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The Crisis of Bengali Gentility in Calcutta Benoy Ghose The social scale and the paraphernalia of gentility are all rapidly and constantly changing, and it is becoming increasingly difficult for different income-groups of the Bengali middle-classes to keep pace with that change, particularly in urban centres like Calcutta. Bengali gentility is facing a really critical situation. And it has been made worse by the heavier influx of non- in search of employment and almost impossible by the arrival of lakhs of Bengalis from who are largely concentrated in and around Calcutta. The concept of gentility moreover, is no less psychological than economic. And as the frontier of is changing and its scale is ascending, the struggle for climbing up to it and for preserving the status quo as well is becoming keener day by day. The crisis of Bengali gentility is therefore not only economic. It is a social and psychological crisis also, with all its ramifying consequences. The author is a well known writer in Bengali, and his recent study on the culture of West following his earlier survey of Bengal villages and towns, cultural and economic, is a pioneer work in the field bf Bengali letters.

IT Is very difficult to locate , the access to the status of gentility. These are, more or less, material concept of "gentility" in a parti- The stigma of 'upstartism' is rubbed criteria of gentility, in so far as culair social sphere because it covers out in a generation or two, and the they are directly or Indirectly asso­ many, vague concepts.' The term descendants of the so-called 'igno­ ciated with the gaining of material "gentleman" however is purely Eng­ ble' upstarts become perfectly noble or economic status. There are some lish and it has been taken over and honorable gentlemen. non-material criteria also. For cen­ unchanged in other languages. The The Theory of 'Gentility' turies the western world has been complex of notions associated with there is another important point assiduously cultivating the theory 'gentility' belongs to all historic for considerate in the theory of and art of manners and polite lan­ times and peoples, the sentiments gentleman. No procession or work guage In connection with gentility. expressed therein varying in inten­ is genteel when it is practised Then the problem of dress is also sity and relative Importance. With 'menially' or 'manually.' This has there. Moralists have contended the increasing democratisation and been elaborated by Veblen in his that 'clothes do not make the man' 'de-distantiation' of different social Theory of the Leisure Class and is But Shakespeare was a greater rea­ strata, gentility is tending more to well-known to students of sociology. list than the moralists when he said, be identified with some ethical and The sentiments associated with "Apparel oft proclaims the man". cultural values. 'Gentle' itself de­ occupation are very violent and At least It proclaim a 'gentleman'. rives from the Latin gens, the geni­ Increase in intensity in earlier And dress, therefore, Is an impor­ tive gentis meaning family or historical periods. All through his­ tant Item in the paraphernalia of breeding. The gentleman, therefore, torical times menial labour has been gentility. It has an economic basis must be well-born, and once a gen­ a bar to gentility, and, with few also. tleman one is always a gentleman. and transitory exceptions, manual The Genesis of Bengali Gentility This point Is reluctantly conceded labour also. Saint-Simon relates This broad enumeration of the by Henry Peacham, one of the ear­ that the nobles of Louis XIV in criteria of gentility is necessary be­ liest theorists of gentility (The camp before Lille preferred to go cause they are applicable to Bengali Compleat Gentleman, 1622. Ed by hungry rather than lift bags of rice gentility also, 'Bengalis are histori­ G S Gordon, Oxford, 1906), who from their wagons. cally and inseparably associated laments that drinking, swearing Salaried pecupationg for historical with gentility in , particularly and whore-mongering were no bar reasons are more genteel than free in modern India. Bengalis outside to gentility at the English court. professions. Writers and artists Bengal are commonly called 'Ban- This concept of birth was once have had to overcome this barrier galee Baboos'. The origin of Ben­ very important but it began to lose to gain admission to gentility. The gali gentility goes back to the early fast its importance as a criterion of taboo on gainful employment is period of British rule, The modern gentility in modern capitalist and best exemplified in discriminations Bengali 'baboos' or gentlemen em­ democratic society. Wealth had against merchants. Merchants were erged some time in the last quarter been an historically important at­ completely barred from the feudal of the eighteenth century as banlas, tribute of gentility, but by itself it and ancient nobility. In modern mutsuddls and dalals or agents of did not confer gentility. Those who capitalist democracies there is an E. I. Company's merchants and raise