2. Palaeolithic India and Human Dispersal

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2. Palaeolithic India and Human Dispersal Palaeolithic lndia and Human Dispersal D.K.BHATTACHARYA 6BSTRECT Studies of Palaeolithic evidences from lndia are numerous but most of these are based on surface collection. So, for a majority of sites, technological analysis or demonstrating internal evolution is not possible. A brief survey has been done to show the three basic periods through which these studies progress. lt is also shown that lndian archaeology till date remains more or less Descrptive and one has to still wait for an Analytical phase to emerge. Human evolution within lndia cannot be traced through hard evidence because of an almgst total absence of fossils. Yet one cannot deny on the basis of the archaeological evidences that lndia not only acted as the corridor of human migration to south-east Asia, but also had intensive human occupation at a time much before any other place in the Old World. CONTENTS l.INTRODUC丁 10N 2.CHRONOLOGY 3 THE FORMATiVE PER10D 4 THE DESCRIPTIVE PER10D 5.丁 HE ANALYTICAL PER10D 6.`OUT OF AFRICバ MODEL 7.CONCLUS10N I. INTROOUCTION Cfh" rise and development of studies on Palaeolithic archaeology in India can be viewed as having I passed through three stage s - Formative, Descriptive and Analytical. The Formative stage sees L,/ ttre exploration of virgin forests and hills leading to the discovery of stray antiquities from these regions. Since these discoveries were made immediately after Charles Darwin's theory of evolution became popular in the West, these antiquities were taken to be evidences of the presence of Prehistoric man in India and the extent of their expansion. 69 ANCIEN'I'INDIA, NEW SERIES, NO.1 Antiquities in themselves or their context were issues that started getting greater attention only after the rise of archaeological studies by the Lubbockian school (:1865). Naturally issues of chronology during this period also were dealt within a summarized manner. The attempt of V. Commont (1910) to connect the Somme alluvial deposits with Pleistocene inter-glacials in France brought about a change in the direction of enquiries in Indian prehistory. Cammiade and Burkitt (1930) attempt a typological classification. of Palaeoliths collected from the Ifuishna basin. They also ascribe their defined classes of took; to past climatic cycles with an aim to allude to their chronological status. It is interesting to observe that these works attempt to arrive at a statement on a macro-level, although the database lbr doing the same stems from the micro or regional level. In this maner, the development pattern of Indian Palaeolithic archaeology almost mirrors similar atrempts in England and France. The biggest flaw in this kind of generalization is that while England and France do not show much of inner climatic variation one could take a stand of extending a regional fearure to be representative of national picture. However, this would not be a viable option in India where climatic variation is much more diverse than it is in Europe. z. cinomolocy The lack of a general chronological framework for the entire country on the one hand and the possibility of looking for regionai character on the other were the rw6 issues that emerged as major areas of concern in the Formative stage. The Yale-cambridge expedition (79g6-7939) arrived with the specific agenda of constructing a Pleistocene chronomerer for India (de Terra and Paterson 1939) . This team concentrated on the Potwar plateau, which 1,vas a lacustrine formation in the north-wesr Punjab region. This was uplifted during Pliocene in the Tertiary period and was.subsequently desiccated by river Sohan - an effluent of the river Sutlej. This is the first time a river terrace structure was rried to be correlated with glacial and interglacial evenrs in the Himalayas, which were assumed as being coeval with the same in the Alps. This chronomerer was further extended to the alluvial cycles of Narmada in central India. Again the basic assumPtion that acted as the guideline was thar pluviation or higher rainfall occurs in the tropical belt exactly when the glaciations occur in the Himalayas. Three series gravel of were identified in the Narmada and these were taken as coeval with three terraces in the Sohan. Pleistocene period was identified through these three gravels which were taken as representing the last three glaciations in the Aips. Consequently no specific alluvial deposits were counted for the first glaciation or Lower pleistocene in Indian chronology. (1950) Zeuner surveyed the rivers in Gujarat and claimed that he could identify only two alluvial deposits representing wet cycle and not three gravels as claimed by de Terra and paterson. Subbarao (1958) provided an English translation of Zeuner's (1953:54) larer publication in German.l Gregory Possehl (797\) subsequently opined that probably all the gravels in Indian rivers belong to upper Pleistocene, because these gravels have not been supported by corresponding 70 PALAEOLittHIC iND!AAND H∪ MAN DiSPERSAL marker fossils. This was 'Jre final blow on the practice of river deposits being taken as a means of creating Pleistocene calendar without looking for marker fauna or proper palaeontological analysis. 