Women andPolitics Worldwide·

EDITED BY

BARBARA J. NELSON &

NAJMA CHOWDHURY

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS

·NEW HAVEN & LONDON Fur J[aimlr Rt.':A c./)(Jlf'dlmr)' Publishcd with J.SSiSt:lOCC from the fOUlldJtion c~tJ.bli~hcd in memory of Philip Hamilton .\k.\liIIJIl ofthe ClJ.ss of 189-1-, and Yale College. Betty-Jalle Janus Bc'rllard J. Ndso~1 Copyright 'C 1994 br Yale l;ni\'ersity. All rights re~rved, alld mId This book mar not be reproduced, in whole or in pact, including iIIustrotions, in any torm (beyond that copying Geor...qe Kllo.'( . Rachel tVa.vlle Nelsoll JX:rmittcd b~' Sections 107 and 108 ofthe LT.5, C()p~'light uw and except by rc\'iewers tor the public prcss), without written permission from the publishers,

Designed by :"ancy O\·cdo\itz. Set in Galliard type by The Composing Room ofMichigan, Inc, Primed in the United Statcs ofAmerka by Edwards Brothers, Ann Arbor. Michigan. Library ofCongress CaClloging·in-Publicarion Data Womcn and politics wortd\\ide / cdited by Barbaro J. Nelson and ~ajma Chowdhury. p. em. Includes bibliographical rden:ncc:s (I'. ) and index. IS'S 0·300·05407,6 (dmh : alk. p.per).- 'SBS 0·300·05408·4 (p.per: .Ik. p.per) 1. Women in politics-Cross-cultur:l.l studies. 2, Women's rights-Cmss-cultural studies, I. Nelson. Barbara J" 1949- u. C.ludhuri. ~ajami, 1942- . HQ1236.IV6363 1994 320' .082-..t1.":20 93·28668 err

A catalogue record tor this book is available from the British Librory. The paper in this book meets the guidelines tor permanence ;lnd dumbili[f ofthe Committee on Production Guidelines tor Book LonSC\·i~· ofthe Coun~il on Lib~' Resources.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 Contents Acknowledgments IX PART I

1 .. Redefining Politics: Patterns of Womcn's Political Engagement from a Global Perspective :-';AJ~lA CHOWDHURY .-\:"0:0 BARBARA 1. :s'ELSON' WITH KATHRYN A. CARVER., ~A:-.rCY J. JOH~SOS. AND ("AUlA L. O'LOUGHLIS 3

2 .. Research Design and Practice: Methodological Issues in Feminist Comparative Politics Research ~AJMA CHOWDHURY AND BARBARA J. :"'ELSON WITH ~ANCY 1. JOH~SON A:"lD PAt:'U L. O'LOL'GHLIX 25

3 .. Global Research on Women's Political Engagement: The History ofthe Women and Politics Worldwide Project . SArMA CHOWDHURY, :--:A;SCY 1. tOH:"SO;S, BARBARA J. :SELSO~, A~D rAUL,L. O'LOUGHLI>l 41

4 ... !\IeasuLing \,yornen'5 Status, Porti.lying Women's Lives: Problems in Collecting Data on Women's Experiences BARBARA 1. ~El.SO:-; WITH K.""THRn.< A. CARVER, PAL"L-\ L. 0 'LOUGHLI~, .-\:SO WHIT:'tlEY THOMl'SOS 49

PART II

.. Argentina From Family Ties to Political Action: \Vamen'$ Experiences in ArgentinJ. MARlA DEL CARMEN FElIOO 59

.. Australia Locked Out or Locked In? Women and Politics in Australia .\'fARlAN SAWER 73

.. Bangladesh: Gender Issues and Politics in a :"lArMA CHOWDHURY ,92 ... Bolivia ... Ghana Women and Politics: Gender Relations in Women and the Evolution ofa Ghanaian Bolivian Political Organizations and Political Synthesis Labor Unions KAMENE OKONJO 285 GLORIA ARDAYA SAUNAS TRANSUtTED BY SAMUEL M. DUBOIS 114 ... Great Britain The Rules ofthe Political Game: ... Brazil and Politics in Great Britain Women in the Struggle for Democracy 10NI LOVENDUSKI 298 and Equal Rights in Brazil FANNY TABAK 127 • Greece ... Canada Women Confronting Parry Politics in Greece Building a Political Voice: Women's Participation and Policy Influence A..~N R. CACOULLOS 311 in Canada ... Hong Kong SYLVIA BASHEVKIN 142 The Underdeveloped Political Potential ... China ofWomen in Hong Kong Women's Life in New China FA..'lNY M. CHEUNG, SHIRLEY PO-SA?' YUE DArYUN "''1D LI lIN 161 WA."J, AND OLIVIA. CHI-KJE WA..'l 326

... Costa Rica ... Hungary With Patience and Without Blood: Hungarian Women's Political The Political Struggles ofCosta Participation in the Transition Rican Women to Democracy MIRTA GONzALEZ-SUAREZ 174 KATALIN' KONCZ 347 ... Cuba ... India Revolutionizing Women, Family, Women's Political Engagement in India: and Power Some Critical Issues lEAN STUBBS 189 HEM LAT.:\ SWARUP, NIROJ SINHA, ... Czechoslovakia (former) CHITRA GHOSH, A.."JD PAM RAJPUT 361 Women's Issues in Czechoslovakia in the: Communist and Postcommunist Periods ... Israel SHARON L. WOLCHIK 208 Women and Politics in Israel DAPHNA SHARFMA..'1 380 ... Egypt The Paradoxes ofState Feminism ... Japan in Egypt The U.N. Convention on Eliminating MERVAT F. HATEM 226 Discrimination Against Women and ... France: the Status ofWomen in Japan The Same or Different? An Unending NUITA YOKO, YAMAGUCHI MITSUKO, Dilemma for French Women AND KURO KlMIKO TRA....'l'SLATED BY ELIZ.....BETH 1. CLA.PJ(E 396 JANE JENSON AND 1Y1ARIElTE SINEAU 243 ... Germany ... Kenya Women and Politics: The New FederaJ Man-Made Political Machinery in Kenya: Republic ofGermany Political Space for Women? CHRISTIANE LEMKE 261 MARIA NZOMO AND K.~THLEEN STAUDT 415 vi Contents • Karel. Republic of(Sourh Korea) • Peru \\omen's Political Engagement and Between Confusion and the Law: hrri,;parion in the Republic ofKorea Women and Politics in Peru IJOSG.sc.;CK SOH~ 436 VIRGINIA VARGAS A..'lD VICTORIA VlLI.A."lUEVA 575

• Mexico • The The Srruggle for Life, or Pulling Off Philippine Feminism in Historical ~Iask lhe of Infumy Perspective EU B.UTR.;o\ BELINDA A. AQUINO 590 T1\.....SL\TED BY JOHN MRAZ 448 • Poland Polish Women as the Objeer and Subject • ~loroceo Women in Morocco: Gender Issues ofPolitics During and After the and Politics Communist Period AlCH.\ .\FIFt A&-":O RAJAE MSEFER 461 RENATA SIEMIENSKA TRANSLATED BY G. DZIURDZIK· • :-epal KRASNIEWSKA 608 Political Participation ofWomen in Nepal 478 • Puerto Rico ),IEES.\ ;\CHARYA At the Crossroads: Colonialism and Feminism in Puerto Rico • The :-:crherlands YAMILA AZIZE-VARGAS 625 Political Participation ofWomen: The :-erherlands • South Africa Mo~tQCE LEI'ENAAR .Jr,.."lD KEES Women in Politics Under Apartheid: SIE.\tOl.LER 496 A Challenge to the New South Africa BARBARA KLUG~lAS 639 .. ~igeria Re"ersing the Marginalization ofthe • Spain Women's Political Engagement in Spain Im'isible and Silent Majority: Women MARlA TERESA GALLEGO MENDEZ in Politics in Nigeria TRA...."ISu..TED BY ~1ARGARlTA ).:.\.\lE:"£ OKONYO 512 GOMEZ-REINO 660

.. ~orway • Sudan The State and Women: A Troubled The Women's Movement, Displaced Rc13cionship in Norway Women, and Rutal Women in Sudan JA.."';SEKE VA..'1 DER RQS 527 MAGDA M. El.-SAJ.'OOUSI AND NAFISA AHMED EL-A.M:IN 674 • Palesrine • Switzerland \Vomc:n'5 Participation in [he Palestine Direct Democracy and \Vomen's liberation Organization Suffrage: Antagonism in Switzerland AM.o\L KAWAR 544 REGUU. STAMPFU 690

... Papua New Guinea • Turkey Rhetoric, Reality, and a Dilemma: Turkish Women as Agents ofSocial Women and Politics in Papua Change in a Pluralist Democracy ~ewGuinea NERMIN ABADAN-UNAT EJU£~ WORMALD 560 AND OYA TOKGOZ 705

