Jurnal Psikologi Volume 44, Nomor 1, 2017: 66 - 79 DOI: 10.22146/jpsi.26898 Parental Expectations and Young People’s Migratory Experiences in

Wenty Marina Minza1 Center for Indigenous and Cultural Psychology Faculty of Psychology Universitas Gadjah Mada

Abstract. Based on a one-year qualitative study, this paper examines the migratory aspirations and experiences of non-Chinese young people in , West , Indonesia. It is based on two main questions of migration in the context of young people’s education to work transition: 1) How do young people in provincial cities perceive processes of migration? 2) What is the role of intergenerational relations in realizing these aspirations? This paper will describe the various strategies young people employ to realize their dreams of obtaining education in Java, the decisions made by those who fail to do so, and the choices made by migrants after the completion of their education in Java. It will contribute to a body of knowledge on young people’s education to work transitions and how inter-generational dynamics play out in that process. Keywords: intergenerational relation; migratory aspiration; youth

Internal1 migration plays a key role in older generation in Pontianak generally mapping mobility patterns among young associate Java with ideas of progress, people, as many young people continue to opportunities for social mobility, and the migrate within their home country (Argent success of inter-generational reproduction & Walmsley, 2008). Indonesia is no excep- or regeneration. Yet, migration involves tion. The highest participation of rural various negotiation processes that go urban migration in Indonesia is among beyond an analysis of push and pull young people under the age of 29, mostly factors. Apart from the idea that having for the purpose of education or work studied in Java provides leverage to (Effendi, 2015). compete in the local labour market in West Based on a one-year qualitative study, Kalimantan, migration also provides a this paper will focus on how (non-Chinese) pathway to adulthood. On the one hand, young people from a provincial city in young people often view migration as Indonesia, Pontianak, , associated with a life phase parallel to view migration and the inter-generational home-leaving in ‘Western’ cultures. It processes involved in realising their involves the idea of independency from aspiration to migrate and their decisions to parents and thus, an indicator of their return. Migration in the Pontianak context transition to adulthood. Yet, parents are not is related with its position as a peripheral always supportive of their children leaving location within Indonesia and its relations their home. Preferring their children to stay to mainland Java. Both the younger and nearby, even though their children have to face lost opportunities from obtaining

1 Address for corespondence: [email protected]

66 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA education in Java. For some parents, (Sudagung, 2001). The Madurese are independency is only half the story of the Muslims, like the . While Muslims transition to adulthood. The other half of from other ethnic groups are considered becoming an adult in parents’ eyes is to Malay, Madurese religious and cultural build an interdependent relationship, practices created a Madurese identity especially in the realm of caring and separate from Malay. providing intergenerational (financial) The Malay are assumed to be more support. Thus, a majority of Pontianak’s educated, urbanised, and of higher social youth eventually return to Pontianak after status than the Dayaks. Conversely, the completing school to fulfil their parents’ Dayaks are assumed to come from rural expectations in reproducing inter- areas, and to be of lower status than the dependent relations with the family. Malays. The Chinese are viewed to have high economic social standing and Ethnicity and periphery: Contextualizing West ‘exclusive’. The Madurese are viewed as Kalimantan and Pontianak uneducated, violent, and come from poor Young people’s lives in West Kalimantan, economic backgrounds. These stereotypes and Pontianak in particular, are structured structure the ways young people view and by the ethnic history of the region. strategize for their future, as opportunities Ethnicity, often going hand in hand with are often framed within ethnic boundaries religion, often influences young people’s (Minza, 2014). In some cases, these stereo- educational choices and their outlook on types reflect the historical marginalisation migration for furthering their education, and opportunities available for certain which further details will be shown in this ethnic groups to gain their current paper. West Kalimantan is inhabited by a positioning in society. The Madurese’s multi-ethnic society, with four main ethnic already low social economic status as low groups: Dayak, Malay, Chinese, and skilled migrant workers has exacerbated Madurese. The Dayaks and Malays are the marginalisation of this ethnic group, as considered the original inhabitants of the the Madurese have to deal with their defeat province, even though the Malays are in one of the violent ethnic conflicts in the actually Arab migrants arriving around the West Kalimantan’s history. The Dayaks 1700’s and introduced Islam to the region position as ulun or slaves for Malay (Government of Pontianak, 2009). The kingdoms during Dutch rule has limited Malays are often associated with Islam and their opportunities for social mobility Dayaks with Christianity. The Chinese across generations, while securing advan- arrived in West Kalimantan between the tageous positions for the Malays 18th and 19th centuries (Heidhues, 2003), (Tangkilisan, 2005). arriving in the northern part of West Pontianak is inhabited by 527.102 Kalimantan, around the same time as the people in 2009 (Pontianak Regional Malays. The Chinese are currently the Development Agency, 2015), the majority major players in Pontianak’s economy, being Chinese and Malay, followed by most are either Buddhist or Confucian. The other ethnic groups (Government of Madurese arrived last to West Kalimantan, Pontianak, 2009). Pontianak’s position as and migrated from the island of Madura, the provincial capital of West Kalimantan East Java, around the early 20th century as frames young people’s outlook towards low skilled workers for the Malays out-migration to Java. The introduction of

