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Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform. -
Introduction
1 Introduction Dennis Blair The second volume of Military Engagement relates the stories of how democratic civil-military relations developed in five world regions and fourteen individual countries. This introduction pro- vides some background on those who authored these stories and describes the patterns observed and the lessons that can be drawn from them. The Authors The regional summaries were written by a team of coauthors, almost all having both practical experience in armed forces or defense ministries of their countries and subsequent careers with security think tanks. They also contributed ideas and criticisms of the analysis and recommendations in the companion volume. Juan Emilio Cheyre, while chief of staff of the Chilean army, took the final steps to bring his service out of the Pinochet era. Matthew Rhodes is a professor at the Marshall Center in Germany, an insti- tution at the center of military-military relations among countries around the world. Istvan Gyarmati, who participated in the early brainstorming sessions for the handbook, was deputy defense minister of Hungary during the Hungarian armed forces’ transi- tion from its Warsaw Pact organization to meet NATO standards. Muthiah Alagappa, a general in the Malaysian Army, has become the foremost scholar of Asian civil-military relations subsequent to 1 01-2478-0 ch1.indd 1 5/16/13 6:03 PM 2 Dennis Blair his retirement. Tannous Mouawad served as Lebanon’s military attaché to the United States and the chief of Lebanon’s military intelligence service. Martin Rupiya was an officer in the Zimbabwean National Army and now heads a security affairs think tank in South Africa Each of the regional coauthors recruited additional authors to write the indi- vidual case studies; two of them wrote a case study as well. -
The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings
The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings 9 Derek Lutterbeck I. Introduction1 As popular uprisings, demanding greater political freedoms and in several countries even regime change, swept across much of the Arab world, a crucial role has been played by the armed forces of these countries in confronting the pro-reform movements. Practically all Arab countries can be described as military-based regimes, where the armed forces have been at the core of the political system, even though the status and role of the military has varied significantly from one country to the next. Moreover, powerful military forces, as well as a robust security apparatus more generally, have been seen by many, as one, if not the main, obstacle to political reform and democratization in the region.2 However, military forces have responded quite differently across the region to pro-democracy movements, ranging from openness to protest movements, to internal fracturing, to firm support for the regime in power. These different responses, in turn, have been crucial in determining the outcome of the popular uprisings, and whether authoritarian leaders were eventually overthrown. The aim of this paper is to discuss the role the armed forces have played in six Middle Eastern countries, which have 1 A more extensive study on this topic has been published as Lutterbeck, Derek, 2011: Arab Uprisings and Armed forces: between openness and resistance. DCAF SSR Paper 2. 2 See, e.g., Cook, Steven A., 2007: Ruling But Not Governing. The Military and Political Development in Egypt, Algeria and Turkey (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2007); Bellin, Eva, 2004: “The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East. -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or -
SFM Research Handbook
SFM Research Handbook Apr 15, 2020 Introduction 1 Research Handbook for Security Force Monitor1 2 Research methodology 3 3 Tutorials 7 4 Countries 9 5 What data does the Monitor collect? 19 6 Data integrity measures 21 7 Units 25 8 Persons 59 9 Persons Extra 73 10 Incidents 81 11 Sources 97 12 Frequently Asked Questions about WhoWasInCommand 111 13 Unit Records on WhoWasInCommand 117 14 Person records on WhoWasInCommand 127 15 Incident Records on WhoWasInCommand 135 i ii CHAPTER 1 Research Handbook for Security Force Monitor 1.1 About Security Force Monitor The Security Force Monitor works to make police, military and other security forces around the world more transparent and accountable. Human rights researchers, journalists, advocates, litigators and others engaged in making security forces accountable face a common problem – a lack of clear, detailed information on those forces. Often, answering even simple questions can be difficult: • Who is in charge of the specialized anti-riot police unit? • What army unit has jurisdiction over what areas? • Where did this commander previously serve? • When was a particular police unit based in a specific city? There is a vast amount of public information on security forces around the world, but it is unstructured and scattered among a wide variety of sources, making it prohibitively costly for those engaged in public interest work to understand the security forces of a particular country. The Security Force Monitor aims to solve this problem and aid those working to make police, military and other security forces accountable. The Monitor analyzes and compiles public information to provide data on: the command hierarchy, location, areas of operation, commanders and the other linkages between units – all tracked through time. -
A Journal of the Center for Complex Operations Vol. 4, No. 3