themselves only by riches are increasing tendency to regard 'Interlopers' and as munshis, de- slighted as 'upstarts' by the gentle­ wealth accruing from successful wunn or sarkars of English admi­ men of Society. Yet, as It is impos­ business enterprises as an achieve­ nistrators. sible in modern society to maintain ment And achievement, distinguish­ The story of their evolution, quite the ever-Increasing paraphernalia ed ability and notable public service a long one, need not be told here. of gentility without money or wealth have ever been royal roads to the That is not relevant to our Imme­ it assumes a positive importance as acquisition of gentility. In modern diate theme. What is relevant is a criterion of gentility today. Those society literature and the arts are that most of the ancestors of the who can master the art of acquir­ roads to gentility or the basis of old Bengali genteel families were ing money can also easily gain this 'achievement1 principle. 'upstarts' in the light of the 'birth' 821

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY July 6, 1957 and estate' criteria and that they the chance of. rising and falling a of income-tax revenue on a provin­ had no great difficulty in acquiring treat distance in the vertical direc­ cial basis have not been attempted. the status of gentility by mastering tion was then much less In a slowly All-India returns, however indi­ the art of money-making. The so­ changing society than it is today cate that between 1938-39 and cial 'elevators' in the new urban amidst complete social fluidity. The 1048-49, incomes of Rs 100,000 and milieu of Calcutta were definitely social scale and the paraphernalia over increased by 562%; incomes be­ changing by the beginning of the of gentility are all rapidly and con­ tween Rs 50,000 and Rs 100,000 in­ nineteenth century, and the criterion stantly changing, and it is becoming creased by 451%, between Rs 25,000 of 'achievement' in wealth and edu­ increasingly difficult for different and Rs 50,000 by 270%, between cation was gaining strength. As income groups of the Bengali mid­ Rs 15,000 and Rs 25,000 by 234%, the scope for-education and money- dle-classes to keep pace with that between Rs 10,000 and Rs 15,000 by making was greater in Calcutta in change, particularly In urban cen­ 228%, between Rs 5.OOO and Rs early British days, the accession to tres like Calcutta. Bengali gentility 10,000 by 205%, and Incomes up to the middle classes was also greater is facing a really critical situation. Rs 5,000 by 143% ('How Indian in­ In Bengal. The problem of middle- And it has been made worse by the come groups changed since 1938-39' class gentility has, there fore, acquir­ heavier influx of persona from pro­ -Employers Association of Cal­ ed a unique historic Importance In vinces outside Bengal in search of cutta). Though the greatest acces­ . gainful employment and occupation sion Is in the top group, it .should Post-War Changes in Calcutta, and of several lakhs be noted that the increases in the of Bengali refugees from East various groups must have been due What was historically Important Pakistan, largely, concentrated in to the push-and-pull process of in the nineteenth century is now and around Calcutta. They have gradual polarisation during the becoming an increasingly complex made the situation almost 'impass­ period. Obviously such Incornc- socio-economic and cultural problem 4 able'. changes occurred in Calcutta also in the mid-twentieth century. among different groups of' Bengali Though the middle-classes had been The economic competition is be­ middle-classes. Quite a segment of both horizontally and vertically ex­ coming harder day by day for Ben­ them was pushed upwards although panding for well over a century in galis in Bengal and at the hub of a larger segment was pushed down­ Bengal, the contours of Bengali so­ it, in the city of Calcutta, the Ben- wards. In this tension, it was but ciety were more or less clear and gall middle-classes are being pushed natural that the standard of in­ well-defined till the beginning of the through the borderline of gentility come of Bengali gentility should second World War in 1939. Of towards the working-classes. Even shift upward , resulting in the bit­ course, the new urban social mobi­ there the competition is formidable, ter struggle for those who were lity, generated by various socio­ perhaps more formidable than what being constantly pulled down. economic forces, was resulting in it is in the wide arena of diverse ever-shifting social stratification middle-class occupations. Middle- The report of an enquiry into the and promotion and demotion of class gentility, moreover, is no less family budgets of middle-class em­ classes In Calcutta, that is, in Ben­ a psychological than an economic ployees of the Central Government conducted in 1946 revealed that gali society. But the speed of ver­ factor. And as the frontier of employees living In the cities of tical mobility in the urban society gentility is changing and its scale Bombay, Calcutta, Delhi and of Calcutta wag much less in pre- is ascending, the struggle