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 67 MINZA decentralisation was assumed to bring Pontianak youth view migration to Java or further development, particularly in to other places as a temporary move. regions outside of Java. In Pontianak, decentralisation has accelerated develop- Intergenerational relations ment of local infrastructure, communica- Mannheim (1952) stated that the concept of tion, and transportation facilities. generation is linked to the concept of social Pontianak is better connected with other and cultural reproduction through district towns and bigger cities. Investment intergenerational relations. In opportunities have boosted the economy. intergenerational relations, the process of In the past years, the highest contri- cultural transmission that facilitates the butor to economic growth in Pontianak is occurrence of social reproduction is often the trade, hotel and restaurant sector accompanied by a process of adaptation (Pontianak Statistics Bureau, 2008; Regional and negotiation by the younger generation. Development Agency, 2015), providing This idea is also supported by Mathews and mostly low skilled job opportunities for White (2004) who argued that no matter young people in the city. This stands in how much social change young people rather contrast to the rapid increase of face, they are socialised by the values and tertiary education facilities between 1998 practices of the older generation. However, and 2008 (Pontianak Statistics Bureau, 1998; which values and practices are reproduced, 2008), raising young people and their how, and to what extent, is largely a matter family’s aspirations of obtaining of agency on the part of young people. respectable jobs in the civil service. Adaptation and negotiation in cultural However, being better connected to transmission includes looking at how each bigger cities also means that people in generation conceptualises the meaning of Pontianak have become more aware of and experience of migration, within the their limitations. Despite decentralisation’s changing political, social and economic contribution on accelerating development conditions they face (Wyn and Woodman, and progress in many regions outside of 2006). Java (Cameron, 2003), the gap between Java Migrating is not an individual and the outer islands remains. The outer decision, nor is it merely structured by the islands have not been able to catch up with family. In ‘Western societies’, family, development in Java, as reflected by the fact friends, and community play a role in that the ten poorest provinces in 2009 are whether or not a young person moves located in the outer islands (Central Bureau (Dette & Dalbert, 2005). For young people of Statistics, 2010). In Pontianak, both in these ‘Western’ societies, home leaving parents and young people in Pontianak are becomes an important rite of passage to equally aware of the limited qualified adulthood (Seiffge-Krenke, 2009), where universities existing in Pontianak, despite parents play an important role to ensure the rapid increase of higher education that the normative timing of home leaving facilities in the recent years. One of the is reproduced. Parents usually expect their options in securing a better future for children to leave home once they are legally young people is to obtain better quality considered as an adult. Late home leavers education in Java and return to compete in are seen to have less autonomy and lacking the local labour market. As such, most the intention to become an adult (Kins et al., 2009). “Boomerang children”, children who

68 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA return to their parental home after leaving men. Twelve parents were also interviewed home, are seen as failures or in a limbo to obtain an idea of the views and (Davidson, 2014). On the other hand, expectations they have for their children. migration in Asian families is often seen as For the purpose of this paper, the part of family obligations where individual migratory experiences of two young people agency is often overlooked. Asis (2002) will be intensively discussed, both of which argues that migration in Asian families are narratives of non-Chinese youth (a does not necessarily mean that individual Madurese young man and a Dayak young desires always submit to family expecta- woman), who have finished their studies in tions and obligations, rather, they are Yogyakarta, Java. Chinese youth have quite interwoven in family projects. a different view and experience of migra- The concept of generation recognises tion than their non-Chinese counterparts in the existence of asymmetrical power West Kalimantan. Thus, their experiences relations between youth and adults, where are more suitable to elaborate in a separate youth are often positioned as subordinate, paper. Interviews from three other young powerless, and marginal in relation to people and two parents are included to adults. Though young people possess the support the argument in this paper. agency to strategize in situations where The stories of the two young people in intergenerational conflict occurs, they often this paper have been chosen based on the have to find rather subtle ways to resist. rather extreme differences in their migra- These subtle ways include focusing on tory experiences and the different genders intra-generational relations, which includes and ethnicity they represent. At the same spending time and relying more on friends time, the two cases represent the challenges or peer networks to achieve their goals and negotiation processes that young peo- (Jeffrey, 2010), using technology such as ple in a provincial town such as Pontianak mobile phones to extend parental curfew generally have to face to fulfil family (Williams & Williams, 2005), or engaging in expectations and fulfil their own individual various youth cultures of resistance aspirations. (Leksana, 2009).