Contents vii ... Union ofSovier Socialise Republics ... Uruguay (tormer) Uruguay: A Recene History ofa Subject Sovior Women and Politics: On rhe Brink with a History oflts Own ofChonge GRACIE-LA SAPRIZ..\ OLGA A. VORO~[:-':A TRAXSLATED RY IXEs TRAllAL 758 TRA.'1Sl--\TED BY ANATOLU SMIR..'lOFF 721 Appendix: Selected Information from the ... United Stares Counery Charts 773 Many Voices Bur Few Vehicles: The Consequences tor Women ofWeak List ofContributors 787 Political Infrastructure in the United Index 797 States BARBARA J. ~ELSON A:-;D KATHRYN A. CARVER 737

viii Contents ~ The Philippines

POLITICS People's Refunn Party (PRP): Alliance Typ. ofPolitieRJ System: democracy organized by Miriam Defensor Santiago to Sovereignty: republic support her presidential candidacy in 1992. Executive-Legislative System: presidential Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (ICBL, or New Typ. ofStlUe: unitary Society Movement): Party created by Typ. ofParl'y Syttem: multiparty President Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 while Maj.,. PolitiCilI Parties< the Philippines was under martial law. Marcos Communist Partyofthe Philippines-New used this party to run in the 1986 snap People's Army (CPP-NPA): Radical presidential election against . underground movement; not a political party Tar Womm Granud Right to VOte: 1937 in the usual sense, Tear W.."m G,.,.nt.d Right to StandfOr Eketi.,,: 1937 MolO National Liberation Front (MNLF): Penmtll!J. ofW.."." in the Legisi4tu~ . Radical underground Muslim movement in Lower House: 8.9% Mindanao; founded in 1972. Upper House: 8.6% Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP, or Pll'UtItag. ofEleeto,.,.te VOtingfOr Highest Struggle ofDemocratic ): Won a EJ.cted Offie. i" MIJJt R.centEketion majority in the Senate and House of (1992): not available Representatives in the May 1992 elections. DEMO GRAPHICS Supported Corazon Aquino during her Popui4ti.,,: 60,480,000< presidency (1987-92). Percentllg. ofPopulation i" Urban Arellfl Partido Demokratikong Pilipino (PDP, or Overall: 42.0% Filipino Democratic Party): Founded by Sen. Female: not available Aquilino Pimentel. Fonned a coalition with Male: not available some Laban elements to establish PDP-Laban, Pen''''ag. ofPop..u.tion B.1mP 4!r' 15: which fielded Senate candidates in the 1992 39.0%· elections. Birthrtlu (per 1,000 population): 35' Maternal Morrniity Rate (per 100,000 live Liberal Party (LP): Founded at births): 80 independence in 1946. Fonned a coalition I"fant Mortalil'y Rat. (per 1,000 live births): with the PDP in 1992 to support the presidential candidacy ofSen. Jovito Salonga. 46 MortIIlil'y RatefOr Chilil,.", Under Pi...(per Lakas ng Baran [People's Powed-National 1,000 live births): 75 Union ofChristian Democrats (Lakas-NUCD): A...... g. Hous.hold Si",: 5.68 Alliance formed by President Fidel Ramos M.a" 4!r' at Pint Marriag. dwmg~1992presidentialcandida~ Female: 22.4 Nacionalista Party (NP, or Nationalist Male: 25.3 Party): Oldest major party in the Philippines; Lift Exp.ctancy fonned in 1907 during the U.S. colonial Female: 63.7 period. Male: 60.2 Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC): EDUCATION Alliance Qrganized by Eduardo Cojuangco to Ratio ofFmuiJ. to Male Enrollment support ~ presidential candidacy in 1992. First-Level Education: 94

590 Belinda A. Aquino Second·Level Education: 99 a. Political parties in the Philippines are noc fannal Third-Level Education: 119 organizations but loose and shifting coalitions without fixed membcnhips. Party descriptions arc provided by Litemcy Rateb me author~ Female: 82.8% b. Commission on Elections; 1987NantJnld EJection Male: 83.9% RnwII:r(). c. Philippi." C....." Proji/e, 1991-1992 (London: ECONOMY Eco~omist InccUigcncc Unit, 1991). Gross NationiU Produa1"Capita: U.S. d. AJi.1992r...... (HongKong:FarE3S'em Eco· 5590 nomic Review, 1992), 7. c. N.tiMlaJ Sta:istia re.rb4o.i, 1989 (Manila: Na- i" Percmtaee ofWOI'Forr:e .A,erlcu/tu,..: tional Statistics Office, 1990). 49.0%i f. Ibid. Distributio" of.A,erleuJturaJ WOI'kers by g. Ibid. Sex h. Philippi.. Dneiopmm. PI•• for W...... , 1989 Female: 23.5% (Manila: National Cornnti$sion on the Role ofFilipino Women, 1990). Male: 76.5% i. PlJilippine C.u• ."Profile, 1991-1992. EeonomieaJiy Aai..Populatio" by Sez; j. I..."""... Suney.fH.asehoJds Bul/ain, series 56 Female: 46.1% (Manila: National Scacistics Office, F1l"Sr-Fourth QUat­ Male: 81.7% ten, 1986).

Philippine Feminism in Historical Perspective

BELINDA A. AQUINO

The Philippines is a tropical archipelago of7,107 dinand Magellan claimed the islands for Spain islands-I 15,781 square miles of territory-on and named them after King Philip II. Spanish the south=trim oftheAsian continent. Though colonial rule-characterized by cruelty toward often considered a small country, the Philippines and repression of the local population by the has a population of 60.7 million, making it the friars and civil guards-lasted three centuries, world's 17th largest nation. The great majority of not ending until the proclamation of the first the people arc Roman Catholics (82.1 percent), Philippine republic in 1898. But after Spain's de­ \\;th the rest divided among Muslims, Protes· feat in the nationalist revolution anothercolonial tants,Aglipayan (Philippine IndependentChurch) power, the United States, formally took posses­ members, cultural minorities, Iglesia ni Ktisto sion of the Philippines at the conclusion of the (Chureh of Christ) members, Buddhists, and Spanish-American War in 1898.2 Filipino nation· others. l Arelatively poorcountry, the Philippines alisr forces resisted the new foreign occupation . has suffered from a deteriorating economy in re­ but were overwhelmed by the superior U.S. cent decades, mostly as a result oflarge-scale cor- troops. In August 1898 the U.S. government in­ . ruption during the regime ofFerdinand Marcos. stituted a military government that lasted until Long before the islands were colonized by July 1901, when civilian rule was established in Spain and then the United States, they had their areas controlled by the U.S. military. In 1935 the own cultures, which were shaped by indigenous U.S. colonial authorities set up the Philippine forees, as well as by Chinese, Arab, and Indian Commonwealth with Manuel Luis Quezon as influences. In 1521 the Portuguese explorer Fer- prc:sidc:nr.

Thc Philippines 591 Commonwealth status was meant to be a tran­ countries. Per agreements in 1947 and in subse­ sition to the eventual independence ofthe Philip­ quent years, the lease on the bases has expired. pines, to be granted ten years after the adoption Negotiations tor the termination or continuance ofa constitution and a national election in 1935. of the bases are being conducted, and if a new But independence was delayed by World War II treaty results from these talks, it will have to be and the occupation ofthe country by Japan from reviewed and approved by the Philippine Senate. 1942 to 1945. United States forces reoccupied The Philippines remains basically agricultural, the country in late 1945, and on 4 July 1946 the with two-thirds of its population dependent on Philippines won its independence from the agriculture, forestry, and fishing for their liveli­ United States. hoods. The industrial sector, which is located Although it is common to characterize politics principally in the metro-Manila capital region, in terms ofform-liberal democracy, one-party has not kept pace \vith the needs ofa poor and rule, military junta, civil-military coalition, social rapidly expanding population. The economic democracy, theocracy, and so on-these labels growth ofthe country has been hampered by an have only anal ytical convenience and do nOt cap­ onerous foreign debt ofnearly U.S. 529 billion, ture the political culture of a country. Political which exacerbates the impoverishment of the systems in the ThirdWorld are especially difficult people-49 percent are poor according to offi­ to fit into the conceptual models that Western cial estimates, but as many as 70 percent are poor social scientists have developed for political anal­ by other estimates. 3 ysis. The political system is anchored in a constitu­ In the Philippine case, today's political culture tional democratic form of government, 'vith a has its roots in the hegemonic system established president, a bicameral Congress, local govern­ under Spanish rule and monopolized by an elite ments, a judiciary, and a bureaucracy constitut­ dass known as the ilustrado (enlightened). This ing the basic framework. Except during the was a small class oflanded gentry that controlled nearly 14 years ofthe Marcos dictatorship, which the vast majority ofthe population. Elite rule was lasted from September 1972 to February 1986, essentially continued by the U.S. authorities in regular national and local elections have been spite oftheir avowed goals ofdeveloping democ­ held since independence in 1946. The 202 mem­ racy and representative government in the col­ bers ofthe House ofRepresentatives are elected ony that they took over from Spain_ Formal by district; 18 ofthem are women. The 23 mem­ mechanisms for citizen participation, such as bers ofthe Senate are elected at large; 2 ofthem elections and political parties, were formed, and are women. The country is divided into 13 ad­ the concepts ofdue process and checks and bal­ minisrrative regions, with desig­ ances of governmental authority were inuo· nated the National Capital Region. Each region duced. But no real changes in the highly unequal is composed ofa number ofprovinces and cities. social structure and benighted economy took Prior to the imposition ofmartial law in 1972, place. Economic policies pursued by the U.S. co­ political power alternated between the Na­ lonial government-free trade, for instance­ cionalista (Nationalist) Party and the Liberal F.!.vored elites and made them wealthier and more Party. There was little difference in the agendas powerful. The elite class also dominated electoral afthe tWO parties, which were controlled by elite contests and positions. interests. Political candidates opportunistically The continuing influence ofthe United States switched allegiances. Candidates from smaller in Philippine affairs has been another major F.!.ct parties, including those supported by the left, of political life. The presence of two huge U.S. rarely got elected. Though democratic in form, military bases-Clark Air Base and Subic Naval Philippine politics was, and still is, substantially a Base-on Philippine territory has long been the matter ofpatronage and privilege. subject of contentious debate between the two With the overthrow ofthe Marcos dictatorship

