Steps Towards a Typology of Partial Agreement

Séminaire FieldLing

Phonology

Sebastian Fedden

Université Paris 3/ LACITO

4 Sept 2018 Mianmin 2004 A brief CV

• PhD with Nick Evans in Melbourne (2003-2007) • Research fellow at the MPI for Psycholinguistics with Steve Levinson (2007-2009) • Research fellow at the Surrey Morphology Group with Grev Corbett (2009-2014) • Assistant Professor at the University of Sydney with Nick Enfield (2015-2016)

• Since 2016 Professor of Linguistics at Paris 3 Sorbonne Nouvelle / LACITO

2 My research - Papuan languages

• A grammar of Mian (2011)

• Synchronic and diachronic study of the structure of Mian and other Papuan languages • Tone • Gender • Ditransitives • Reciprocals • ‘Switch-reference’ • Grammaticalization • Trans New Guinea 3 My research - Typology

• Nominal classification (gender and classifiers) • Corbett, Greville G., Sebastian Fedden and Raphael A. Finkel. 2017. Single versus concurrent feature systems: nominal classification in Mian. Linguistic Typology 21. 209-260. • Fedden, Sebastian & Greville G. Corbett. 2017. Gender and classifiers in concurrent systems: Refining the typology of nominal classification. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 2(1). 34, 1-47. • Corbett, Greville G. & Sebastian Fedden. 2016. Canonical gender. Journal of Linguistics 52. 495-531.

• Referential hierarchies and argument marking • using psycholinguistic experimentation (specially prepared video stimuli)

4 Overview

• My research (New Guinea)

• Segmental phonology

• Tonal phonology

5 MY RESEARCH Séminaire FieldLing - Phonology

6 Google map New Guinea

7 Indigenous languages

• New Guinea Area (‘Papuasphere’)

• About 1200 languages • Many as different as English and Cantonese • About one quarter are Austronesian languages • The rest are Papuan (or Non-Austronesian languages)

8 Google map New Guinea

9 Papuan languages

• Between 650 and 800 Papuan languages, depending on the definition of language and dialect • Largest family: Trans New Guinea family with about 300-500 languages • Largest language: Enga (TNG) with about 230.000 speakers • Many Papuan languages have fewer than 1000 speakers

10 Papuan languages

• Papuan languages do not constitute a single family, like Indo- European, at least we cannot show relations because of the time depth (several 10,000 years) • Comparison: Expansion of the Indo-Europeans was less than 10,000 years ago • Papua – widely used term, shorthand for the non-Austronesian and non-Australian languages of the south-west Pacific

11 12 The Mianmin

• Mianmin area: east of the border to Papua • Telefomin District, Sandaun Province • Mianmin itself (two villages plus airstrip) • First contact in the 1930s

13 The Mian language

• ‘Mian’ is not a Mian word • But means ‘dog’ in a neighbouring language • Traditionally just wéng ‘sound, voice, language’ • Belongs to the Ok family of languages (ok ‘river’) • About 20 Ok languages (cf. Glottolog) • Mountain Ok (Mian, Telefol, Faiwol, ...) • Lowland Ok (Muyu, Ninggerum, ...) • Ngalum • Oksapmin

14 The Mian language

• Spoken in Telefomin District, Sandaun Province, Papua New Guinea • Two main dialect areas (west and east) • Eastern dialect has approx. 1,400 speakers, 11 months of fieldwork • Western dialect (aka Suganga) has approx. 350 speakers

15 Mr Kasening Milimap (with his father’s headgear, 2008)

16 Mr Kasening Milimap (with his father’s headgear, 2008)

17 segmental PHONOLOGY Séminaire FieldLing - Phonology

18 How to start?

• Start simple! • Be careful not to ask too detailed and specific questions too soon • “[Y]ou are asking someone to give you details of their language when, as far as they can tell, you have no knowledge of the fundamentals of the language” (Rice 2001: 247)

19 How to start?

• Elicit from a basic vocabulary list • Ideally from several speakers (variation) • body parts (incl. possessives) • with a few hundred words start working out the phonology of the language, minimal pairs, etc. • starting point for building short clauses

• Use a narrow transcription until you know the relevant features • Make sure you always read back transcribed words and sentences

(Dimmendaal 2001: 66; Mosel 2006: 75; Bowern 2008: 35, 63) 20 Word lists

• Using word lists: Potential issues • Method is questionable on both linguistic and psychological grounds • embarrassment: Native speakers might not know/understand the word or has forgotten what it means in their language • taboo (e.g. careful with body parts!)