Result Methods Negotiating migration This research was conducted using one a year qualitative study. It used in-depth In general, Pontianak young people have interviews as its main method which quite high aspirations on migrating, enabled capturing migration as a process, especially to Java. As I have explained where intergenerational relations are an elsewhere (Minza, 2012), an exception essential part of that process. The inter- applies for Chinese youth, who generally views facilitated an understanding of these aspire to migrate to Jakarta and Australia. relations through the subjective lens of Non-Chinese youth (in this case Malay, young people, and to a certain extent, their Dayak and Madurese youth), are not parents. The main study interviewed 106 necessarily supported by their parents in young people from four main ethnic realising their aspirations to migrate, as groups in West Kalimantan, with a relative expressed by Yayan (45), a Malay man and balance between young women and young teacher at one of the state elementary

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 69 MINZA schools in Pontianak. He is a father of a 20- take on the responsibility of caring for her year-old son who is attending a private father. Arum eventually buried her dreams university in Pontianak. of studying in Java and decided to major in “I do not have the courage to send my nursing at a local academy to be close to her son to further his education outside of parents. Being the only daughter in the Pontianak, he is not mature enough to family, Arum is expected to be involved in go. So, I encouraged him to stay here. caring for parents rather than her older When he is here, I can observe his brother. Arum’s case shows that morality schooling and his psychological issues are a strong basis that young people development. If one day he is ready to consider when finally deciding to submit to leave Pontianak, I will let him migrate their parents’ expectation to stay in to Java. We all know that the quality of Pontianak. education there is better and Young people negotiating their way to promising, because there is a difference migrate to Java tend to submit to their between alumni of Java universities parents’ wishes to stay behind when both and those from Pontianak. I have seen parents object to the idea of migrating. for myself how the community in Jogja Having the support of at least one parent (short for Yogyakarta) support improves a young person’s bargaining learning, as not many young people power to leave as I will show in the are seen hanging out until late at night following cases. Tri (24), is a Dayak young at intersections or on the streets.” woman from the District of Pontianak, around an hour drive from Pontianak2. Her Yayan’s attitude towards migration is first move from home was when she common among parents in Pontianak. commenced high school in Pontianak. Her Despite knowing that Java offers better parents encouraged her to go to Pontianak, quality education than Pontianak, they because they wanted Tri to have a better express various reasons and concerns about education in the city. As teachers, both her having their children migrate to Java. Like parents understood the importance of Yayan, many parents point to their acquiring quality education in the provin- children’s lack of maturity to leave home, cial capital. In the end of her senior year in fearing that migration will bring negative high school, Tri decided that she wanted to influences to their children. In other cases, pursue a career as a pharmacist. She started children stay behind to take care of a sick to search for information on pharmacy parent, which is viewed as a family programs offered in Pontianak when she obligation they have to submit to. Rabe’ah graduated in 2001. (50) a Malay mother explained that her husband had a stroke recently and is in At that time, the state university in therapy. He would need someone to take Pontianak did not have a Pharmacy him to his therapy sessions and to the department or faculty. Thus, she had to doctor to monitor his progress while she is choose from private tertiary education at work, teaching at an elementary school institutions. Akfar Yarsi (Akademi Farmasi in Northern Pontianak. She expected that Yayasan Rumah Sakit Islam) was the only her 18-year-old daughter, Arum, would tertiary education institution she knew she could access. This Islamic based academy

2 Pontianak City and Pontianak District are two Pontianak City, the provincial capital is referred to different administrative regions. In this paper, as solely Pontianak.