for climb­ Madras were running deficit budgets 1939 days than it was in the war ing up to it and for preserving the as usual. The income and expendi­ years and than it still is in the post­ status quo as well is becoming ture were not balancing and the war years. keener day by day. The crisis of deficit was varying from Rs 15-7 per Bengali gentility is therefore not The reason is that all the chan­ family in Delhi, Rs 3.1-2 In Madras only economic. It has social and nels of vertical circulation of indi­ and Rs 41-6 in Bombay to Rs 46-5 viduals in Calcutta society were psychological crisis also, with all in Calcutta (Para xii of the Re­ almost fixed for long range social its ramifying consequences. port, 1049). This report also re­ equilibrium in the 1920s and 1930's. Economic Status vealed that a large majority of The prices were more or less stable, Let us now measure up the actual these middle-class families had to and incomes and income groups also depth of the crisis by some available incur debt and the extent of indebt­ were stable. The pattern of con­ facts and figures. Since 1939-40, edness in terms of the percentage sumption, expenditure and the range war-financing and other economic of families was 40 in Delhi, 64 in of satisfactions of the Bengali mid­ factory have brought about signi­ Bombay, 68 in Madras, and 76 In dle-classes were more or less uni­ ficant shifts in the income-groups Calcutta (Table xxxi of the Report). form over a fairly long period. The with their resultant repercussions It is evident that the struggle of classical laws of Diminishing Re­ on the social structure. Calcutta the middle-classes was keenest in turns .and Marginal Utility were being one of the most important Calcutta and the Bengali middle- still operating 'immutably' over a centres of these income-changes, classes, in particular, were seriously timited range of middle-class con­ they had their due effects on affected by it. This is also one of sumption-units, and problems of the socio-economic structure of Ben­ the most important reasons why substituticility and the shifting or gal. These changes can best be 'trade unionism' developed among sluding of satisfactions were not illustrated by reference to national middle-class employees all over present to create complications In income statistics and statistics re­ the concept of gentility. India in war-time and the post-war lating to social accounting. The years and why Calcutta became one These were the golden days of required data are not available for of its storm-centres. Possibly the Bengali gentility, in the sense that this period. Even limited studies Bengali middle-classes took the most

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY July 6, 1957 active part in the movement, and as in the economic pressure. But It with relevant facts from Bengali the findings of "the Government;! noticeable that the decline is not middle-class budgets of today and Enquiry committees showed, they au sharp as in the case of all compare them with those of twenty had ample reason for doing so. women, in whose case the percent­ or thirty years ago. Unfortunately In the Struggle for Jobs age declined from 63.0 in the In­ no such data are available, because This is one side of the picture, come-group of Rs 150 to 23,4 in the no survey or enquiry about middle- possibly less grim than the other. income group of above Rs 700, classes, as far as I know has been Almost all income-groups of the whereas in the case of unmarried made till now in Bengal or in any Bengali middle-classes are facing girls, the percentage declined from other part of India, from the point 'unequal' and, in some cases, un­ 63.9 to 33.3. of view of this change in the con­ just' competition in their own capit­ This probably indicates that the cept of living. Hence I have no al­ al. Calcutta, with others hailing reasons for desire for gainful em­ ternative but to speak from close from other parts of India, In quest ployment amongst these unmarried observation of the social life and of jobs and business. This has been girls are not entirely economic". behaviour of Bengali middle classes high lighted in a survey of unem­ (Survey of Unemployment in West In Calcutta. As we are concerned ployment, conducted by the State Bengal. 1953, Part III, p 6). This here mainly with the prevailing Statistical Bureau of the Govern­ is an important observation, though social trend, it is hoped that there ment of in 1953. Ac­ its sociological significance has not will be no wide discrepancy between cording to this Report, among the been brought out in the Report for the results of such observation and total, middle-class family units of not being within Its defined scope. statistical surveys. Calcutta the Bengalis constitute as It is one of the most Important Changing Pattern of Expenditure much as 77.8% as against 11.6% trends In the middle-class Bengali Hindustani-speaking. What, is signi­ society of Calcutta,, having direct The middle-class pattern of ex­ ficant is that these 77,8% Bengali relation to the problem of gentility. penditure has been changing since middle-class