592 Belinda A. Aquino in the: now-famous People: Power Revolution in tury. The best known ofthe early Filipina activists 1986, "democratic space" in the country was re­ is Gabriela Silang of the !locos region in the stored. Corazon C. Aquino, widow of the slain northern Philippines.' She was married to Diego opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr., was in­ Silang, a rebel leader who was assassinated by a stalled as president. A new constitution was rat­ Spaniard in the town ofVigan. Gabriela contin­ ified in February 1987, and elections fur mem­ ued the struggle, serring up a headquarters for bers of Congress were held three months later. the Free Government ofthe !locos in Prov­ Twenty-two ofthe winning senators ran as part ince to recapture . When she and her army of Aquino's ruling coalition, which was princi­ of60 entered the town, they were overpowered pally composed of the pop-Laban (a merger of by Spanish soldiers numbering in the thousands. the Partido Demokrarikong Pilipino, or Filipino Gabriela was the last ofher group to be hanged in Democratic Party, and Lakas ng Bayan, or Peo­ the public square on 20 September 1763. ple's Power), the Liberal Party, the United Dem­ The political ferment generated by the strug­ ocratic Nationalist Organization (UNIDO), and gle against Spain opened opportunities for other, smaller groups. Only two candidates were women to go beyond their traditional roles in dected from groups identified with the opposi­ society. Several women were recruited by the tion. Katipunan-the secret society founded by the A communist insurgency led by the Commu­ revolutionary leader Andres Bonifacio-to enlist nist Part)' ofthe Philippines-New People's Army mass support against Spanish oppression. Promi­ (CPP-SPA) and Muslim unrest involving the nent among these women were Mekhora Aqui­ Mora National Liberation Front and other no (more popularly known as Tandang Sora, an groups pose major problems fur the Aquino gov­ appellation denoting affection and respect for c:rnme:m:. In addition, six coups or attempts at age), Gregoria de Jesus, Trinidad Tecson, and dc:stabHization were eithe:r planned or under­ Marcela Marino Agoncillo. They came mostly taken by disaffected military dements between from upper-class families-many of whom had 1986 and 1989. The most serious of these, the also produced male revolutionaries-but they December 1989 coup attempt, nearly toppled had limited education. OtherFilipinas worked to the four-year-old Aquino administration. The advance the cause of education while the Kat­ military has become politicized in some com­ ipunan women were busy in the political strug­ mands, indicating its dissatisfaction \vith its tradi­ gle. Higher education under the Spanish was tional subordination to civilian authoricy. A rise open only to sons ofthe elite. 'Nomen were sent in politically motivated killings and common to convent schools, where they were taught reli­ crimes has also been observed in recent years. At gion, homemaking, the social graces, and the beSt the post-Marcos period can be characterized Victorian code of conduct. The fumous 21 as that of a restored but unstable democracy. "women ofMalolos" defied the laws prohibiting Marcos's plunder and destruction ofthe political the opening ofschools for women by petitioning institutions, as well as Aquino's inability to dis­ the governor general to allow the: establishment play decisive leadership, combine to create a cli­ of a school where they could learn Spanish.s mate ofinsecurity. From the perspective ofthe women ofMalolos, -c' the school was important to the Filipino struggle for equality because the ability to speo.k Spanish WOMEN IN PHILIPPINE SOCIETI was crucial to educational mobility. It is within this context that the historical role of Women's participation in Filipino movements women in Philippine society can be examined. during the Spanish era was not limited to elite Although the evidence is fragmented, instances women, though evidence to support that view is ofwhat is understood in the Philippines as temi­ skerchy. As will be seen later, women from the nism can be seen as early as the eighteenth cen- grass roots, who did not have as much wealth and

The Philippines 593 social status as their upper·dass counterparts, ments that were put in motion by the arrival of played a considerable role in shaping the course the Americans. Thousands of teachers and mis­ ofPhilippine history. sionaries found their way from the United States to the new colony. The colonial government soon realized that "one ofthe beSt means to se­ THE STRUGGLE FOR WOMEN'S cure the cooperation of the townspeople was POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RIGHTS through women...."0 A prominent U.S. femi­ By the time the U.S. colonial regime began, fol­ nist, Carrie Chapman Catt, organized the lowing the establishment ofcivil government in Women's Club of Manila. The other major 1901, a significant core ofeducated Filipinas had women's organizations were the National Feder­ emerged. Nuns had established a normal school ation ofWomen's Clubs, theAsosacion de Damas for women-the first ofits kind in the country­ Filipinas (Association of Filipino Women), the in Naga, in the Bicol region south ofManila, in Catholic Women's Federation, the Women's 1877. Next came the establishment ofthe Insti­ Medical Association, and a Philippine chapter of tuto de Mujeres (Women's Institute) in 1900; an the Young Women's Christian Association. The exclusive school for girls, the Centro Escolar de impetus for this explosion offemale energy was Seiloritas (now Centro Escolar University), in the "desire ofFilipino women for their complete 1907; and the Philippine Women's University in emancipation, political and civil."9 The women 1910.6 The founding of the Unh'ersity of the began to respond to opportunities for work be­ Philippines in 1908 and the transformation ofthe yond the confines oftheir homes and churches. Philippine Normal School and the University of The women involved in the suffrage movement Santo Tomas into coeducational institutions en­ came from a broad spectrum ofsocioeconomic abled more women to develop careers, not only backgrounds, but the leaders were mosdy from in the field ofeducation but also in the various theupperd:>ss-highlyeducatedwomen success­ protessions. ful in their professions and active in community The creation ofeducational opportunities for affairs. They were often the first women to break \Vomen was a landmark. development. Women's through the sex barrier in their chosen profes­ next logical step was to win the right to vote and sions. 10 Some were still students at the time, such run for public office; they could not vote or put as Carmen Planas, \vho was elected the first coun· up candidates in the first national election for the cilwoman ofthe cityofManila in the election after Philippine legislature in 1907, nor were women female suffrage was granted in 1937. There were well represented in the civil service. none of the dass-based, religious, geographic, Women's realization that they had second­ and other kinds ofdeavages that disrupt political class Status in spite oftheir increasing sophistica­ movements afterawhile. The leaders campaigned tion led to the establishment oforganizations to across the country and were enthusiastically re· fight for women's rights. "Bettereducated, more ceived wherever they went. articulate, and relatively freed from domestic du­ Men in the government and the professions ties, the women ofthe middle and upper dasses vigorously opposed women's suffrage. They ridi­ led the way."7 Elite women also saw the v:l1ue of culed it in the Manila press, calling the suffrage organizing and mobilizing support from other movement a consequence of higher education, women. In time there were anumber ofwomen's which tended to limit the birth rate and thus groups devoted to advancing education,securing would depopulate the country." Women found bener conditions for working women, assisting this strange logic infuriating, but such resistance poor mothers and children, seeking prison re­ was typicoJ ofthe problems that they conftonted form, and promoting charitable causes and other in their struggle for political enfranchisement, social concerns. The momentum for this organi­ and the adverse male reactions served to unite zational activity may be attributed to develop- them in a common cause.

