Analele Universităţii Din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XIX, Nr. 1(25)/2014

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Analele Universităţii Din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XIX, Nr. 1(25)/2014 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XIX, Nr. 1(25)/2014 CONTENTS STUDIES AND ARTICLES Laura Oncescu, ROMANIANS AND ITALIANS: PARALLELISM AND IDENTITY IN THE ORGANIZATION OF THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY (1848-1857) ........................................ 5 Ionuț Șerban, POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ROMANIA AND ITALY AND THEIR ROLE IN THE EUROPEAN DANUBE COMMISSION ............................. 17 Mihai Ghițulescu, DU NATIONALISME CHEZ LES CONSERVATEURS ROUMAINS DU XIX e SIECLE ............................................................................................................................... 25 Irina Simonovska-Spirkovska, SEVERAL ASPECTS OF THE MACEDONIAN CHURCH-SCHOOL COMMUNITIES AND THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE MACEDONIAN LEGAL HISTORY (XIX CENTURY) ......................................................................................................................... 33 Aleksandar Spirkovski, THE IMPACT OF THE BERLIN TREATY OF 1878 ON THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION ................................... 49 Hadrian Gorun, CONSIDERATIONS ON THE ROMANIAN-RUSSIAN AND ROMANIAN- BULGARIAN RELATIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF WORLD WAR I. A FEW ROMANIAN AND FRENCH DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE .......................................................................... 67 Ionuț Cojocaru, TURKEY AND ARMENIA, IRRECONCILABLE DIFFERENCES ................... 79 Cătălin Negoița, THE COMITADJI PROBLEM OF THE SOUTHERN DOBRUDJA AND THE ROMANIAN-BULGARIAN RELATIONS .................................................................................... 87 Lucian Dindirică, THE CORONATION FROM ALBA IULIA, 1922 ........................................ 103 Gabriel Moisa, ELECTION PRACTICES IN A CHANGING WORLD: THE CASE OF PATRIOTIC UNION FROM BIHOR COUNTY (1945-1947) ................................................... 107 Daniela Osiac, THE INITIATIVE OF THE DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE EAST EUROPE DEPARTAMENT WITHIN THE ISRAELI FOREIGN OFFICE FOR ROMANIA TO MEDIATE ISRAEL’S CONFLICT WITH EGYPT (DOCUMENT. 1971) ................................................... 115 Cristina Păiuşan-Nuică, ROMANIAN-ISRAELI DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS AFTER THE CAMP DAVID AGREEMENTS (1978-1979) ........................................................................... 121 Etamane Mahop Alain Thomas, AGRICULTURE, AGROFORESTERIE ET DÉVELOPPEMENT DURABLE À L’EST-CAMEROUN (1960-2000) ........................................................................... 133 Magdalena Filary, ROMANIAN-POLISH DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS ................................... 155 Radu-Cristian Petcu, CONSTRUCTIVIST CONSIDERATIONS ON STATE SOVEREIGNTY, IDENTITY AND INTERNATIONAL NORMS ........................................................................... 161 NOTES AND REVIEWS Oana-Andreia Sâmbrian, Convergenţe româno-spaniole de la Renaştere la Modernism (The Romanian-Spanish Convergences from Renaissance till Modern Times ), Bucureşti, Editura Academiei Române, 2013, 247 p. (Constanțiu Dinulescu) ....................................................... 167 3 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XIX, Nr. 1(25)/2014 Marusia Cîrstea, Proiecte româno-Britanice privind construirea unei Baze navale la Marea Neagră. Documente (1929-1939) , [ Romanian-British Projects for the Construction of a Naval Base on the Black Sea. Documents (1929-1939) ], Târgoviște, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2013, 220 p. (Alexandru Oșca) ........................................................................................................... 169 Mihaela Cristina Verzea, Partidul-Stat. Structuri-politice (1948-1965) , [ Parti-État. Structures politiques (1948-1965) ], Târgovişte, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2013, 486 p. (Mihai Ghițulescu) .. 171 Alexandru Oşca, Revoluţia Română din DecemBrie 1989 (The Romanian Revolution from DecemBer 1989 ), Bucureşti, Editura IRRD, 2012, 198 p. (Bogdan Emanuel Răduț) ............... 