70 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA did not correspond to the principle of this migrated to after the Sambas Catholic young woman, as female students conflict in 19993. He is a 30-year-old attending the academy are obliged to wear Madurese young man, whose life was a headscarf. As she always remembers her directly affected by the Sambas conflict. parents’ advice to keep her religious Like many Madurese of the older principles, she decides to look into tertiary generation who have relatively low education institutions in Java, Yogyakarta educational backgrounds, Arjan’s parents and Jakarta being the first places she only experienced schooling at the elemen- thought of. tary school level. His father did not even Tri has an uncle who has already graduate from elementary school. His resided in Jakarta, and in Yogyakarta, she family was evicted from the district of has cousins who are also continuing their Sambas, along with many other Madurese education there. She says that she decided families. They left from Pontianak without to go to Yogyakarta because she was bringing any of their valuables, but through unfamiliar to big city life, specifically their small trade activity, his parents pointing to the heavy traffic jams she would managed to progress him through high have to face in Jakarta, and her peer school. network in Yogyakarta was stronger than It was after finishing high school that in Jakarta. Yet, before her departure to he left for Malaysia to become a construc- Yogyakarta, she had to deal with the fact tion worker for 9 months. His mind was set that her mother was unwilling to let her go on saving money from his job in Malaysia to Java. Her mother was worried that Tri to study at a university in Java. Arjan’s will not be able to have a comfortable life in intention of obtaining tertiary education in Java. Tri did not confront her mother. Java was final, despite his mother Without her asking, her father finally disagreeing with his decision to continue influenced her mother to allow her his tertiary education in Java. departure to Java. He reminded her mother “My father asked ‘does your mother of the religious principle that Tri was know’. I replied that she doesn’t. I only basing her decision upon, which is ‘not told my mother the afternoon before I selling her religion”. In fact, Tri remembers departed. Perhaps my father had that her father was rather strict about this informed her. I said to my mother ‘Mak matter and her mother eventually gave in. (mom), I am going off to university. I Tri is not alone in having to struggle to really want to go to Jogja, and I need obtain consent from her mother to migrate your blessing’. My mom was silent, she to Java. While Tri’s father was successful in did not say anything, not a yes, not a persuading her mother, not all cases show no. Pure silence. My father that fathers always have the last say in their strengthened me by saying ‘you just children’s migratory decisions. Arjan’s go, it will be all right’. So, I left”. story is an example of youth resistance that Reflecting on his past decision to is less subtle and rather direct. Arjan is a 30- migrate without his mother’s consent, year-old Madurese young man who

3 The Sambas conflict is one of the largest ethnic West Kalimantan). It has resulted in forced conflicts in the history of West Kalimantan that evacuation of the Madurese to Pontianak, Arjan involved the Malays and the Madurese in the being one of the survivors of the ethnic conflict. District of Sambas (the Northern coastal region of

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 71 MINZA

Arjan regrets of the strategy he imposed their lives in the future can be a frustrating upon his mother to realise his intentions of situation. To have a group of people studying in Java. But he knows that if he provide information and guidance lessens had cancelled his plans on departing to young people’s distress during this Java, he would regret his decision for all his process. As young people become more life. skilled in making their own decisions, they often feel a sense of having more control Migration: The path to independency and over their lives. This newly found adulthood independency to decide what and which university she wanted to study was quite Mandiri is the local term used to indicate liberating for Tri, as she found more independency. Independency usually opportunities to make her own decisions refers to financial independency, the when she is far away from her parents. capacity to make decisions without the support of an adult family member, and Tri also expresses the importance of sticking to one’s own value in the process learning to develop a sense of control, of decision making. Migration is generally which she believes will facilitate a person in a strategy to achieve this kind of indepen- achieving his/her goals. She referred to her dency. However, in some cases parents cousin, a senior student at an Engineering often arrange for their children to stay with Faculty at the Catholic university, as her a family who have already migrated at the mentor in shaping her sense of self control. place of destination. Because of this, some Before she was accepted at a university in youth feel that they have not really Yogyakarta, she had to negotiate her succeeded in breaking away from family activities with her cousin, even if it was structures, and become independent. This only for purposes such as going to the mall. was quite clear in Tri’s case where she She felt that this training process was proudly described her departure to Yogya- worthwhile. It avoided her from karta was not arranged by her parents. She misleading parents and families back relied on her own network, a Dayak home, who are convinced that she is network, initially introduced by her cousin studying hard to acquire good quality who was already studying in Yogyakarta. education in Java. Tri explained that This ethnic network was well structured to sometimes even the existence of networks prepare new comers to start their studies. that help prepare young people in studying They have established a group of tutors in Jogja, fail at facilitating them to enter who would be responsible in providing good universities. lessons to new Dayak high school “I know friends who came to Jogja to graduates from Pontianak who intended to study, and their parents have spent a register at a university there. whole lot of money to support their Tri’s description of her arrival in study. But they are either unfortunate Yogyakarta clearly shows the importance or lack the motivation to prepare of ethnic networks for young people in themselves to enter a good university Pontianak who may be away from parents in Yogyakarta. So, they basically come for the first time. Selecting and registering to Jogja for nothing, it is just for the to a new university is also not an easy task prestige. In reality, the quality of for young first time migrants. Making education they receive is the same as in significant decisions that will influence Pontianak. One of my relatives went to