families contribute We shall come to this later. war-years all over India, particular­ 90.7% towards unemployment while The Nature of the Problem ly at all important urban centres, the 11.6% Hindustani-speaking owing mainly to significant shifts families contribute 4.7%, and 4.4% The foregoing facts, though not In the incomes of different groups other Indian families 2.2%, 1.0% adequate, indicate that some im­ of middle-classes. Calcutta is one South Indian families 0.5%. Includ­ portant forces are operating in the of those important centres where Bengali middle-class sector In Cal­ ing all classes and speaking appro­ the Bengali middle-classes are cutta, creating new problems for ximately, Bengalis have 20% less chief actors on the changing social different income-groups within it employment than the average, stage. Not only are changing incom­ and pressing for new ways and Hindustanis 35% more than the means for their solution. The forc­ es economically reflected in the average, South Indians 20% more es are primarily economic, but their pattern of expenditure, but the and other Indians 10% more. In secondary non-economic consequenc­ changing concept of living and the case of the middle-classes, while es are far-reaching. The ascending gentility also Is forcibly shaping it, the Bengalis have about 5% less income-groups have been constant­ For example, the average rent of employment than the average, the ly raising their standards of domes­ middle-class residential houses in Hindustanis have 35% more, South tic expenditure, introducing new Calcutta has increased by about Indians 35% more, and other Indians items into their family budgets and 100% while the average desire for 28% more than the average, new elements Into their pattern and living in a standard good house Another important factor is that concept of living, thereby altering has also become widespread. In of the total number of 20.2 thous­ the traditional cone , ' of gentility pre-war days a middle class family and women seeking employment in also. IT the items of expenditure of the Rs 3000 5000 (annual) in­ Calcutta, as many as 16.2 thousand of these* income-groups are com­ come-group could not think of pay­ are Bengalis; and the majority of pared with those of similar groups ing a monthly rent of Rs 75-100, them belong to middle-class families. in the 1930's and 1920's it will be which a large number of families In the case of other language- found that a large number of them of this Income-group do pay today, groups, most of the women employ­ have acquired new 'meaning' and chiefly because a good house is as ment-seekers belong to the working 'Importance'. Such items as rent, essential an item of good living to­ classes. The middle-class female furniture, domestic assistance, dress, day as good diet. The standard of population in Calcutta and the five diet, landering, social and person­ housing is directly related to the adjacent towns of . Be- al recreation, holidaying, expendi­ concept of living. A 'drawing hala, Baranagar, South Dum Dum ture on children, education, medical room' for visitors and a separate and. City is about 775.4 relief, which constitute the tradi­ room for adolescent boys and girls thousand, of whom 681.3 thousand tional middle-class pattern of ex­ were not needed by the average are Bengalis. Among the Bengalis penditure, are there today as they middle-class family in pre-war clays were before, but their meaning and again, 189.5 thousand Bengali because parents or heads' did not importance have changed with the women are middle-class refugees feel the necessity for having them change in the concept of living (about 28%). About the desire for for good living. That need is felt Itself. some sort of employment among today by 'educated' middle-class these middle-class women the Re­ This change in the concept of families, not necessarily because port says: "It shows that, general­ living is a social face of outstanding they are having increased Incomes ly speaking, the desire for some Importance. It would have been but chiefly because of their new gainful occupation largely depends better if I could Illistrate my point outlook. 825 July 6, 1957

The rate of change differs at Inevitably giving a sharper edge different levels of society, in pro­ economic struggle because what scope and patroage and also lack portion to the consciousness and ever may be the importance of the of the patience necessary to sur­ desire for that change. This con­ non-material criteria of gentility, vive excessive compatition in those sciousness and desire are greater in there must he an adequate econo­ fields. They are, therefore, falling all middle-class strata, irrespective mic base for the social operation of back more and more on 'salaried of their income-variations, because the concept. This Is the reason services'—a field already overcrow­ it Is traditionally associated with why the desire for gainful employ­ ded where, as the Unemployment the 'sense' of gentility swaying the ment among unmarried middle-class Surveys showed, they are not fairly middle classes. It has, therefore, a