594 Belinda ...... quino To appreciace women's struggle to win the Vicente Lim. .As Minerva Laudico n3rrates: "You ,'ote in the Philippines, it is also important to will remember that General Lim then was rank­ understand the larger political picture. In the ing in the Philippine Army, and therefore, he had constitution of 1935 the Philippine legislature to make many provincial inspections. so we used established the onerous provision that the right to keep track ofhis schedule and write the club­ ofsuffrage would be extended to women only ifa women chat General Lim would be there. So national plebiscite were held in which no fewer Mrs. Lim would be there to organize the women, than 300,000 women voted in its favor. This rep­ etc. One day what happened was, a streamersaid, resented roughly one-third of the total number 'Welcome co Mrs. Lim and Patty.' So poor Gen­ ofwomen eligible to vote on the basis ofage and eral Lim became the party ofhis 'vife. But he did literacy qualifications. 12 Male suffrage was also not mind."'4 Laudico hastens to explain that this limited by property (this was later abolished) and did nOt mean he was "under the sa.v4"-an ex­ literacy requirements, which meant that the great pression loosely translaced as "dominaced by his majority ofFilipino men could not vote, either. wife," saya being a woman's skirt. It simply But not one woman could voce. The framers of meant mat he was secure and supportive ofwhat che constitution, mosc of whom were opposed his wife was doing to promote che political rights co women's sUITrage, probably calculaced chat ofwomen. ic would be extremely difficulc co meec the Impressed by the vitality ofthe suffrage cam­ 300,000-voce requiremenc, especially consider­ paign, even President Manuel L. Quezon, the ing chat women would be voting for the first most influential, albeit chauvinistic, Filipino time. They were wrong: 447,725 women voted leader at the time, wholeheartedly endorsed the yes lor the amendment in the 1937 plebiscite. women's cause. When Quezon's full suPPOrt of The tOtal surpassed the mandated requirement women's suffrage was publicly announced, other by nearly 150,000 votes! The women themselves politicians, c\'en those who opposed it, '""ceased were surprised but jubilant about the results of their vociferations" and even worked vigorously their long struggle. for the success ofthe plebiscite "simply because Whac accounted for their remarkable achieve­ of their desire to please che chiefexecutive." 15 ment? Political organization, as well as per­ While middle- and upper-class women were sistence and determination. A General Council occupied with the struggle for the vote, their ofWomen headquartered in Manila directed the counterparts in other sectors were making their plebiscite campaign, relying on women's clubs in own contributions to Philippine society. Accord­ the towns for active support. Club members, in ing co the 1918 census, 696,699 Filipinas were addition CO their high social status and high level engaged in "industrial pursuits," They consti~ ofeducation, were experienced in political Cam­ tuted 26 pen;ent ofthe tOtal female population paigns and were viewed as strong and influential fourteen years of age or older who were em­ leaders." Hundreds ofwomen's club presidents ployed in gainful occupations (2,690,331). The in the provinces gave stirring speeches at carni­ figure of696,699 included women who worked vals, fairs, and suffrage rallies. Theirfollowers dis­ at home, for textiles and clothing were still made cributed thousands ofpamphlets, leaflets, sample by piecework~ one source lists weaving, dress­ ballots, posters, and calendars from feminist making, embroidery, hatmaking, and shoe­ leaders. TWQwomen's magazines, Womnn)s Home and slipper-making as domestic manufactures.'· Journal and Woman'r World, and a radio pro­ Housewives augmented their f.unily income gram featured che suffrage issue. Students were without going out to work. mobilized as well. Those who worked outside the home were Women leaders also relied on their personal employed by distilleries and laundries and by gar­ networks. Forinscance, one ofthe loremost femi­ ment, paper, glass, candy, hemp, tobacco, lood, nists, Pilar Hidalgo Lim, was m:mied co Gen. beverage, handicraft, and jewelry makers. They

The Philippines 595 also operated dormitories and worked in pawn­ a series ofuprisings against the Philippine Com­ shops, bakeries, and business firms dealing with monwealth. They wanted ""immediate, com~ transporration~ rC:l1 est:lCC, and the embroidery of plete, and absolute freedom" because they real­ native attire; in some cases, women were the ized "that no other kind of freedom can be managers of the firms. A 1930 survey showed conducive to the political, economic, and social that as many as 3,721 women were employed in salvation ofthe Filipino people."l8 cigar f.1ctorics, which were: conccntr3tcd in Ma 4 One ofthe major Sakdalistas was a woman­ nila. Another 5,000 worked in other industries. Salud Algabre (later Generalla), a tenant 0ll a They joined labor organizations for "mutualpro· landed estate in Laguna Province. She consid· tection and benefit." These "mutua! benefit soci­ ered the government unjust and abusive: "The eties" were loosely referred to as unions, al· needs ofthe laborers were ignored. The leaders though they were not such in the Western sense paid no anention to the people."l. Just before of the word. In 1931 there were twelve such the first uprising on 2 May 1935, Algabre \vas unions, with a national female membership of given the task oftelling key rebel leaders in each 5,266-a significant number in the early labor town to organize the people "to march to their movement in the Philippines. l7 municipal buildings, capture them, raise the Sak­ Wages were most often the issue that moti­ dal flag, and proclaim independence." The Sak· vatcd women workers to join strikes and mass dalistas only had bolos (oversized native knives), actions. The highest weekly wage was 16 pesos clubs, sickles, and a few shotguns and pistols for (U.S. S8) and the lowest, four pesos (S2). weapons. On the first day of the uprising Alga· Women's wages varied according toskill and type bre's husband, Severo, took charge ofcapturing ofwork. Some women were paid at a piece rate, the Cabuyao municipal building while Salud led and others at a daily rate. The need tor bener another group to the highway. "We felled several working conditions was another major issue. trees across the road. It must have been about six Some tasks required women to remain standing o'clock in the e\"Cningwhen we begm to stop the for long hours, if not tor their entire working traffic." Although the rebellion failed, Salud AI­ period. There were no separate lavatories and gabre never regretted her Sakdal involvement. closets for their use. Lighting, ventilation, and Several years later she recalled May 1935 as the sanitarion were dismal in many of the factories. "high point ofall our lives."20 ~or were there adequate provisions for disability Thus, the period from the beginning of the and health benefits. Health services while on the cenrury to the outbreak ofWorld War II was a job were minimal, ifnot altogether lacking. moment ofhistory tor women in the Philippines. In timc:, many of these issues were addressed They were launched into a new world altogether and resolved, owing in part to pressure from the after cenruries ofentorced domesticity, illiteracy, labor organizations. By 1933 the Philippine leg­ and cruel repression under Spanish rule. Possi­ islature had passed an important law limiting bilities heretofore denied women were opened working hours in factories to only eight a day. up during the tourdecades prior to the war; more Several factories had installed bener facilities for than that, the talents and energies of Filipinas the health and well-being oftheir workers. were engaged in a political way. They became not \Vomcn were also active in social movemencs just socially but also politically aware. Present­ directed against U.S. colonial rule. In spite ofthe day feminism in the country draws much of its existence of a sedition law banning nationalist vitality from this earlier period of political en­ activities, a number ofuprisings against the U.S. gagement, which transformed the traditional authorities took place. One ofthese, the Sakdal world ofFilipinas. A new consciousness evolved (meaning ""to accuse, complain, or protest") from their involvement in the suffrage move" movement peaked on 2-3 May 1935, when in ment, labor unions, and nationalist movements. three Tagalog provinces the Sakdalistas launched Although they ditfered greatly along class lines,

596 Belinda A. Aquino they were brought cogether by changes in Philip­ ground. 22 Instead, in the same year a separate pine sociery and the new or expanded roles for group launched the Women's Magsaysay-for. women in it. President Movement to suppOrt the presidential bid ofRamon Magsaysay.l' By the late 1960s and 1970s a new generation THE POSTINDEPENDENCE YEARS of Filipino women had emerged, less conserva­ During World War II the Philippines was occu­ tive than their parents in social and political ori· pied by the Japanese and became a fierce battle­ entation and more inclined to new and progres­ ground. By the end of the war the country was sive ideas. They were marrying later and having almost totally devastated physically, economi· fewer children, and greater numbers were choos­ cally, and psychologically. But women-having ing to remain single. These changes were more gained the VOte and political experience-were visible among urban·based, educated middle- to prepared co function in the postwar government upper·class women-in short, among weU-off that was consolidated by the national elections in professionals. Many women were also leaving for April 1946 and the proclamation ofthe indepen­ abroad, mostly to the United States, to take jobs dent Philippine Republic on 4 July of the same or pursue graduate scudies. year. Remedios Fortich from Mindanao and Ger· Philippine politics irself, though still con­ cnima Pecson from Luzon wefe the first women trolled by elite interests, \vas also undergoing sig­ eleered-co the Lower and Upper Houses, nificant changes. The bourgeois political system, respectively-in the new independent govern­ highly dependent on U.S. military and economic ment. From 1946 until 1971 (thelastyear offree assistance tor survival and embroiled in corrup­ elections befure the declaration ofmartial law), tion over the years, was being challenged by new 11 women were elcl"Led represencatives and 7, torces in sociery.14 The: underground left \Von senators. During the same period 6 women were adherents among the young, and student acti\·· elected governors (heads ofprminces) and 2, dry ism intensified, particularly at the University of mayors. A good number were elected vice· the Philippines, long known for nurturing a lib­ governors, members ofpro,incial boards (legis­ eral tradition in education. The newly rees­ latures), city and municipal mayors, vice-mayors, tablished Communist Parry of the Philippines and council members. joined \-;th the New People's Army in 1969 and But in Philippine politics before 1971, this set up guerrilla-operations zones in major re­ record was not enough to make a dent in the gions ofthe country. At the same time, the Mus­ male-dominated drcles of political power, "'en lim secessionist movement gained momentum. though women voters outnumbered mcn voters. \Vith the government increasingly threatened by Statistics tram the Commission on Elections communist and .Muslim insurgents in the prov­ show that in eight out ofeleven e1ecrions during inces arid by adeclining economy, President Fer­ this period. more women than mcn turned out to dinand Marcos declared martial law on 21 Sep· Vort.21 Nonetheless. FiIipinas never gOt together tember 1972. Marcos was no Ion ger eligible for a in substantial numbers co support women's is­ third presidential term under the constitution, sues or women candidates. Their political orga­ and the only way he could cling to power was by nizing was weak, particularly during the immedi­ installing a dictatorship. ate: postwar period, when women were largely The excesses and repression ofthe Marcos re­ preoccupied with reconstruction etTons in their gime drove more and more youngpeople under· houses and lives. Moreover, politics was still seen ground. Newly graduated Filipinas and women as a man '5 domain, and women voters were not scudents joined the cadres of the New People's necessarily voting as women. In 1951 an attempt Army in increasing numbers to participate in mo­ to organize a National Political Parry ofWomen biliz:ltion work in the provinces. These women, to consolidate tJ-.e women's vote never got otTthe primarily from middle-class backgrounds, left the