VOL. 4, NO. 3 2013 A JOURNA L O F THE CEN TER F OR C O MPL EX O PER ATIONS About PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, Vol. 4, no. 3 2013 and other partners on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; Editor and developments in training and education to transform America’s security Michael Miklaucic and development Associate Editors Mark D. Ducasse Stefano Santamato Communications Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Editorial Assistant communications to: Megan Cody Editor, PRISM Copy Editors 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Dale Erikson Fort Lesley J. McNair Sara Thannhauser Washington, DC 20319 Nathan White Telephone: (202) 685-3442 Advisory Board FAX: Dr. Gordon Adams (202) 685-3581 Dr. Pauline H. Baker Email: [email protected] Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Ambassador James F. Dobbins Contributions Ambassador John E. Herbst (ex officio) PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians Dr. David Kilcullen from the United States and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the Ambassador Jacques Paul Klein address above or by email to [email protected] with “Attention Submissions Dr. Roger B. Myerson Editor” in the subject line. Dr. Moisés Naím This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. MG William L. Nash, USA (Ret.) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador Thomas R. -
From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences Over Arab Military Cooperation
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences over Arab Military Cooperation Jessica Noll and Stephan Roll S On 25 March 2015 a Saudi-led coalition of Arab states launched air strikes on Yemen to halt the advance of the Houthi movement. A few days later the summit of the Arab League decided to set up a joint Arab army. Nevertheless, the two most important Arab countries support opposing concepts for military cooperation: Egypt proposes institu- tionalised long-term military cooperation to increase its political weight in the region, while Saudi Arabia prefers ad hoc coalitions precisely in order to avoid long-term dependency on other countries, not least Egypt. However, the two events suggest that states in the region are stepping up military cooperation. Germany and the European Union should treat this development with scepticism. Experience shows that such col- laborations tend to exacerbate rather than resolve regional conflicts. At their summit meeting at the Egyptian of the Saudi military operation against the resort of Sharm al-Sheikh on 28 and 29 Houthi movement in Yemen, there is no March 2015, the members of the Arab direct connection between the two events. League agreed to set up joint armed forces. Consequently the Arab League resolution According to the final declaration of the makes no mention of the Yemen conflict. summit, the force should be capable of In fact, the joint army project is an Egyptian rapid intervention to guarantee the national initiative that President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi sovereignty of member states and protect first floated in February 2015 in connection them against territorial threats. -
GUNS and BUTTER in the EGYPTIAN ARMY by Hillel Frisch*
GUNS AND BUTTER IN THE EGYPTIAN ARMY By Hillel Frisch* This article analyzes the Egyptian army, its mission, development and modernization during the past several decades, and its relationship to the political and general civilian spheres. The article contends that Egypt's armed forces have elements of both modern and post-modern armies, and answers the riddle of how Egypt's army has neither sacrificed quantity or quality of its weapons systems, nor slashed military salaries severely, despite a seemingly shrinking budget. The Egyptian army seems to possess Sa'id, director of Egypt's prestigious al-Ahram the characteristics of a modern army (in the Center for Political and Strategic Studies 1950s' sense, when nationalism and patriotism praises the benefits of U.S. civilian aid unquestionably prevailed in military compared to its military aid, though more establishments) in a post-modern age. While money is earmarked for the latter category.(5) the post-modern army is often seen as being Newspapers devote many articles to praising professionally small, the Egyptian army the army's "civilian" and development- remains rather large. While the post-modern oriented services, as if to defend its army is typified by increasing civilian- contribution to the nation on this more military integration, the Egyptian army has important front.(6) constructed at least 17 military cities to isolate This tension between supporting a the military from the civilian population.(1) large military while coming to grips with the Bernard Boene claims that Western acute, almost insurmountable, social problems militaries in the post-modern age must cope facing Egypt, is a central factor in analyzing with its cadre having professional wives who the mission and political status of the want to integrate into civilian society.(2) But Egyptian armed forces. -
Conflict Analysis of Egypt
Helpdesk Report Conflict analysis of Egypt Anna Louise Strachan 27. 02. 2017 Question What does the literature indicate about the current conflict dynamics in Egypt (excluding the Sinai Peninsula1), including key actors, proximate and structural causes, dynamics and triggers, and opportunities for peace and institutional resilience? Contents 1. Overview 2. Conflict dynamics and triggers 3. Key actors 4. Proximate causes of conflict 5. Structural causes of conflict 6. External pressures 7. Opportunities for peace and institutional resilience 8. References 1. Overview In 2011 Egypt experienced mass protests culminating in the fall of long serving president, Hosni Mubarak. The country’s first democratically elected President, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi’s, time in power was short-lived. He was deposed by Egypt’s military on 3 July 2013, following anti-government demonstrations (Tobin et al, 2015, p. 31). Abdul Fatah el-Sisi, former head of the armed forces, was elected in June 2014 (Tobin et al, 2015, p. 31). Sisi’s presidency has seen a return to military rule. There has also been a rise in the number of terrorist attacks in Egypt since he came to power in 2014. 1 For a conflict analysis of the Sinai Peninsula see Idris, I. (2017). Conflict analysis of Sinai (K4D Helpdesk Research Report). Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies.. The K4D helpdesk service provides brief summaries of current research, evidence, and lessons learned. Helpdesk reports are not rigorous or systematic reviews; they are intended to provide an introduction to the most important evidence related to a research question. They draw on a rapid desk-based review of published literature and consultation with subject specialists. -