(Mosel 2006: 75) 21 Word lists

• Explain the use of the wordlist • Discuss suitable semantic fields (e.g. food and cooking) • Elicit words by semantic field • fruit and vegetables, edible animals • dishes • activities • tools

(Mosel 2006: 75-6) 22 Word lists

• Ask for example: • tell me the names of fruit and vegetables you grow and eat (apples, spinach, beans, potatoes ...) • what do you do when you make a dish with potatoes? (wash, peel, boil, fry ...) • what kind of things do you use? (knife, spoon, tongs, pot ...);

(Mosel 2006: 75-6) 23 Word lists

• Start working on sentences when you have phonological control • sounds • syllable structure

(Hale 2001: 85) 24 Transcriptions

• Make transcriptions with your consultant, material you don’t transcribe in the field is useless unless you know the language rather well • Generally time-consuming, never calculate less than a 4:1 (probably 5:1 or 6:1) ratio between transcriptions and recordings (Sakel and Everett 2012: 207) • ELAN (https://tla.mpi.nl/tools/tla-tools/elan/download/)

25 Transcriptions

• Know the IPA (https://www.internationalphoneticassociation.org/content/ipa-chart) • Use a simple transcription system, no fancy symbols • E.g. Mian vowel system (Fedden 2011: 28-31)

Phonemically: Transcribe as: /i/ /u/ /ɛ/ /ɔ/ /a/ /aʕ/

26 During the session

• Monitor your recorder while you’re working • Batteries! • Record level! • Tape/SD card space! • Look for signs of boredom or fatigue • schedule short sessions (~ 1h) • take breaks • Listen and take notes

27 Church and airstrip at Mianmin

28 A kitchen

29 A kitchen

30 Toilets

31 Soccer and basketball fields

32 Fieldwork is holistic

• You always have to do everything at the same time • No isolating the traditional levels of language description (“Stop, that’s syntax, I only do phonology!”)

• Preparation: session script (Hale 2011: 84) • Deviations are possible, but it provides something to fall back on

33 Phoneme inventory

• Phoneme inventories differ widely • E.g. Mohawk (Iroquoian) distinguishes two oral stops: /t, d/ • Central Pomo (Pomoan) distinguishes 17 oral stops: /p, ph, p’, b, t̪, th, t̪’, d, ṭ, ṭh, ṭ’, k, kh, k’, q, qh, q’/

• Getting a feeling for the phonology (sounds, syllable structure) of another language takes time

(Mithun 2001: 36) 34 Phoneme inventory

• Approach the phoneme inventory as you would a class phonology problem • Make list of segments and their environments, identify complementary distribution • Number examples • Note any minimal pairs • Note down segments you are fairly sure about (e.g. on a phoneme chart) • Write down all phones and circle all the allophones of a single phoneme • Note the environment of allophones • Make a list of everything that you aren’t sure about

35 Example 1: Mian allophonic variation

[d, l, nd, r, ɾ ]

. . .

. .

Alternative pronunciations

36 Example 2: Mian tone

‘nest’ vs. ‘moss’ Ldeit LHdeit

Lam ‘house’

LHaam ‘wild pandanus sp.’

LHLaam ‘older sister’

37 Be skeptical

• Read and value previously published materials on a language • But always be skeptical

• For example, for Mian, Smith and Weston (1974a, 1974b) • Smith and Weston (1974a) say that is a “nasalized” vowel

38 Pharyngealization

• Phonemic distinction between a pharyngealized /aˤ/ (spelled ) and a plain /a/ • The contrast of a low, long, glottalized or pharyngealized vowel against another /a/ typical of Sepik languages; possibly a diffused feature

Minimal pairs: Near-minimal pairs: al ‘faeces’ aal ‘skin’ am ‘house’ âam ‘older sister’ ayal ‘light’ ayaal ‘tree sp.’ mak ‘other’ daak ‘down’

39 Pharyngealization • Lower frequency of the third and a higher frequency of the first formant (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996)