The Philippines 597 comfort of their homes for an uncertain, if not framework, it is difficult to label it Marxist or dangerous, life in the hills. Their casks in the radical feminist, for it combined elements of movement were not much different from the both. In Barros's words: ~The Filipina, through men's. As Clarita Reja (a pseudonym) wrote in a her militant participation in the revolutionary leccer from the underground, all ~comrades" struggle, has brought to lite a new woman. This were expected to conduct political work among new woman is no longer a mindless ornament the masses and among themselves. ~Household (which she would be ifborn to a well-to-do fam­ chores (were1rotated, assignments going to men ily), or a mindless drudge (which she would be if and women alike."25 she were the wife or daughter of a peasant or At the forefront ofthe women's struggle duro worker). She is a woman fully engaged in the ing this time ofpolitical upheaval and social fer­ making ofhiscory, in the destruction ofimperial­ ment was the Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Ka· ism and feudalism, and the building of a new babaihan (Free Movement of New Women), society. No longer is she simply a woman-for­ whose acronym, MAKIBAKA, stood for "'dare to marriage; more and more she is a woman-for· struggle." It was organized by Maria Lorena action. A comrade."27 Barros, a militant student leader who led the first As the women in the NrA and the ~L~BAKA mass action-picketing the Miss Philippines activists were advocating armed revolutionary Beauty Pageant in April 1970. MAKIBAKA activo struggle, another group of women, inspired by ists, dearly advocating a Marxist ideology, also the ~theology of liberation," openly defended elid organizing work among the women in facto­ human rights and exposed military abuses. ries and barrios. The underground network tlis­ Called religious radicals or the Christian Idt, tribured dandestine publications and sent them these nuns and lay supporters monitored the ar­ to supporters in the United States and other rests ofsuspected "'subversives," made reprt:sen­ countries either by mail or by courier. .'vIAKlBAKA tations with military authorities regarding the is described in a mimeographed publication enti­ disappearance ofpolitical activists, helped to re­ ded Filipino Women in rhe National Liberarion habilitate released political prisoners, and orga­ Stru.!l!Jle, probably wriccen shortly afrer martial nized the urban poor. Some ofthem lived in the law was dedared in 1972: ~Although the mem­ slums, devoting themselves to work that they bership of MAKlBAKA in its early beginnings was called conscienticization-an attempt to raise comprised ofstudents, young protessionals, and the consciousness ofthe poorand disadvantaged, other sectors ofthe urban petty bourgeoisie, ef­ particularly with regard to asserting and protect­ forts to promote the national democratic line ne­ ing their rights. The activist nuns were instru­ cessitated the incorporation of" women of the mental in forming v;1riOUS organizations, the best working dass. Women took to the streets to par­ known of which was the Association of Major ticipate in mass actions, established cottage in­ Religious Superiors of the Philippines, which dustries, and fanned women's associations to set documented the arrest, torture, and release of up daycare centers notonly to educate the children political prisoners in a publication entided Philip­ but to politicize the mothers."1. MAKIBAKA'S pine Human Rights Update. This organization platform was considered tOO raelical by other also provided dara co international human rightS women's groups, which were more moder:J.te in org:mizations like Amnesty International on the their demands or more oriented to reforming ex­ abuses ofthe Marcos regime. isting institutions than to dismantling them alto­ A leaderofthe religious radicals, Sister Mariani gether. Dimar.man ofthe Franciscan order, was arrested Barcos, who worked as an NrA cadre in South­ in October 1973 and detained by the military as a ern Luzon, was caught and murdered by govern­ subversive I"r 47 days-anyone who opposed ment soleliers in 1976. Although the movement the government was called a subversive. Sister that she headed functioned within the crr-NrA Mariani headed a group called the Task Force

598 Belinda A. Aquino Detainees ofthe Philippin.., which r

The Philippines 599 The Marcos regime exa.:erbated the problem The repression of human and democratic of the flesh trade by vigorously promoting Usex rightS by the Marcos regime and the continuing tourism" to earn dollars fur the ailing Philippine abuse ofthe population by its instruments, par­ economy. In government policies prostitution ticularly the military establishment, clearly had a was euphemistically referred to as uthe hospi­ radicalizing effect on many women's groups in tality industry." The women were presented as sociery. Another example ofhow women coura­ uhospitality girls," Ua-go-go dancers," uhost­ geously defied the authoritarian practices ofmar­ esses," and "masseuses." The Ministry ofTour­ tiallaw was in the Philippine media. One ofthe ism regularly conducted sex tours for male visi­ first casualties after the imposition ofmartial law tors, and child prostitution was promoted for was freedom of the press. Several of those ar· pedophiles. Pedophiles were taken directly to rested after Marcos shut down the media in 1972 Pagsanjan, Laguna Province, which earned the were journalists, mostly male. lvlarcos cronies disgusting distinction of being the pedophile bought existing media to silence critics or set up capital ofAsia. The mail·order-bride business tar­ new media to propagandize the regime. Censor­ geted men from the United States and Australia ship guidelines were laid down by the Print Me­ who were looking for wives. The exploitation of dia Council: criticism ofMarcos and the first fam­ women and children reached shameless propor· ily was not allowed, for inStance. But Philippine tions dUring the Marcos dictatorship. Never be­ journalism has a long tradition offreedom ofex­ fore had Filipinas been so degraded. pression, which the regime could not eradicate. The ensuing public outrage was mainly the re­ It took a woman, Ma. (Maria) Ceres P. Do)'o of sult of etIorts by women's organizations to ex­ Panorama magazine, to test the limits of press pose the scandalous operations ofthe Ministry of censorship under Marcos. ~3 Tourism and its allies. The Third World Move­ Doyo exposed the murder ofa Kalinga tribal ment Against Exploitation ofWomen conducted leader, Madi-Ing Dulag, who led the resistance a media campaign to denounce the hospitality against the construction ofthe Chico River Dam industry, projecting the prostitution issue: as project financed by the World Bank. After she symptomatic ofthe basic problems ofPhilippine wrote a piece on Dulag's killing in 1980, she was society-particularly poverty and the traditional interrogated and warned by the military. Pan­ exploitation ofwomen. Any attempt to reframe orama's editor, Letty Jimenez Nlagsanoc, an~ the issue of prostitution, the organization at· other woman journalist, supported Doyo and in gued, would be diverting the issue. uSuch treat· turn \vrote an article criticizing the "phony" lift­ ment is not much different from prescribing aspi­ ing ofmartial law in 1981. The publisher ofthe rin for meningitis. "30 ma~zine, under pressure fronl the regime, asked The Center fur Women ~sources helped by Magsanoc to resign. Instead of cowering, three documenting the extent of prostitution. UAs of more women journalists continued their criti­ 1980, there were about 120 flesh shops in Ma­ cism ofthe regime. Arlene Babst, Sylvia Mayuga, nila's tourist belt, 21 ofwhich were accredited by and Ninez Cacho-Olivares-all Bulletin Today the MinistryofTourism andlicensed by City Hall. columnists-openly deplored the intimidation Each shop had 80 to 200 girls employed by ac­ of their colleagues and the perperual military credited tour agencies. "31 In regard to the bases, atrocities against the people. the center repeatedly made a comparison with "Sensing that these writers were creating a Saigon, which had 400,000 prostitutes by the strong impact among the readers, the National time the Americans left in 1975: it had become a Intelligence Board (NIB) under General Fabian city ofprostitutes and pimps. Otherwomen's or· Ver, Marcos' Armed Forces Chief of Staff, 'in­ ganizations concentrated on the issue ofdisloca· vited' eight women journalists fur a 'dia­ tion should the bases pull out: Where would the logue.' "3. From December 1982 to January no-longer-employed women gO?32 1983 the board called in Babst; Olivares; the sub-

