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Totalitarian Communication Kirill Postoutenko (ed.) Totalitarian Communication Kirill Postoutenko (ed.) Totalitarian Communication. Hierarchies, Codes and Messages Gedruckt mit der Unterstützung des Deutschen Historischen Institut (Moskau) und des Exzellenzclusters 16 ›Kulturelle Grunlagen von Integration‹ (Universität Konstanz) Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deut- sche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de © 2010 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or repro- duced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopy- ing and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Cover layout: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Proofread by Kirill Postoutenko Typeset by Nils Meise Printed by Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar ISBN 978-3-8376-1393-3 Distributed in North America by Transaction Publishers Tel.: (732) 445-2280 Rutgers University Fax: (732) 445-3138 35 Berrue Circle for orders (U.S. only): Piscataway, NJ 08854 toll free 888-999-6778 CONTENTS Acknowledgments 9 Prolegomena to the Study of Totalitarian Communication KIRILL POSTOUTENKO 11 HIERAR CHIES Stalinist Rule and its Communication Practices An Overview LORENZ ERREN 43 Public Communication in Totalitarian, Authoritarian and Statist Regimes A Comparative Glance JEAN K. CHALABY 67 Performance and Management of Political Leadership in Totalitarian and Democratic Societies The Soviet Union, Germany and the United States in 1936 KIRILL POSTOUTENKO 91 CODES The Duce in the Street Illumination in Fascism NANNI BALTZER 125 Audio Media in the Service of the Totalitarian State? DMITRI ZAKHARINE 157 The Birth of Socialist Realism out of the Spirit of Radiophonia Maxim Gorky’s Project “Literaturnaja ucheba” JURIJ MURAŠOV 177 MESSAGES Totalitarian Propaganda as Discourse A Comparative Look at Austria and France in the Fascist Era ALEXANDER HANISCH-WOLFRAM 197 Violence, Communication and Imagination Pre-Modern, Totalitarian and Liberal-Democratic Torture WERNER BINDER 217 The Lure of Fascism? Extremist Ideology in the Newspaper Reality Before WWII JOHN RICHARDSON 249 POST-TOTALITARIAN COMMUNICATION? Uneasy Communication in the Authoritarian State The Case of Hizb ut-Tahrir in Kyrgyzstan IRINA WOLF 275 Afterthoughts on “Totalitarian” Communication ANDREAS LANGENOHL 301 Authors 313 Acknowledgments The volume is based on the proceedings of the workshop Totalitarian Communication: Hierarchies, Codes and Messages which took place at the University of Konstanz on June 4th-6th, 2009. Whereas the subsidy of the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) made this confer- ence possible in the first place, the subsequent logistical support was provided by the University’s International Office (Anja Mehwald) and the Department of Macrosociology (Chair: Bernhard Giesen). Lorenz Erren, Kay Junge and Andreas Langenohl offered organi- zational assistance at various stages, Philipp Penka translated and edited the texts of Lorenz Erren, Dmitri Zakharine and Juri Murašov almost overnight, and Nils Meise managed both the conference and the manuscript preparation with his signature efficiency. Finally, the German Historical Institute in Moscow and the Center of Excellence 16 Cultural Foundations of Integration (University of Konstanz) supported the publication with generous publishing subsidies. Kirill Postoutenko 9 Prolegomena to the Study of Totalitarian Communication KIRILL POSTOUTENKO Introduction This book is devoted to a double-faced concept which simultaneously looks at two different research traditions. Depending on the weight attached to one or another side, one could interpret totalitarian commu- nication either as an attribute of totalitarian society or as a special case of social communication. Up to date, the first approach has proved to be significantly more popular, but its efficiency—some notable excep- tions aside—leaves much to be desired, as many scholars may well have sensed: the recent proposal to move “beyond totalitarianism” (Geyer and Fitzpatrick 2009) was prepared by innumerable subversion attempts, including, but not limited to, the breakup of the term (“totalitarianisms”) or encroachment upon its referential jurisdiction (“totalitarianism and authoritarianism.../fascism...dictatorship. etc.”). The difficulties are not confined to the fact that such a semantically vague and ideologically contested term as “totalitarianism” is neither clear enough nor sufficiently differentiated to serve as a strong a pri- ori foundation for any sensible deductions. Nor they are limited to the general preoccupation with the large-scale practices (propaganda) and preferred communication channels (mass media). The crucial prob- lem seems to be the underlying perception of totalitarian society as a special structure composed from ready-made political, moral and epistemic inequalities between leaders and followers, tyrants and vic- tims, messengers and recipients etc. Communication, in this model, 11 Kirill Postoutenko merely amalgamates existing dichotomies, producing synergies needed for highlighting the gaps (something like ‘immoral tyrannic messen- gers manipulate recipients’). As long as communication is treated as a kind of courier service facility within the state apparatus, its crucial role in shaping and maintaining social distinctions and cohesions will remain unexplored. Besides, the absolutization of social and cognitive gaps within the society makes totalitarian communication at once su- perfluous (gaps do not change anyway), improbable (non-relational distinctions within society?) and incomparable to its non-totalitarian equivalents (no systemic identity, separable from “social structure”, is displayed). Hence most of the authors of this volume reject this approach, explic- itly or implicitly, and try to move, as much as possible, in the opposite direction. “As much as possible” means first and foremost taken for granted the basic distinction between leaders [executives/rulers]and followers [subordinates/subjects]. To be sure, this difference can (and eventually should) be formulated in communicative terms, but at this point none of us, it seems, really knows how to link its variations to any meaningful differences between totalitarian and non-totalitarian com- munication. All other dichotomies are seen as variables—including the very distinction between the “totalitarianism” and “democracy”. In fact, although the focus on the usual suspects (such as Nazi Germany, Soviet Union, Fascist Italy) remained in force, an attempt was made to replace the Manichean dichotomy ‘totalitarian’/‘non-totalitarian’ with a sliding scale. In particular, the three poster examples were juxtaposed with the cases that could be reasonably described as totalitarian by analogy (the Vichy France), as well as with borderline phenomena such as seasoned democratic systems with the extreme executive power (the ‘New Deal’ USA or France under Charles de Gaulle) or young democracies with strong kinship identities (post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan), or even democracies developed at the cost of disempowered autocracy (United Kingdom). Furthermore, an attempt was made to forgo the unfruitful fixation on the state as a whole and move a maiori ad minus, describing totalitarian communication through the prism of specific practices not specifically associated with totalitarianism: here the most general interactional rules (such as turn-taking or repairs discussed below) go hand in hand with the detailed study of links between the British extreme-right newspaper Reality and its readership, or relations between the famous Soviet writer Maxim Gorky and his proletarian apprentices. On the whole, totalitarian communication appears to be anchored in 12 Prolegomena to the Study of Totalitarian Communication the political organization of society; yet the general rules of social inter- action to which it conforms cannot be always directly linked to politics or governance. At the same time, the examples of the U.S. during the war and France after the war show that emerging totalitarian commu- nication may be a reliable indicator of those authoritarian tendencies that elude social reflection and attract little notice in political analysis. Still, these findings, important as they are, stop short of describing to- talitarian communication as a special kind of communicative system. This is hardly surprising, giving the breadth of approaches involved (psy- chology, political studies, history, sociology, linguistics), and a stable description may not be even necessary at this stage. But a step in this di- rection seems to be needed, if only to stake out a claim for an alternative approach to totalitarian communication and provide its working defini- tion for further discussion. Given the specifics of this approach, it seems natural to precede this volume with a brief outlook at communication in general and then proceed to its totalitarian variation. After that, the intricacies of interdependence between totalitarian communication and its socio-political environment may be easier brought into the picture. From Biological to Social Communication Role Exchange, Turn-Taking, Repairs Although this project is devoted to a communicative system in its own right, it would be difficult to ignore the fact that communication is first and foremost a function
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