172 4 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XIX, Nr. 1(25)/2014 STUDIES AND ARTICLES ROMANIANS AND ITALIANS: PARALLELISM AND IDENTITY IN THE ORGANIZATION OF THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY (1848-1857) Laura Oncescu ∗ Abstract A restless supporter of the fight for freedom and a true symbol of the ideas of freedom and unity, Giuseppe Mazzini is one of the faithful friends of the Romanians’. Mazzini, in his attempt of creating a confederation of the oppressed peoples of Europe, turned his attention to the Romanian people as well, and the leaders of the Romanian revolutionary emigration carried out, in this sense, an ample diplomatic and propaganda activity in different European capitals. The preoccupations of the Romanian political leaders of giving the revolutionary emigration a rigorous organization were doubled by the collaboration with the democratic Italian revolutionaries through the adhesion to the Democratic European Committee of London for the organization of a revolution and the constitution of an Oriental Confederation, which was requiring the reorganization of SE Europe after the freeing and protection of all the peoples from the threat of pan-Slavism. Key words : National Unity , Revolutionary Emigration , European Revolution , Synchronous Action , Free Nations The political relations between the Italian and the Romanian people amply developed during the period of the Risorgimento. Numerous Italians considered the Romanian countries as being “the other Italy”, and the Italian diplomacy never ceased to provide support to the Romanians’ fight for unity and independence 1. The Italian democratic revolutionaries also showed themselves friends of the Romanian people from the bottom of their hearts. Among them, a special place goes doubtlessly to the man who was the greatest ideologue of Italy during the Risorgimento period, namely Giuseppe Mazzini. Born in Genoa, on 22 July 1805, Mazzini lived in the atmosphere of a Republican tradition, which proved very little committed to the Sardinian ∗ University assistant Ph.D., Valahia University of Târgovişte, Faculty of Humanities, Department of History, 34-36A Lt. Stancu Ion Street, Târgovişte, 130105, Dâmboviţa County. E-mail: [email protected] 1 Dan Berindei, Les Roumains et Giuseppe Mazzini , in “Revue Roumaine d’Histoire”, XXIV, 4, Bucureşti, 1985, p. 313. 5 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XIX, Nr. 1(25)/2014 dynasty. Because of having registered as a member of the secret society Carbonari, Mazzini was arrested and forced to emigrate in Marseille, France. Here, he realized that the Italian liberation movement did not need to content itself with a simple political action of several individuals, but had to turn into an ample and profound trend of spiritual renaissance, having a religious and moral character, based on trust in God and in Mankind. From his perspective, the Italian Revolution needed to transform the whole mankind and Italy had a primordial role in this action, namely to open the other actions of the peoples under foreign dominion. This would shape a new Europe, organized in free, equal, independent and sovereign nations 1. Guided by these feelings, Mazzini founded, in 1831, in Marseille, “The Young Italy”, a society aiming to create a “unitary republic” by means of popular and insurrectional actions 2. For Mazzini, a nation was unitary if it had a unity of religion, language and customs, in brief “a genius” of its own. The key concept of the Mazzinian political vocabulary, that “people”, had to be the protagonist and the creator of the new national unity, and the Italian revolution had to be the creation of the people, springing from within the Italian society 3. The propaganda and organization work of the society led by Mazzini was quite strong at first, yet in the long run the organizations of the South and of Piedmont were destroyed. Although he had founded, in 1834, in Bern, a new society, under the name of “Young Europe”, the attempts of the Italian leader to reinforce the Italian revolutionary movement by the use of foreign exiles failed. Consequently, many were forced to leave in exile, and at the beginning of 1837, even Mazzini himself had to go to London 4. At the heart of the political credo of the “Young Europe” remained the conviction that the most important were such peoples as the Italians, Germans or Poles, who had proved that they were able to trigger a crusade against the monarchs’ Europe 5. Lacking any immediate results, however the Mazzinian action had a great importance as far as the idea propaganda was concerned. It shaped the national Italian conscience and involved the European public opinion in this fight of the 1 Luigi Salvatorelli, Sommario della storia d’Italia , Giulio Einaudi editore, Torino, 1982, p. 422-423; see also Raluca Tomi, Nicolae Iorga şi Risorgimento (Nicolae Iorga and the Risorgimento), in Nicolae Iorga 1871-1940 (coordinator Constantin Buşe), Bucureşti, Editura Universităţii, 2001, p. 190. 2 Luigi Salvatorelli, op. cit ., p. 423. 3 Giuliano Procacci, Istoria italienilor (The Italians’ History) , Bucureşti, Editura Politică, 1975, p. 314-315. 4 Luigi Salvatorelli, op. cit ., p. 424-425. 5 Ștefan Delureanu, Mazzini şi românii în Risorgimento (Mazzini and the Romanians in the Risorgimento), Bucureşti, Editura Paideia, 2006, p. 6. See also Dumitru Suciu, Evoluţia ideii de Europă Unită , Bucureşti, Editura Historia, 2007, p. 188. 6 Analele Universităţii din Craiova, Seria Istorie, Anul XIX, Nr. 1(25)/2014 oppressed peoples. So, Italy had the mission to wipe the Habsburg Empire off Europe’s map and to replace it with a
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