600 Belinda A.."quina ~ I

sequent Pntlorama editor, Domini Torrevillas man righes violations, repression ofcivillibcrcies, Suarez, and the staffer Lorna Kalaw-Tirol; Eu­ and government corruption. Because the eco· genia D. Apostol, the courageous publisher of nomic situation was so dire, fumily incomes had Mr. "nd Ms., another magazine critical ofmartial shrunk to the point where even the hereto­ law; Doris Nuyda, also of Alr. "nd Ms.; and Jo­ fore apolitical middle class began to complain. Ann MagJipon of Bulletin Tod"y. The military Women, who felt the crunch the most, took to sued them for libel, and they promptly fought the streets. They joined their more politicized back. Babst, a member ofWomen in Media Now sisters in the nearly 200 mass actions that took (WOMEN), an organization originally set up to place between August 1983 and April 1984 after publish works by women writers, filed a case be­ Aquino was laid to rest. Thus, women from all fore the Supreme Court to stop General Vcr and classes and persuasions worked side by side in his intelligence agents from harassing women challenging the dictatorship. Society matrOnS in journalists. The move was a bold one, leading their high heels walked alongside urban poor to pressure to dismantle the military's Special women in their sneakers or slippers in anti­ Media Committee, which had undertaken the Marcos demonstrations. As they marched in the writers' inquisition. "It was a signal victory for streets, women in offices threw yellow confetti press freedom, particularly for the women jour­ from high-rise buildings to signify their solidarity nalists of WOMEN who broke the complacency \vith the protesters. The slain Aquino was to have and sycophancy of the then brow-beaten me­ been welcomed home on 21 August \vith a dis­ dia."35 Space docs nOt permit going into the play ofyellow ribbons.36 backgrounds of these journalists, who arc still The involved organizations with the most active in Philippine media circles. But collectively members were GABRIElA and Katipunan ng they recall the Katipunan women and the "suf­ Bagong Pilipina, or K.\BAPA (New Filipino tragettes" who lorged a brave new world in Phil­ \Vomen's Association). GABRIEL""" which took ippine society. shape in the protest movement against the Marcos regime and became a formal organiza· tion in 1984, had mostly urban-based and THE AQUINO ASSASSINATION AL"lD college-educated women for members. Atits first FEMINIST MOBILIZATION general conference in March 1985,71 organiza­ The brutal assassination ofthe opposition leader tions endorsed the GABRIEL". manitesro, which Sen. Benigno Aquino, Jr., by the Philippine mili­ called for advancing the \Vomen's liberation tary on 21 August 1983 was the proverbial straw cause, uniting in the fight against poverty and that broke the camel's back. It unleashed a fury terrorism under the Marcos regime, exposing the among the people that probably surpassed that sexual abuse of political prisoners, and disman­ ofthe 1896 revolutionaries. Millions poured into tling the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship.37 Their red the "Parliament ofthe Streets"; they denounced banners \vith anti-imperialist slogans made them the assassination andclamored lorMarcos to step highly visible in demonstrations. down. Remarkably, violence did no< erupt even In July 1985, GABRIELA sent a large delegation though the people were seething with rage. They to the U.N. International Decade for Women did not want to provoke a military reprisal. They Conlerence in Nairobi to present a special report kept up the pressure on the regime by political on militarization during the Marcos regime and mass action and alliance building among key or­ its effeCts on Filipinas. "Many women detainees ganizations. have been abused in the course oftactical inter­ Women were in the forefront ofpostassassina­ rogations, either as a form of reprisal tor their tion politics. By this time they had created formi: involvement in anti·government activities or as a dable alliances with other organizations that had means oftern:ring out infurmation on such activ· been protesting the increasing militarization, hu- ides," said the report. 38 The GABRIELA delega-

The Philippines 601 tion also joined a march taking place on the con­ RlEL\ has lost some of its initial members who ference grounds to protest the violation of hu­ were ofa more moderate ideological persuasion man rights, apartheid, corruption, and other ills than the leaders. Some ofthese less radical mem­ in counmes ruled by dictators. bers have joined other organizations or set up Another umbrella organization, largely com­ their own. GABRIELA continues, however, to be posedofF.u-mers and otherrural women, was also the voice of militant feminism in the country. active in political work. Founded in March 1976, KAllAPA focuses on issues ofeconomic and legal WOMEN AND THE 1986 REVOLUTION equality for women and supports broader con­ cerns: genuine agrarian reform, nationalization The acceleration ofwomen's activity during the of key industries, restrictions on multinational Marcos period and the heightened tension corporate profits, and withdrawal ofthe U.S. mil­ brought about by Senator Aquino'S assassination itary bases. 39 reached a logical conjuncture in the People KABAPA, which has a national membership of Power Revolution in early 1986.•' Played out in 25,000 women, considers its consciousness· four days in February (the 22nd to the 25th) at raising work amongrural womenits majorachieve­ the center of metro Manila's largest highway, mentand has developedapacketofquestion-and­ Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, more popularly answer material that is used in seminars, work­ ·known as EDSA, it was probably the shortest revo­ shops, study meetings, and role-playing ses­ lution on record.·2 Marcos had arrogantly called sions in local communities. The: organization for a snap presidential election on 7 February concentrates on consciousness-raising as away to 1986. The various opposition forces united into enable rural women-who belongto the 58 per­ one and nominated Corazon C. Aquino, widow centofthe population living in the countryside­ ofthe slain senator, to run against Marcos. The to fully understand the connection between their president's monumental cheating and use ofvio­ enduring poverty and the elite social structure. lence to ,vin the election signaled his final col­ A5long as they are exploited by the wealthier and lapse. The showdown was precipitated by the de­ more powerful forces in Philippine society, con­ fection of Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile cepts like democracy and equality have no mean­ and Armed Forces ChiefofStaffFidel Ramos on ing. They ,viII continue to be dependent on the 22 February 1986. Two million Filipinos gath­ meager resources accorded to them in the highly ered at EDSA to force Marcos to step down. What unequal economic dismbution system. To break had started as a military mutiny escalated into a the pattern, they have to recast their traditional people's uprising. Tanks and armored vehicles way ofthinking and rely on themselves. In short, came roaring down from the military camps according to KAllAPA, rural women's oppressed around the area. Although the potential for vio­ Status can be rectified to a certain degree bypolit­ lence was extremely high, people power turned ical education, and this must start with selt: out to be a peaceful confrontation. Out\vitted reliance. and facing the wrath ofthe people, Marcos and The question has been asked, Why are there so his family and associates fled undercover ofdark­ many women's organizations in the Philippines? ness on the night of25 February. The U.S. gov­ One observer counted 171 organizations in ernmentfacilitated his exile to Hawaii the follow­ metro Manila alone:'" In view ofthe geographic, ing day. regional, ethnic, religious, class, ideological, and A vivid image from that time ofincredible up­ other distinctions in Philippine society, groups of heaval was nuns and other women holding up oraboutwomen are bound to proliferate. Signifi­ rosaries, banners, and pictures of the Virgin cantly, in spite of the diversity and dinerences Mary, icons ofthe Santo Nino (infant Jesus), and in perspective, there is :1 minimum of friction other religious objects while men braced their among the various womcn's organizations. GAB- bodies against the tanks that were ready to roll

602 Belinda A. Aquino anrtime. The religious symbolism W:LS powerful. In sum, women played key symbolic and practical It stunned and mystified the soldiers. A bewil­ roles in an unusual political upheaval that gave dered marine commander ordered the tanks to Southe:LSt Asia its first woman president. retreat. More significantly, the leaders ofthe var· ious military commands and their troops cast PRESIDENT AQUINO Al'lD their lot with the people. Four days ofquiet rage THE POLITICS OF CLASS and courage ousted a formidable dictator, and EDSA is enshrined as the Filipino contribution to Corazon Aquino personified the bourgeois the theory ofmodern revolutions. woman in Philippine society: descended from a The women took part in the whole gamut of wealthy landowning family in central Luzon 'vith activities during the revolution. The nuns were nineteenth-century roots in the Chinese mestizo the first to answer Jaime Cardinal Sin's frantic class, she was proper in demeanor-a product of calls for people to proceed to EDSA and give sup­ convent schools-and educated in the United port to Enrile and Ramos.He called the Catholic States. Even though she operated in a political church convents to send nuns to EDSA. One milieu-her futher having been a legislator and could argue that the religious women were re­ her husband a politician for all ofthe 28 years that sponding out ofobedience to their superior, but theywere married-Aquinowas noe apublic per­ considering their long years of struggle against son. She was extremely reluctant to lace Marcos martial law, they could not have passed up the in the 1986 election because she thought that as a moment that portended the end of the Marcos "house'vife" she did not know anything about dictatorship. politics. She had never worked Ibr a living, much Women of all classes-affluent ma­ less held public office. To appease hersupporters, trons, journalists, poor urban workers, faculty she said (probably nOt seriously) that she would· and students from public and private universities fuce Marcos only if2 million signatures could be -;nd colleges, vendors, and lactory workers­ gathered urging her to run. Her supporters, m:LSS