72 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA

these low-quality universities in Jogja. a Malay young man from Putussibau, 18 The university shut down in the hours from West Kalimantan by land. middle of her studies, and this really “If I were to choose between staying in made her quite depressed. She decided Jogja or returning to Pontianak, I to go back to Pontianak without ever would choose to live in Jogja. finishing university”. Everything is cheap there, I have Independency through migration was already worked there for 1 year. I was also important for Arjan. However, his hired as an elementary school teacher. migration path to seek further education I came back to Pontianak because my opportunities in Java was more mother asked me to return to West challenging. Unlike Tri who had the Kalimantan. I felt sorry for my parents, opportunity of obtaining information about as they perceive Jogja as being too far various choices of university from her from Putussibau. If something seniors, all Arjan held on to was happens to one of them, they are afraid information about the West Kalimantan I would not be able to reach them in boarding home in Yogyakarta and a small time. Pontianak is closer to brochure containing advertisements about Putussibau”. a tertiary education institution in Yogya- Arjan on the other hand, expressed his karta when he left Pontianak. He left father’s influence on his decision to return Pontianak, only to find out that, at the end, to Pontianak. Arjan put himself through a it was only an institution providing course to enter university with left over computer courses. His limited knowledge money he brought from Malaysia. He spent of what campus life is like, inhibited him four million rupiah (around 300 US dollars) from being suspicious of this institution for the course and eventually succeeded in from the beginning. After following some entering one of the qualified private of his friends on their campus, he realised tertiary education institutions for that the education system at his campus accountancy in Yogyakarta. was not the same as that of his friends. That “I said to myself that I had to get a was when he and other students knew they diploma, even if it is only a D1, D2, D34. were misled by this institution. They filed a I went around Yogyakarta, from one collective law suit against the institution, campus to another, searching a won, and had the institution closed. To qualified campus I could afford. I Arjan’s disappointment, it re-opened again finally found a tertiary educational a year later. institution for accountancy which offered a D2 program. I considered that Interdependent relationships: The full circle to when I find more money, I will adulthood continue to the D3 program. I worked Young people generally state that their in various jobs, mostly in computer return to Pontianak is based on their rentals, or selling newspapers to save mothers’ wishes, as expressed by Aam (26), money to continue my education. I was also lucky to receive a scholarship and