Figure 2. Spectogramm of /Lal/ ‘faeces’ Figure 3. Spectogramm of /Laˤl/ ‘skin’

a l F1 aa l

/al/ (L) /aal/ (LH)

‘faeces’ ‘skin’ 40 0 1.609 0 1.495 Time (s) Time (s) Harmonic structure of al ‘faeces’

H1 H2

) 40

(

l e

v 20

d 0

o S

0 2.205·104 Frequency (Hz) 41 Harmonic structure of aal ‘skin’

H1 H2

) )

z z

H H /

/ 20

B B

d d

( (

l l

e e

v v

e e

l l

e e

r r u

u 0

s s

e e

r r

p p

d d

n n

u u

o o S S -20

0 2.205·104 Frequency (Hz) 42 Knife and fork

43 Arrow

44 Arrow

45 Tongs for ground oven

46 MIAN TONE Séminaire FieldLing - Phonology

47 Mian tone

(Fedden 2011: 49) 48 Mian tone

(Fedden 2011: 49) 49 Tone in New Guinea • Within TNG - Ok - Mek - Engan, e.g. Kewa (Franklin 1971) - Chimbu-Wahgi, e.g. Kuman (Hardie 2003), Golin (Evans and Stoakes 2004), Dom (Tida 2006) - Gorokan, e.g. Fore (Scott 1990) - Turama-Kikorian, e.g. Kairi (Rumu) (Newman and Petterson 1990) Map. Tone languages in New Guinea (Donohue 2003: 330; conservative estimate) • Outside TNG • Phonemic tone in many TNG languages - Skou (Donohue 2003) • Not reported for the languages of the Sepik-Ramu area (Foley 1991: 19), the Bismarck Archipelago, and the Solomon Islands

50 A tone typology (Donohue 1997)

• Types are based on the domain of contrast which is phonemically exploited, rather than the number and identity of tones in a system

Syllable tone system: Word tone system:

T T T T T T T T T | | | | | | | | | σ σ σ σ σ σ ω ω ω | /\ / | \ E.g. Mandarin, Cantonese σ σ σ σ σ σ Vietnamese, Igbo, Chuave (Papuan, Chimbu Province), and E.g. Swedish, Mende, Shanghai, Mian Sikaritai (Lake Plains, Irian Jaya) and Kewa (Papuan, Enga Province, PNG) 51 Two tones, H and L, one of which is assigned to each Syllable tone syllable independent of the other syllables in a word, yielding a Example from Sikaritai (Martin 1991; cited in Donohue 1997: 353-354) full tone paradigm:

1-: H L 1 díg tig 2 = 2 ‘pig’ ‘go’

 2- : HH HL LH LL 22 =4 túóg bgóda pgadó asgad ‘ironwood’ ‘bachelor’ ‘divide’ ‘leaf’

3-: HHH HHL HLH HLL 23 =8 púéksó kúgjúa kígjokwé kgígkala ‘girl’ ‘speech’ ‘one’ ‘certain’ LHH LHL LLH LLL atéjé igtógi kipiá akaug ‘together’ ‘knife’ ‘old’ ‘shoulder’

52 Word tone

• In some languages, there are restrictions on the possible tones of words, irrespective of the number of vowels in the word • E.g. Mende (Niger-Congo, Mande)

H háwámá ‘waist,’ pέlέ ‘house,’ kɔ́ ‘war’ L kpàkàlì ‘three-legged chair,’ bὲlὲ ‘trousers,’ kpà ‘debt’ HL félàmà ‘junction,’ kényà ‘uncle,’ mbû ‘owl’ LH ndàvúlá ‘sling,’ fàndé ‘cotton,’ mbǎ ‘rice’ LHL nìkílì ‘groundnut,’ nyàhâ ‘woman,’ mba᷈ ‘companion’

53 Tone in Mian

• L, H, LH, HL, LHL • Only a few of the logically possible tonal melodies occur in mono- and polysyllabic words • L (low), e.g. am ‘house’, ibal ‘dust’; fu ‘cook (v.)’ • H (high), e.g. ān ‘arrow’, ēimawe ‘haze’, *verbs • LH (rising), e.g. áam ‘pandanus’, unáng ‘woman’, káawa ‘steel axe’, *verbs • LHL (peaking), klâ ‘properly’, alukûm ‘all’; -ûb’- ‘give (v.)’ • HL (falling), e.g. bòks ‘box’, usàn ‘tail’; hà’ ‘break (v.)’