The Philippines 603 a thorough cleanup of the military and bureau­ The Filipino academic and intellectual Fran­ cracy, she instead chose [0 wait until the formal dseo Nemenzo offers a difterent view ofAqui­ structures ofgovernment, including OJ. new C00 4 no's political style, arguing that her indecisive­ stitution and an elected Congress, were in place. ness stems Irom a fear ofconfronting either the Perhaps she failed to appreciate and understand native elite from whose ranks she comes or the the meaning of the: revolutionary simation cre­ U.S. government: "She has desisted from tam­ ated after Marcos's downfall. Yet to move toward pering with structures other than those directly dramatic rc:torm was not casy, either, because the linked with Marcos. "45 military and othcr instruments of authoritarian It is too soon to judge the Aquino presidency, rule remained. but it does appear to embody a politics ofclass Duringthe delay, Aquino's ruling coalition be­ that goes against some ofthe tenets espoused by gan to disintegrate. Enrile and his supporters feminism: equality and the empowerment of plorted to oust her, and Mareos loyalists demon­ women, for example. Only one ofmore than 20 strated in the streets. The New People's Army cabinet members is a woman-a tact that says acquired the capacity for urban terrorism and much about the Aquino presidency's agenda on continued guerrilla operations on the country­ women. This lone woman cabinet member's po­ side as well. The Moro National Liberation Front sition covers a field traditionally assigned to went back underground after a proposed peace women: social work and development. settlement with the Aquino government failed. Peace talks with the National Democratic Front, CONCLUSION the umbrella organiz:1cion that includes CPP-NPA, collapsed, and a new threat developed as the The participation of women in the nationalist right-wing faction ofthe military establishment, movement against Spain in the nineteenth cen­ the Refurm the Armed Forces Movement, en· tury and their protracted struggle lor lemale sui: gaged in several destabilization efforts. fuge in the earlv decades ofthis century resulted In June 1990, stung by her deteriorating pop­ in their deeper political consciousness. Women's ularity, Aquino launched a political mo'·ement of militant opposition to the ~Iarcos regime and her own-Kabisig, meaning ~arm·in-arm" in their mobilization efforts during the tumult of Tagalog. According to her, Kabisig is not a politi­ the Aquino assassination and the EDSA revolution cal party. It is a movement designed to harness were more recent landmarks in the history of the support of the people for various develop­ feminism in the society. ment programs, especially in depressed prov­ Philippine feminism has been discussed here as inces. With this program Aquino is doing what though it were singular, but it is actually a plural many supporters felt she should have done when phenomenon-a mixed bag ofsocial, economic, she assumed powerin 1986. Hercritics see this as and political women-related initiatives on both ""too little, too late," but others view it as an at­ theideological and the prac-ricallevel. Notonebut tempt to recover the people's support. sevC'ra.l women's movements have taken place. Some argue-though not openly for fear of These have been influenced by developments in being labeled sexist-thar Aquino's indecisive­ other parts of the world, such as the struggle ness on weighty issues ofstate may be attributed for women's rights and later the consciousness­ to her being a woman in a political world still raising acti\;ries offeminist groups in the United dominared by men. This does nOt seem to be the States; yet they have theirown unique characteris­ case, for she has stood her ground on many occa­ tics. Some have tollowed a specific ideological sions, unfazed by crisis and criticism. Perhaps fa­ tendency; others have been guided by the larger taistic, she has been known to say, "Kung darat­ issues that Philippine societyas a whole has had to ing ang panahon mo, dar3.ting aog panahon mo" confront. I have thus examined the role ofFilipino (\Vhcn your time comes, it comes)."" women in a broader social and politicJI context,

604 Belinda A. Aquino rarher than in terms of the more specific male· only income levels but also illiteracy, disease, nutrition, t.male structure ofrhe society. housing, and the a\'aibbility ofa number ofamenities­ hence the varying estimates. Philippine society is undergoing a period of 4. Sec Fe C. Arriola, Si Maria, Mema, Gabrieu" Arbp­ redemocratization following two decades ofau­ KuwmtoJJ8 KasaJSIJ;'fIlJJ ng Kabl1hai/JtJn (Mari:l, Mem3, thoritarian rule. The major problems ofgovern­ Gabriela andothen-historical accounts ofwomen) (Ma· ment corruption, a huge foreign debt, divisive· nil:l: GABRlELA and St. Scholastica's Institute ofWom· ness in the population brought about by the en's Studies, 4 September 1990), 31. continuing presence of the U.S. military bases, 5. Malolos, a historic [Own north ofM;,'lOila, was the site ofthe revolutionary Congress convened by President Em­ insurgencies, and unrelenting poverty remain, ilio Aguinaldo on 4 September 1898, three months after however. Much has to be done. Women's groups the proclamation ofPhilippine independence from Spain. musr deal with these societal issues, as well as 6. This information was drawn from the Colegio de ,vith the more specific concerns thar arrecc them, Santa Isabel's historical marker, which still exists in Naga such as child care, reproductive rights, male vio­ City. Sec Liceria B. Soriano, "Women and Education," in Yolanda Q. Javellana, cd., Woman and the lAw (Quezon lence, discrimination in the workplace, sexual ha­ City: University ofthe Philippines Law Center, 1975), 81. rassmenr, prostitution, and healthcare. Philip­ 7. Fe Mangahas, "The S~tus ofFilipino Women from pine t.minism is no longer a matterofexpanding Pre-Colonial Times [0 the Early .-\merian Period," in women's roles, as in the previous century; in· Pennie S..Azarcon, cd., Kam"I"Y4n: Feminist Writings in deed:, women now have many roles to play and the Philippinet (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1928), 39. 8. Maria Paz Mendoza-Guazon, TIle Development anti much to do. The question is, How they can ac­ Prognn ofthe Filipino Woman (i\bnila: Bureau of Print­ complish all these things, in addition to comper' ing, 1928),40. ing more successfully with men in the public 9. EncamacionA.lz~O:l,Tile Filipino Woman-Her So­ sphere? ,i"I, EcOtltmlic and Political Starlit, 1565-1937 (Manila: Beniparo Press, 1937),67. 10. The morc: prominent ones were Pura Villanuc\"3. NOTES Kalaw (writer), Rosa Sevilla Ah'ero (educator), Encarna· cion Alzona (historian), Maria Paz Mendoza·Guazon 1. Mwlims, 4.3 percent; Prorcst:lnts. 3.1 percent:; (medical doctor), Pilar Hidalgo Lim (social worker), 10· Aglipayan, 2.8 percent; cultural minorities, 1.7 percent; seta Uanes Escoda (social worker), Concepcion Felix Iglesia ni Kristo. 1.6 percent:; Buddhists, 0.1 percent; md Rodriguez (social worker, teacher), Natividad Almeda ochen, 4.3 percent. The percentages were ,alcul