4 D1, D2, D3 is a one-year, two-year, and three-year non-degree diploma program in applied sciences, respectively.

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 73 MINZA

finally got my D3 diploma. I was ready strengthening the family business. For him, to return to Pontianak when my father this is decision would ensure that his insisted that I continue my education parents are financially secure. to a full four-year undergraduate pro- Tri, on the other hand, already set her gram. He said, ‘If you become mind on returning to Pontianak after unemployed when you return, it finishing her program in Pharmacy. This 5 would be better to have finished S1” . was in accordance with her parents’ Arjan continued, stating that his father expectations that she would return to asked him to continue to a full four-year Pontianak to become a pharmacist. So, she undergraduate program. Arjan understood continued her studies to become a legal by then that despite his parents’ low pharmacist, as her four-year program did educational background, they were not come with a certificate to practice as a realistic in their expectations towards him. pharmacist. Although at first, she did not Learning from others’ experiences, his want to comply with her parents’ wishes to parents understood that an S1 diploma apply for the civil service, she finally would not guarantee obtaining an office applied to make her parents happy. She did job. Before, he was terrified that if he not have any hopes to pass the test, since insisted on continuing his studies to S1 and she knew that the competition to enter the returned unemployed, his parents would civil service is tight. Unexpectedly, she was be much more ashamed of him in accepted as a pharmacist at a local state comparison to him only being a D3 hospital. graduate. Since proper jobs in Pontianak She had two jobs, at the hospital and require an S1, being a D3 graduate gave the pharmacy, for six months, before she him the perfect excuse for being decided to stop working at the pharmacy unemployed. On the contrary, being an and focused on her job at the hospital. She unemployed S1 graduate gives the found new ways of contributing to society impression of individual failure, which at the state hospital, as she engaged with extends to family honor. Eventually, he patients from remote areas. She was continued his S1 with a scholarship he passionate about transferring the know- received from the same campus. ledge she had to the people, though it was After graduating, Arjan intended to also quite challenging. She felt that she had find a job in Yogyakarta. However, his fulfilled her parents’ dream of entering the parents insisted that he return to help the civil service, and at the same time, managed family develop their small business in one to fulfil her own aspirations. She continues of the poorest sub districts in Pontianak. A to take pride in balancing between her own demand that he submitted to. When I aspiration and her family’s. As a way of visited him, Arjan has already succeeded in giving back to her parents, not only does expanding the family business, managing she send part of her income to her family, to establish a small canteen and a computer she also makes sure that her younger rental business. He proved his siblings are taken care of. independency by migrating, but realises As the eldest in the family, I have to that the full notion of becoming an adult is make sure that my younger sister and by fulfilling his parents’ expectations brother do not go astray. I don’t like the

5S1 is a full four-year university degree program.

74 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA

Figure 1. Arjan’s Father in Front of The Expanded Family-Owned Shop

way young people are being drawn into a shown in Tri’s case. However, these values consumerist lifestyle. Even my younger are often ambiguous, and young people brother is ashamed of taking a bike to have to construct how these values are school. He would rather walk if I use his translated in various situations. For exam- motorcycle, because taking a bike is ple, the message Tri’ parents taught of “not associated with being poor. My parents selling one’s religion” is a general message, expect me to train my younger siblings to that serves as a cognitive schema in dealing work hard to achieve their life goals. This is with real life situations and processes of the least I could do for them, since I can’t adaptation (Koenig, 1995). Using this take care of them directly. cognitive schema, Tri constructed her own boundaries of religious tolerance in facing the dilemma between keeping her educa- Discussion tional aspiration at the cost of her religious The results above show the significance of principles, or looking for other channels to migration for young people as a pathway to realise her aspirations. adulthood. Independency is often stated as Apart from influencing decision- a marker for adulthood, and many young making processes to migrate, parents also people believe that migration can facilitate play an important role in young people’s them in achieving that marker. Young decision to stay or to return to Pontianak. people negotiating their way to migrate to This was apparent in many of the cases, Java tend to submit to their parents’ wishes where young people who have already to stay behind when both parents object to migrated are expected to return to the idea of migration. Having the support Pontianak, despite having settled into a job of at least one parent improves a young at their new place. Caring for the elders are person’s bargaining power to leave. Values common reasons to persuade children to parents socialise to their children also return. Mothers are usually the ones influence their migratory decisions, as sending the message to their children to

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 75 MINZA return for reasons of caring, since caring is access (Scott, 2006; Curan & Saguy, 2001). often related to duties borne by the female Different from Tri who comes from a members of the household. However, when middle-class background, Arjan’s family reasons for parents to ask their children to had experienced social economic return are reasons related to the public marginality due their low education levels sphere (such as taking care of family and their status as a defeated ethnic group. business), fathers take the lead in making Thus, they were not capable of introducing the decision of whether their children are to him to their networks in Yogyakarta. return or to continue staying - as illustrated in Arjan’s story. His case strongly shows Conclusions that fulfilling one’s own aspiration is important, but being able to balance Migration can be a platform for young between fulfilling one’s own aspiration and people who want to explore horizons placing it as part of a family project (Asis, beyond the familiarity of their own homes 2002) is even more important for young – some succeeded while others fail. Those people in their course of migration. This is who fail to negotiate their aspirations with similar to Yeoh et al (2002), stating that in parents, eventually internalise their Asian families, the goal of migration is parents’ values and rationalise their failure twofold - to strengthen the family, and to as part of their dedication to their parents. escape the traditional structures of the While some may view young people, who family. While these two motivations can be stay behind as part of the immobile society, seen as two separate entities, it is not often seen through a negative lens (Swartz, necessarily so. These two motivations may 2011), these cases show that staying behind go hand in hand, placing relations of is part of young people’s strategy to adapt interdependence (Minza, 2014) as the to familial circumstances. For young people foundation of social relations within the from provincial towns, migration becomes family. As such, parental expectations often one of significant processes to enable them frame young people’s perspective on to take part in city life, including obtaining migration and their migratory experience. better education. This paper has shown As in many studies on migration (e.g. how migration processes are central to Curan & Saguy, 2001; Hugo, 1981; Tukiran, understanding social reproduction. Rather 1986), social network at the place of than seeing social reproduction as a static destination is usually the main state by merely focusing on changes in consideration in choosing the migration intergenerational social economic status, it destination. In Tri’s case above, family and has illustrated the various intergenera- ethnic network at the place of destination tional negotiation processes in social repro- played a significant role in her process of duction. As such, it also supports the notion migration. Yet, not all young people have that young people do not reproduce in these types of social networks, and they whole the previous generations’ values and learn to be independent largely on their ways. Young people reshape the values and own. Arjan’s story is quite the opposite of practices of their parents to fit their own Tri’s. He had to face various obstacles when individual aspirations and the social he started his education in Yogyakarta. changes they face. Class origins of the family influence the This study has also found that social networks young people are able to migration is not an individual decision and