3. THE FORMATIUE PERIOD The number of antiquities collected tiii about 1950 is really very impressive. Although there was no standard methodology used for reporting these, the range of their varieties - both in core tools and flake tools remain exemplary. Most archaeological delineations concentrated on rreating Lower Palaeoliths in great detail while both Middle Palaeoliths as also Upper Palaeoliths seldom get much attention. Such terms as 'round pebble' or 'pointed pebble' were common in archaeological descriptions. At times some terms used in French or British archaeology would also be used to identify Indian finds, without exercising any standard attribute considerations. getting referred as The antiquities collected from the Potwar region soon started . to belonging to Sohanian tradition. Semantically, this referred to a continuous occurrence of pebble tools and flakes for the entire Pleistocene period. Thus, lirde attempt was necessary to seek the status of Middle and Upper palaeolithic separately within this term. The Sohanian tradition continued to be taken as just Palaeolithic sensulato. Movius (1948) further extended this Sohanian concept by suggesting that if a line can be the region drawn between potwar and Burma, one can observe that no handaxes or bifaces occur in lying north and norrh-east of this line. Soon researchers started referring to this concept as the ,Movius line' concept. The present evidences, however, suggest that bifaces in this zone are not other parts of altogether absent, although one has to admit that they are not as prolific as in Europe or Mohapatra India. Hou et al. (2000) documented some handaxes from the Bose basin in south China. in (1981 and lgBT), in fact, not oniy demonstrates Acheulian bifaces in the Sohanian homeland with the western sub-Himalayan region but even deliberates over the relationship of Sohanian Acheuiian (Mohapatra 7997). (ASI) the ln 1947, V. D. Krishnaswami of the fuchaeological Survey of India described Tamil rich palaeolithic material discovered by him from the boulder beds of Kortalayar river in of both the Nadu. This publication (Krishnaswami 1947) shows a detailed and rigorous treatment fabrication techniques chronoiogical context as weli as the archaeological contents. varieties of stone Iftishnaswami of biface manufacrure, first defined in east Africa, were identified in this industry. a continuous also attempts to show a vertical evolution of these bifaces, in order to establish them as tradition. He named this tradition as Madrasian' The nationalistic fervour of Indian's independence in 1947 made Ikishnaswami avoid in the name Acheulian which was then being used in Europe' By this time, both Clactonian Europe England and Markkleebergian in Germany had demonstrated that some zones within other areas where are without bifaces and contain only flake and pebble tools, while there are of handaxes and cleavers occur. This led to a kind of bipolar dialecticism in the understanding Palaeolithic metamorphosis in the West. 71 ANCiENT IND:A,NEW SERIES,NO.1 IGishnaswami's claim that pebble tools are absent in Kortalayar valley helped in usheting this dialecticism in Indian archaeology as well. Thus, the Formative period ended by suggesting that the Lower Palaeolithic in India demonstrates rwo distinct 'traditions'. These are conveniently named the Sohanian and Madrasian traditions.2 The mutually exclusive character of these two traditions starred getting indirect support when Graham Clark (1968) suggested terms like Mode I, II, etc., to designate techno-complexes without any indication of them being used to enunciate cultural traditions. In European context, one can visualize these techno-complexes as representing traditions but the mutually exclusive nature of these modes is not demonstrated in the Indian context. 4. THE DESCRIPTIUE PERIOD The Descriptive period of Indian Palaeolithic archaeology started with H. D. Sankalia when he wrote the article: 'In Search of Early Man aiong the Sabarmati' published in 7942. For the next 14 years till 1956, he reported a number of Prehistoric evidences from Gujarat and Maharashtra. Prehistoric context of Gujarat was sought from river valley surveys and the Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic and subsequent metal ages were documented in a persistent quest to reconstruct the prehistory of the region. In 1956, one of his students, B. Subbarao published a book on Prehistoric archaeology of India but chose to cali it The Personaliqr of India after the book titled Personality of Britain written by Cyril Fox in 7932. In fact, Subbarao deserves to be counted as heralding a post Descriptive phase occurring several decades before it can actually be seen in the research publications. Sankalia laid the groundwork and initiated a large number of students to survey all possible corners of India so that in due course of time, the archaeological map of India could be completed.
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