54 Tone association

/LHunaŋ/ ‘woman’

LH L H L H |/ /|/ unaŋ → unaŋ → unaŋ

[unáŋ] ‘woman’

55 Tone association

/LHunaŋ/ ‘woman’

LH L H L H |/ /|/ Figure 4. Waveform and fundamental frequency for unaŋ → unaŋ → unaŋ /LHunaŋ/ ‘woman’

[unáŋ] ‘woman’

56 Segments attracting tone

/LHkaʕwa/ ‘steel axe’

LH L H L H | | | kaˤwa → kaˤwa → kaˤwa * * * [kʰaˤwá] ‘steel axe’

57 Segments attracting tone

/LHkaʕwa/ ‘steel axe’

LH L H L H | | | Figure 5. Waveform and fundamental frequency for /LHkaˤwa/ ‘steel axe’ A_kawa__axe_ kaˤwa → kaˤwa → kaˤwa 0.291739368 300 * * * 250 200

150 )

[kʰaˤwá] ‘steel axe’ z

(

h 100

c t

i 75 P k aa w a

/kaawa/ (LH)

‘steel axe’

0 1.235 Time (s)

58 Segments attracting tone

/LHkaʕwa/ ‘steel axe’

LH L H L H | | | Figure 5. Waveform and fundamental frequency for /LHkaˤwa/ ‘steel axe’ A_kawa__axe_ kaˤwa → kaˤwa → kaˤwa 0.291739368 300 * * * 250 200

150 )

[kʰaˤwá] ‘steel axe’ z

(

h 100

c t i 75 Also in : P k aa w a - ngáamein ‘yellow’ (ADJ) /kaawa/ (LH) - máamein ‘maternal uncle’ (N) ‘steel axe’

- gâala ‘tear down’ (V) 0 1.235 Time (s)

59 Formalism

Inventory of tonal melodies: L, H, LH, LHL, and HL

60 Formalism

Inventory of tonal melodies: L, H, LH, LHL, and HL Stems can be either unaccented or accented. The former are either all-low or all- high, i.e. the tones L or H are simply spread over the whole word. The latter are lexically specified for (i) one tonal melody and (ii) an accent (marked * in the derivations) to which the melody attaches. The accent falls regularly on the final stem syllable.

L LH HL | \ | |

σ σ ; σ σ ; [σ σ]stem σ σ * *

61 Formalism

Tone-bearing units (TBUs): Syllables are tone-bearing units.

62 Formalism

Tone-bearing units (TBUs): Syllables are tone-bearing units. Maximum number of tones per syllable: Every TBU is entitled to bear exactly one tone out of a tonal melody (Goldsmith 1990: 167). However, a TBU in a word- final syllable is allowed to have two tones (or in rare cases three tones)

H H L HL | | | |/ σ σ ; σ σ *

63 Formalism

Tone association: The tonal melody is associated with the TBU in the accented syllable. Having established this first association line, all remaining unassociated tones and vowels are automatically associated in a one-to-one fashion, radiating outward from the first association line (Goldsmith 1990: 14).

LH LH L H | |/ / |/ σ σ → σ σ → σ σ * * *

64 Formalism

• Spreading: Once all tones are associated with TBUs in a one-to-one fashion, the leftmost and rightmost tones in a tonal melody are spread – in both directions – over to and associated with any leftover vowels. Spreading occurs in both directions.