76 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA parents play an important role in migratory References processes, where the gender of the parent and child matters in both decision making Argent, N., & Walmsley, J. (2008). Rural and the realisation of aspirations to youth migration trends in Australia: migrate. The values parents transfer to their An overview of recent trends and two children often serve as a cognitive schema inland case studies. Geographical which becomes a resource young people Research, 46(2), 139-152. draw upon in making migratory decisions. http://doi.org/10.1111/j.17455871.2008. In places where ethno-religious 00505.x backgrounds matter, parents’ ethnicity and Asis, M. M. B. (2002) From the life stories of religion either supports or inhibit Filipino women: Personal and family migratory aspirations. The notion of agendas in migration. Asia and Pacific migrating as a rite of passage to enter Migration Journal, 11(1), 67-93. adulthood through ideas of becoming http://doi.org/10.1177/01171968020110 independent is evident in many of the 0104 young people’s narratives, but even more Cameron, L. (2003). Growth with or so for those from marginal backgrounds. In without equity: The distributional the end, however, the full circle to impact of Indonesian development. adulthood is embedded in parental Asian Pacific Economic Literature, 16(2), expectations of building interdependent 1-17. http://doi.org/10.1111/1467- relations with the family. 8411.00119 Central Bureau of Statistics. (2010). Data dan Recommendation informasi kemiskinan kabupaten/kota 2010 Educational institutions need to be aware (Data and information on poverty in of young migrants’ needs, as they come districts/municipalities 2010). Jakarta: with different sorts and levels of resources Central Bureau of Statistics. from their place of origin. Those with Curan, S. R., & Saguy, A. C. (2001). relatively limited resources may find Migration and cultural change: A role difficulty in making a smooth education to for gender and social networks? Journal work transition. In this situation, support of International Women's Studies, 2(3), from educational institutions in the place of 54-77. destination is much needed. Davidson, A. (2014, June 20). It's Official: Acknowledgement on the importance The Boomerang Kids Won't Leave. of interdependent modes of parent-child Diunduh dari: http://www.nytimes. relationship (including responsibilities in com/2014/06/22/magazine/its-official- caring for parents and providing financial the-boomerang-kids-wont- support) means that mobility may be leave.html?_r=0 tanggal 13 Juli 2015. restricted for some. This calls for the need Dette, D., & Dalbert, C. (2005). Moving for to establish higher quality tertiary their first job or staying put? predictors education institutions in peripheral of high school students' attitudes locations, which are better integrated with toward geographic mobility. Journal of the labour market. Applied Social Psychology, 35(8), 1719- 1737.