Pdf | 129.39 Kb
Memorial Human Rights Center 127051 Russia, Moscow, Malyj Karetnyj per. 12 tel. (495) 225-31-18 Web-site: http://www.memo.ru/ Report for the next round of consultations on Human Rights European Union – Russia The situation in the conflict zone of the North Caucasus June 2009 – October 2009 Moscow 2009 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..…..1 Activization of armed underground………………………………………………….……2 The reaction of the governmental authorities………………………………….…………3 Human Rights activists under attack…………………………………………….………..3 Ingushetia………………………………………………………………………….…….…..5 Dagestan…………………………………………………………………………….……….7 Chechnya……………………………………………………………………….……………8 Decisions of the European Court of Human Rights……………………………………..10 Recommendations…………………………………………………………………………11 Introduction The North Caucasus remains one of Russia's least prosperous regions in the field of human rights. Although the situation in various republics and regions of the North Caucasus differs remarkably, some general factors, spread over a large territory of the North Caucasus adversely influence the development of the situation. These are: − the ongoing fighting. Right now armed underground forces, using terroristic methods, oppose the Russian state on the North Caucasus. The power structures, in turn, implement a politics of state terror; − the impunity for mass crimes, committed by state representatives during a "counterterrorist operation". This way, the fate of the absolute majority of thousands of people, that have forcibly "vanished" on the territory of Chechnya since 2000, has not been established. The database of the HRC "Memorial" contains more than three thousand cases on those kind of forced "disappearances", and no one has so far been punished for these crimes; − the corruption, whose level is high even against the background of the rest of Russia; − the arbitrariness of the officials; − a high unemployment rate; – the conflict between the supporters of the "traditional" Islam for the North Caucasus and the relatively new, fundamental Salafism movement of Islam. -
The Role of the Egyptian Military in Domestic Society
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Role of the Egyptian Military in Domestic Society LTC Stephen H. Gotowicki, U.S. Army This paper was written in conjunction with a series of strategic seminars conducted between analysts from Egypt and the United States under the auspicies of the Institute of National Strategic Studies, National Defense University in 1994-1995. It should be published by the National Defense University in the summer of 1997. S.E. Finer1 says that an army is a purposive instrument, rationally conceived to fulfil certain objectives; its central purpose is to fight and win wars in defense of the state.2 Throughout the world, with few exceptions, armies represent professional, highly structured, hierarchal organizations characterized by high levels of discipline and motivation. By virtue of their function and training, armies also acquire highly prized skills and values, such as the capacity for intercommunication, an esprit de corps, and self sufficiency. A military's unique structure facilitates rapid decision making and efficient execution of these decisions. These institutional characteristics provide military organizations with the potential to undertake social action well beyond the defense function. The military also comes to serve as the corporate representation of and defender of a state's nationalism. Military organizations are generally considered to have an organizational structure sufficiently capable to conduct the affairs of state, manage national projects and resolve political chaos. -
Myr 2005 Chechnya.Pdf (Английский (English))
Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) The CAP is much more than an appeal for money. It is an inclusive and coordinated programme cycle of: • strategic planning leading to a Common Humanitarian Action Plan (CHAP); • resource mobilisation (leading to a Consolidated Appeal or a Flash Appeal); • coordinated programme implementation; • joint monitoring and evaluation; • revision, if necessary; and • reporting on results. The CHAP is a strategic plan for humanitarian response in a given country or region and includes the following elements: • a common analysis of the context in which humanitarian action takes place; • an assessment of needs; • best, worst, and most likely scenarios; • stakeholder analysis, i.e. who does what and where; • a clear statement of longer-term objectives and goals; • prioritised response plans; and • a framework for monitoring the strategy and revising it if necessary. The CHAP is the foundation for developing a Consolidated Appeal or, when crises break or natural disasters occur, a Flash Appeal. The CHAP can also serve as a reference for organisations deciding not to appeal for funds through a common framework. Under the leadership of the Humanitarian Coordinator, the CHAP is developed at the field level by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Country Team. This team mirrors the IASC structure at headquarters and includes UN agencies, and standing invitees, i.e. the International Organization for Migration, the Red Cross Movement, and NGOs that belong to ICVA, Interaction, or SCHR. Non-IASC members, such as national NGOs, can be included, and other key stakeholders in humanitarian action, in particular host governments and donors, should be consulted. The Humanitarian Coordinator is responsible for the annual preparation of the consolidated appeal document.