The Philippines 605 (: Uni\·ersicy of the Philippines Ccnrer for ClmrclJ-Economic Development mId Political Repression Women's Studies, 1989), 75. in the PlJil;ppines (Ithac3., N.Y.: Cornell Uni\'Crsity Press, 15. Alzona, Filipino Woman. 104. 1990),162. 16. Ibid., 129. 29. Ma. Ceres P. Doyo, "The Sisters H:l\'e Come a 17. Ibid., 135. Long Way," Philippine Panora",a 12, no. 22 (29 May 18. MmurriAl (in Pilipino), a SakdaI document in­ 1983): 18. tended for tr:utsmission to the U.S. Congress on the issue 30. Ma. Ceres P. Doyo, "The Prostitution Problem ofPhilippine independence. Sce Benedicro S. Librojo, Jr., Must Be Viewed trom a National, E\'en Global, Perspec- "An Episode in the Long Agrarian SagOl ofthe Muscs­ rive,. Philippi., P 12, no. 22 (29 M.y 1983): An Analysis of the SakdaI Movement" (UndergraduOlte 38. thesis, Univcrsity of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon 31. Ibid., 40. City, 1990),39. 32. Another organization, Campaign for a Sovereign 19. Appendix 0, "An Interview with Salud. AIgabrc," Philippines, headed by MOl. Socorro Diokno, exprcssed a in David R. SturtCV:1nt. Popular UpM¥ in tht Philip­ 1imilafconcern for the women who \Vould be dislocated if piner, 1840-1940(Ithaca. N.Y.: Cornell University Press, the bases were pulled out. "We have been looking into the 1976),290. pos&ibility of putting up cotcage indwtries within the 20. Ibid., 29+;95. bases and also of alrern:ujve education for the women 21. Tecla. San Andres Ziga, "Women in Politics and involved." There would be initial dislocation, but if the Government," in Ja\"cl.Jana, cd., Woman anti the fAlP, 76. women were given a chance to do somcthing better and 22. TarrosaSubido, Tbe FeminisrMovemmt in the Phil­ certainly less demeaning than prostitution, they would ippinu, 1905-1955 (Manila: National Federation of "knock on it," according to Diokno. See The US Military Women's Clubs, 1955), 54. B4sua"d the Filipino Women-~Jntn's Discourse, No.1 23. In the 1987 congressional ejections, a small all­ (Quezon City: Centerfor Women's Resources, 1989), 11. tcmalc: political partY, Kababaihan Para Sa Lnang Bayan, or 33. Aurora }. De Dios. "Participation of Women's KAIBA <,"Vomen for the Mother Countr}>}. put up or sup­ Groups in the :\nri·Dietatorship Stfuggle: Genesis of a ported women c:mdidaccs. Ana Dominique Coscteng of Movemcnt," in Women"s Role in PlJilippi"e Hmor.v, 101. Quezon City ran tOr Congress under the KAIBA banner 34. Ibid. and won, but she was also endorsed by the pop-Laban. 35. Ibid. KA.JBA .uso supported another congressional candidate, 36. It is not possiblc to mention all the women's orga­ Venancio T. Garduce ofSamar Pro\;nce, who also \Von. nizations whose members filled the strc:ets, but among The parry bec:une largely inactive after the election. the major ones were Kilusan ng Kababaihang Pilipino, or 24. The term bourgeoit is not used here "ith its cI:usic PILlrlSA (Filipino Women's ~Iovement); Samahan ng European meaningofa mercantile orshopkecping middle Babaing Nagbkaiu, or SAMAKANA (Unired Women's As­ class thatsprouted from a disappearing teudal society. The sociation)•.Katipunan ng K.ababaihan Parol sa K:1layaan, or Philippine usage reters to those who rruKl.e thcir tortunes KKK (Women's Association for Freedom); Samahan ng 3.fter the Second World War. Unlike the old arisrOCr.lcy, mga Mag-a:lral na Kababaihan, or5AMAKA (Federation of the newly'rich, pejoratively called burgis (a Filipino cor­ Women Students); K.apisan ngMadre ng Kamaynilaan. or ruption of bourgeois), tend to flaunt their \Vealth. ill­ lV\.\lAY (Association of Religious Women in Metro gotten or otherwise, and affect the Iifestylc ofhigh living, Manila); Women tor the Ouster of Man:os and Boy­ respectability, and culture of the original bourgeoisie. cott (WOMB); Mothcrs and Relatives Against Tyranny Manyentcred the political arena after the war and have (MAR.1YR); Alliance of Concerned Women for Reforms maint:lined their power or influence. (AWARE); Concerned Women of the Philippines (cwp); 25. Clarita Roj., "unerro Mrs. 0--" (July 1973). Association ofWomen in Theology (AWIT); N:uional As­ After many years it was rcvc:l1ed th:lt Mrs. 0-- w:tS SOl:iation of Religious Women in the Philippines (:--:ow); Delores Feria, an English profcssorat the Universicyofthe Women in Media ~o\v; GARRIELA, then in irs furmative Philippines who supported radical causes and \Vas under­ stage: and Katipunan og Bagong PiJipina. or KABAPA (;Sew ground hersclfin the early 1970s during martial la\V. Filipino Women's Association). 26. Editorial Collective, Philippines Rcsc:arch Centef, 37. GABRIEL<\, Conpenrion Proceedings (Quezon Filipino Womm in the NatUmnJ Lilnmtion Smcggle City, .\1t. C:umd Community Ccnter, 2-3 March 1985), (19721). 19. 27. MOl. Lorena Barros, "Libcratcd Womcn," MgMa­ 38. GABRIELA, Peau Is an 11lus;on-JfiJitlJrizat;on "'rt' (13 M"",h 1971),3,:tS quoted in Edirorilll Collec­ and Its Effects 0" Filipino Women, If Special Report (Ma· tive, Filipino Women in the Nation"l Liberation Sm'B!J/eJ nila: GABRIELA Women', Coalirion, 1985), 76. 3. 39. Its basic mission is "To strive tor ~qu;llity before the 28. Sec Robert L. Youngblood, .wanat Agllinsr the law in all fields \\'hcre it docs not exist; equality of ceo-

606 Belinda il.. Aquino nomi\: righ[s. induding [he righ[ CO work and [he: righ[ co nagen, "{['s People's Power, Not People Power," Mid­ equal pay for work of equoll\'aluc, non-discriminacion in l"eek I, no. 17 (26 March 1986): 30. employment opportuni[ic:s and security of employmen[ 42. The highway is named after Epif.lnio De Los oltter marriage, and equali[y of righcs and rcsponsibili[ies Sancos, a Fdipino writer who wrote pa[rionc articles in in cite family and home:." KABAPA Primer (M3.rtila, Spanish for La Independenein (Indcpendence) in 1898. 19761, l. 43. Sandra Burron, I"'pomble Drtm,,-I1Je MnrcoseJ, -loO. BarbWl.M<1hel, TIle Situluion afFilipino Wamm­ the AquinlJJ, and the Unfinished Revolution (New York: FoeJ'S on Womn,,'s Organi=ations Basett in Manila (Ma­ Warner Books, 1989), 302. nila: Friedrich ~aum

The Philippines 607 on behalf of the Women's Forum, a project Fellowship to pursue her graduate studies and that combines the etTorts of the women's holds a Ph.D. trom the University ofPennsyl­ movement with those ofwomen in public ad­ vania. ministration. In 1985 she ran for election to South Africa the Senate. BARBARA KLUGMAN, a political activist and so· The Philippines cial anthropologist, coordinates the Women's BELINDA A. AQUINO is professor ofpolitical sci­ Health Project ofthe Center for Health Policy ence andAsian studies and directoroftheCen­ at the Unive",ity of Wit\vate",rand, Johan­ ter for Philippine Studies at the University of nesburg. She was active in the anti-apartheid Hawaii at Manoa. She is the author ofPolitics United Democratic Front, served on the exec· of Plunder-The Philippines Undn- M4rcos utive board of the Federation of Transvaal (1987) and the editor ofPmidentilll Le4der­ Women, and in 1991 became chairofthe Black ship 4nd Cory AlJuino (1990), The F4iled De­ Sash in the Southern Transvaal. Her research cembn- Coup (1990), and Reflections on the and publications concern women in connee· U.S. B4Sts in the Philippines (1990). She has rion with trade unions, reproductive rights, taught cou"'es on women and politics in Ha­ and population politics. waii and the Philippines and was instrumental Spain in setring up the Center for Women's Studies at the Unive",ity of the Philippines. MARlA TERESA GALLEGO MENDEZ, professor of political science and direccor of the Women's Poland Studies Institute at the Autonomous Univer­ RENATA SIEMIE~SK.-\ is professor at the Institute sit)' of .\hdrid, is the author of Women, r/,. of Sociology, \Varsaw University. Her recent F4/"nge, 4nd Fr"ncoUm (1983, in Spanish), research and publications have centered on the coauthor of The Europt4n Left (1985, in cross-cultural analyses ofthe value systems of Spanish) and Violence 4nd the P"tri"rch4/Soci­ diffi:rent populations, the functioning oflocal ely (1990, in Spanish), and the editor of New leade"" and women's participation in public Perspectives Abo"t Women (1982). She has life. She is the author of Gender-OcCllp"tion­ contributed (with M. A. Duran) to The New Politics: Women in Public Life in Pou.nd Women)s ..\1of'ement in Europe and the U.S. (1990, in Polish) and Gendn- InelJ'/4Iity: A (1980) and (with C. Fernandez) to The Imp/e­ Comp"mtive Study of Discrimin4tion 4nd ment4tion ofEqu4/RightsforMen 4nd Women P4rtieip"tion (1990, written with Mino (1991). She has been active in the socialist VianeUo), as wen as a number of artides on and in furthering women's women's issues. studies in Spanish unive",ities.

Puerto Rico Sudan

YAMIU AZIZE-VAllGAS is associate professor at MAGDA M. EL-SANOUst is assistant researcher and the Unive",ity of Puerto Rico, Cayey, where coordinator of the: Documentation Unit she has directed the women's studies program, for Women's Studies at Ahfud Unive",ity for PRO-MUTER, since 1987. A specialist in litera­ Women. Her specialties are women in politics, ture, women's history, and women's health is­ and rutal and displaced women. She is the au­ sues, she is the author of Women in StruMle thor of"The Effi:ct ofSocialization and Edu­ (1985), a history offeminism in Puerto Rico, cation on Women's PoJitical Participation in and the editor of Women in Puerto Rico Sudan" (1990) and "Displaced Women in (1987), an anthology ofresearch essays; both Omdurman" (1990), both in Arabic. She is are in Spanish. She received a Ford Foundation head of the Relief Aid Otlice of the Babiker

794 Contributors