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 77 MINZA

http://doi.org/10.1111/j.15591816.2005.t http://doi.org/10.1207/s15327582ijpr050 b02192.x 1_4 Effendi, T. N. (2015). Migrasi desa-kota, Leksana, G. (2009, January-March). The peluang kerja dan kesejahteraan migran di Betawi brotherhood forum in Indo- kota (Rural to urban migration, nesia: Struggling to be young and to employment opportunities and belong. Inside Indonesia, 95. migrants' well being in the city). Mannheim, K. (1952). The generation Development, Migration, and Policy problem. In Essays in the Sociology of Seminar, 2 April 2015. Yogyakarta: Knowledge (hlm. 286-322). New York: Center for Population and Policy Oxford University Press. Studies, Gadjah Mada University. Mathews, G., & White, B. (2004). Japan's Government of Pontianak. (2009a). Sejarah changing generations: Are young people pemerintahan kota (History of city creating a new society? Oxon: Routledge government). Diunduh dari: http:// Minza, W. M. (2012). Young migrants and www.pontianakkota.go.id/?q=tentang/ education to work transitions in sejarah-pemerintahan-kota tanggal 20 Pontianak, West Kalimantan. The Asia April 2013. Pacific Journal of Anthropology,13(1), 64- Heidhues, M. S. (2003). Golddiggers, farmers, 75. and traders in the 'Chinese Districts' of Minza, W. M. (2014). Ethnicity and young West Kalimantan Indonesia. Ithaca, N.Y.: people’s work aspiration in Pontianak. Cornell University. In search of middle Indonesia: Middle Hugo, G. (1981). Village-community ties, classes in provincial towns. Leiden: Brill. village norms, and ethnic and social Minza, W. M. (2014). Growing up and being networks: A review of evidence from young in an Indonesian provincial town. the Third World’. Dalam G. D. Jong, & Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam R. Gardner (Eds.), Migration decision (Dissertation) making: multidisciplinary approaches to microlevel studies in developed and Pontianak Regional Development Agency, developing countries (hlm. 186-224). New (2015). Sekilas profil kota Pontianak York: Pergamon Press. (General profile of Pontianak). Diunduh dari: http://bappeda.pontianakkota. Jeffrey, C. (2010). Timepass: Youth, class, and go.id/index.php/statistikmenu/berita- the politics of waiting in India. Stanford, a-datastapel/255-sekilas-profil-kota- California: Stanford University Press. pontianak-kondisi-sampai-dengan- Kins, E., Beyers, W., Soenens, B., & akhir-tahun-2014 tanggal 24 Juni 2015. Vansteenkiste, M. (2009). Patterns of Pontianak Statistics Bureau. (1998). Pontia- homeleaving and subjective well-being nak dalam angka (Pontianak in figures). in emerging adulthood: The role of Pontianak: Pontianak Statistics Bureau. motivational processes and parental autonomy support. Developmental Pontianak Statistics Bureau. (2008). Psychology, 45(5), 1416-1429. doi: 10. Pontianak in figures 2008. Pontianak: 1037/a0015580. Pontianak Statistics Bureau. Koenig, H. G. (1995). Religion as cognitive Scott, S. (2006). The social morphology of schema. The International Journal for the skilled migration: The case of the Psychology of Religion, 5(1), 31-37. British Middle Class in Paris. Journal of

78 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA

Ethnic and Migration Studies, 32(7), al. (Eds.), Desentralisasi, globalisasi, dan 1105-1129. http://doi.org/10.1080/ demokrasi lokal. Jakarta: LP3ES. 13691830600821802 Tukiran. (1986). Population mobility and Seiffge-Krenke, I. (2009). Leaving home migrant-village ties. Canberra: MA patterns in emerging adulthood. Thesis, Australian National Unversity. European Psychologist, 14(3), 238-248. Wyn, J., & Woodman, D. (2006). http://doi.org/10.1027/10169040.14.3.23 Generation, youth and social change in 8 Australia. Journal of Youth Studies, 9(5). Sudagung, H. S. (2001). Mengurai pertikaian http://doi.org/10.1080/1367626060080 etnis: Migrasi swakarsa etnis Madura ke 5713 Kalimantan Barat (Disentangling ethnic Williams, S. & Williams, L. (2005). Space conflict: Madurese voluntary migration invaders: The negotiation of teenage to West Kalimantan). Jakarta: ISAI boundaries through the mobile phone. Swartz, R. (2011). Immobile Europe. Diunduh The Sociological Review, 53(2), 314-331. dari: http://www. http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467- voxeurop.eu/en/content/article/969111 954X.2005.00516.x -immobile-europe tanggal 13 Juli 2015. Yeoh, B. S. A., Graham, E., Boyle, P. J. Tangkilisan, Y. B. (2005). Kerajaan Sintang (2002). Migrations and family relations 1822-1855: Dinamika internal, ekspansi in the Asia Pacific region. Asian and kolonial dan persaingan internasional Pacific Migration Journal, 11(1), 1-11. (Sintang Kingdom 1822-1855: Internal dynamics, colonial expansion, and international rivalry). In J. Gunawan, et

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 79