This concept is much wider than the biological sex of the individual and obvious physical differences. The relationship of the individual with his/her socially defined gender role is also part of this concept. 2) The cultural and social space of women becomes cramped under patriarchy as they are generally located in the domestic space and always seen in relation to their male counterparts as wives, mothers, daughters, sisters etc. Chastity, dedication to the husband and fertility regulated by marriage are some of the features thought to be the crux of this system. 3) Tushu or the corn-Goddess is popularly visualized as a daughter by the women of some districts of West Bengal. She shares in the ordinary joys and sorrows of the people. Bhadu is another goddess of the people worshipped in the same districts. 4) Popular characterizations of men in folktales include the wandering saint, the young man out on a quest and the folk hero on a martial exploit. The miserly and greedy moneylender, the lustful landowner and the hypocritical ascetic are some negative characterizations. 5) The wicked stepmother and her proud daughter, the Satin or co-wife and the demoness-wife are some other characterizations as mentioned in this unit. 6) Tales of young girls being married off to animal-bridegrooms are the intermarriages mentioned here. While the naga or snake bridegroom tales are popular in Japan tales of the tiger-bridegroom or the elephant-bridegroom abound in other parts of South Asia.

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