Bengali girls is not 'entirely econo­ represented in Calcutta. Grievan­ tendency of vertical diffusion among mic', as has been observed in the ces, mixed with a sense of frustra­ different middle-class Income-groups, Unemployment Survey Report of tion, are therefore daily mounting creating strong psychological com­ West Bengal Government previous­ among them and leading, there plexes of inferiority in the lower ly mentioned. It would be more almost irresistibly, towards (the groups and resulting In increased correct to say that the desire though political left. With the illusion of, efforts for climbing upward. That not 'apparently' economic, is 'en­ gentility vanishing before them, is why a Bengali middle-class tirely' economic In reality. The they are increasingly feeling the family in Calcutta, having an aver­ mystery dissolves when the 'econo­ need of an alliance with the work­ age monthly income of Rs 300, is mic' concept of the statistician is ing classes in realising their econo­ seen sometimes paying with much supplemented by the 'gentility' con­ mic demands. difficulty a monthly rent of Rs 75 cept of the sociologist and the lat­ But the tradition of gentility is and bearing an average cost of ter is accepted as a social reality. very hoary in Bengal and it is very Rs 25 for the 'best possible' educa­ Not only unmarried girls, but quite difficult for the Bengali middle- tion for a child in standard schools. a large number of married women classes to shake off that tradition also are seeking gainful employment The attitude to diet and dress also and merge themselves with the. today among Bengali middle-class is perceptibly changing among the working classes. They are, there­ families in Calcutta in order to Bengali middle classes in Calcutta. fore, found to swing from right to keep up this changing" standard of Dress costs more not only because centre and to left in the political gentility. The desire for gainful department-und-chain stores are fleld at suprisingly short intervals. employment among unmarried introducing ever-new fashions and It appears from their social and girls may also partly be due to styles and advertising them success­ political behaviour that greater their growing consciousness of eco­ fully to seduce their 'patrons', but truth lies in their struggle for hold­ nomic freedom, a consciousness of also because Calcutta is increasing­ ing on to the changing status of extreme social importance, not al­ ly becoming a national (in an all- gentility and standard of living ways adequately reflected in econo­ India sense) and international stage | than for realising any ideological mic statistics. for the exhibition of dress and be- dream or political millennium. In Another important fact, worth cause Bengalis are swayed easily that struggle for gaining and main­ mentioning in this connection, is by new attractions. Diet is chang­ taining the status of gentility, the that the so-called 'proper' time to ing because Its scientific nutritional Bengali middle-classes have survived value is now a subject for study in marry is also changing mainly many shocks and shifts since the 'domestic science' and 'hygtene' in owing to the constantly expanding early nineteenth century, but none girls' schools: and naturally when expenditure of the married and so grim and frightful like today's. these school-girls become wives and single alike. The unmarried are As the ever-widening horizon of mothers, they try not only to 'bal­ faced with the possibility of losing middle class gentility is daily re­ ance the budget' but also to 'bal­ their status of gentility if they do ceding before them, they are in­ ance the diet even tending to up­ not conform, in a period of ever- tensifying their desperate struggle set the former balance. increasing expenses, to » rising on all fronts by all possible means standard of living. The notion of to reach that horizon. Social and personal recreation 'immorality' of marrying without and holidaying are also being listed the 'means' of supporting the fami­ in middle-class budgets as regular ly is shifting the 'proper' time to Items of expenditure. because the marry to an ever-advancing age. new concept of gentility demands resulting in late marriages and in them as stub. Above everything, many cases, to forced celibacy. what is called the 'cost of children' This is creating serious complica­ has of late been enormously ex­ tions in the Bengali middle-class panding because of the growing society today, which are also not consciousness among middle-class adequately reflected in statistical -parents that In the rearing of surveys. children their status of gentility Is ultimately reflected. The economic struggle of Ben­ gali middle-classes is becoming har­ The New Reality der day by day in the city of Cal­ The changing concept of gentility, cutta for various reasons enumera­ is. therefore, a new reality which ted before. Members of the classes the Bengali middle-classes are are being elbowed out of many In­ facing in Calcutta today. It is dependent flelds of economic acti-

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