HL H L H L | | | / / | | \

[σ σ σ]stem σ σ → [σ σ σ]stem σ σ → [σ σ σ]stem σ σ * * *

65 Unaccented noun

(1) /Libal/ ‘dust’ L

ibal

66 Unaccented noun

(1) /Libal/ ‘dust’ L L | ibal → ibal

67 Unaccented noun

(1) /Libal/ ‘dust’ L L L | | \ ibal → ibal → ibal

[ì.βàl] ‘dust’

68 Accented noun

(2) /LHLalukum/ ‘all’

LHL LHL L H L L HL L HL | |/ | |/ / | |/ alukum → alukum → alukum → alukum → alukum * * * * * [à.lù.khûm] ‘all’

69 Accented noun

(3) /HLu’san/ ‘tail’ HL HL H L H L | |/ / |/ usan → usan → usan → usan * * * * [úsân] ‘tail’

70 Noun-noun compound

(4) /LHmil/+/Lbloŋ/ ‘bean pod’

LHL LHL L HL L HL | |/ | |/ mil+bloŋ → milbloŋ → milbloŋ → milbloŋ * * * *

[mìlblɔ̂ŋ] ‘bean pod’

71 Unaccented verb

(5) fu-n-amab-i=be ‘I will cook’ cook-AUX.PFV-IRR-1SG.SBJ=DECL

L L L | | \ \ \ \ funamabibɛ → funamabibɛ → funamabibɛ

[fùnə̀màβìβɛ̀] ‘I will cook’

72 Accented verb

(6) tób-kímá-n-amab-i=be ‘I will put a long object into the fire’ 3SG.LONG.OBJ-put_in_fire.PFV-AUX.PFV-IRR-1SG.SBJ=DECL

[tɔpḱ ímánə̀màβìβɛ̀] ‘I will put A LONG OBJECT into the fire’

73 Segments attracting accent

(7) /LH’kaʕwa/ ‘steel axe’

LH L H L H | | | Figure 5. Waveform and fundamental frequency for /LHkaˤwa/ ‘steel axe’ A_kawa__axe_ kaˤwa → kaˤwa → kaˤwa 0.291739368 300 * * * 250 200

150 )

[kʰaˤwá] ‘steel axe’ z

(

h 100

c t

i 75 P k aa w a

/kaawa/ (LH)

‘steel axe’

0 1.235 Time (s)

74 Morphological tone

• Iau (Lake Plains family, West Papua) (Bateman 1986, 1990) • Syllable tone language (cf. Donohue 1997: 356-7) with eight distinct tonal melodies

(8) u8 a7se9 tai5 tree SEQ fall.PUNCT.TEL ‘The tree has fallen.’

(9) u8 a7se9 tai2 tree SEQ fall.DUR.TEL ‘The tree was falling.’

75 Summary

• Start simple but think holistic • Value previously published materials but be skeptical

• Phoneme inventory • Contrastive and complementary distribution • Free variation

• Tone • Important property of many Papuan languages • Syllable tone vs. word tone • Usefulness of formalism in descriptive linguistics

76 thank you

merci beaucoup klayâm sūm

77 USEFUL REFERENCES Séminaire FieldLing - Phonology

78 Fieldwork - Useful references

Bowern, Claire. 2008. Linguistic fieldwork: A practical guide. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Chelliah, Shobhana L. and Willem J. de Reuse. 2011. Handbook of descriptive linguistic fieldwork. Dordrecht: Springer. Gippert, Jost, Nikolaus P. Himmelmann and Ulrike Mosel (eds.) 2006. Essentials of language documentation. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Li, Wen-Chao. 1994. Summary: native speaker judgments. The Linguist List, vol. 5-745 (June 27,1994). http://www.linguistlist.org Luka, Barbara. 1995. Judgment fatigue, summary part II: Stromswold, Ross, Tang, Boyland, Beasley The Linguist List, vol. 6-1045 (August 3, 1995). http://www.linguistlist.org Newman, Paul and Martha Ratliff (eds.) 2001. Linguistic fieldwork. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sakel, Jeanette and Daniel L. Everett. 2012. Linguistic fieldwork: A student guide. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Payne, Thomas E. 1997. Describing morphosyntax: A guide for field linguists. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thieberger, Nicholas (ed.) 2012. The Oxford handbook of linguistic fieldwork. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

79 BIBLIOGRAPHY Séminaire FieldLing - Phonology

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81 Goldsmith, John. 1990. Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology. Oxford: Blackwell. Gussenhoven, Carlos. 2004. The Phonology of Tone and Intonation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hardie, Peter. 2003. Is Kuman tonal?. Australian National University MA thesis. Healey, Alan. 1964a. A survey of the Ok family of languages, reconstructing Proto-Ok, Australian National University: Part of Ph.D. diss. —. 1964b. Telefol Phonology. Pacific Linguistics, B-3. Canberra: Australian National University. Healey, Phyllis. 1965a. Telefol Noun Phrases. Pacific Linguistics B-4. Canberra: Australian National University. —. 1965b. Telefol clause structure. In Linguistic Circle of Canberra Publications. Pacific Linguistics A-5, 1-26. Canberra: Australian National University. —. 1965c. Telefol verb phrases. In Linguistic Circle of Canberra Publications. Pacific Linguistics A-5, 27-53. Canberra: Australian National University. —. 1966. Levels and Chaining in Telefol Sentences. Pacific Linguistics B-5. Canberra: Australian National University. Healey, Phyllis and Alan Healey. 1977. Telefol Dictionary. Pacific Linguistics C-46. Canberra: Australian National University. Healey, Phyllis and Walter Steinkraus. 1972. A Preliminary Vocabulary of Tifal with Grammar Notes. Language data series. Ukarumpa: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Leben, William. 1973. Suprasegmental phonology. MIT Ph.D. dissertation. Loughnane, Robyn and Sebastian Fedden. 2011. “Is Oksapmin Ok? A study of the genetic relatedness of Oksapmin and the Ok languages”. Australian Journal of Linguistics. 31(1):1-40. Louwerse, Jan. 1978. A tentative phonology of Una. Irian 7(3):43-90.

82 Martin, David. 1991. Sikaritai phonology. In Margaret Hartzler and LaLani Wood (eds.) Workpapers in Indonesian Languages and Cultures, vol. 9, 91-120. Jayapura: Summer Institute of Linguistics Mecklenburg, Charlotte. 1974. Phonology of Faiwol. In Robert Loving (ed.) Workpapers in Papua New Guinea Languages: Studies in Languages of the Ok Family, 143-165. Ukarumpa, PNG: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Newman, John and Robert Petterson. 1990. The tones of Kairi. Oceanic Linguistics 29(1):49-76. Nichols, Johanna. 1996. Head-marking and dependent marking grammar. Language 62:56-119. Pike, Eunice. 1964. The phonology of New Guinea Highlands languages. In James Watson (ed.) New Guinea: The Central Highlands, 121-132. Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association (American Anthropologist 66(4), part 2, special publication). Ross, Malcolm. 2005. Pronouns as a preliminary diagnostic for grouping Papuan languages. In Andrew Pawley, Robert Attenborough, Jack Golson and Robin Hide (eds.) Papuan Pasts: Cultural, Linguistic and Biological Histories of Papuan-speaking Peoples, 15-66. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Scott, Graham. 1990. A reanalysis of Fore accent. La Trobe Working Papers in Linguistics 3:139-150. Smith, Jean and Pamela Weston. 1974a. Mianmin phonemes and tonemes. In Robert Loving (ed.) Workpapers in Papua New Guinea Languages: Studies in Languages of the Ok Family, 5-33. Ukarumpa, PNG: Summer Institute of Linguistics. —. 1974b. Notes on Mianmin grammar. In Robert Loving (ed.) Workpapers in Papua New Guinea Languages: Studies in Languages of the Ok Family, 35-142. Ukarumpa, PNG: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Steinkraus. Walter. 1969. Tifal phonology showing vowel and tone neutralization. Kivung 2:57-66.

83 Tida, Syuntarô. A grammar of the Dom language. Kyoto University Ph.D. dissertation. —. 2008. Some issues in reconstructing Proto-Simbu tones. Paper presented at the Second Papuanist Workshop, University of Sydney, 28-29 June 2008. —. 2012. Tonal evidence for subgrouping the Simbu dialects. Paper presented at the History, contact and classification of Papuan languages conference, VU University Amsterdam, 2-3 February 2012. Voorhoeve, Bert. 2005. Asmat-Kamoro, Awyu-Dumut and Ok: An enquiry into their linguistic relationships. In Andrew Pawley, Robert Attenborough, Jack Golson and Robin Hide (eds.) Papuan Pasts: cultural, linguistic and biological histories of Papuan-speaking peoples, 145-66. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Wurm, Stephen. 1954. Tonal languages in New Guinea and the adjacent islands. Anthropos 49:697-702. —. 1982. The Papuan Languages of Oceania. Tübingen: Narr. Yip, Moira. 2002. Tone. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.