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Parental Expectations and Young People's Migratory Jurnal Psikologi Volume 44, Nomor 1, 2017: 66 - 79 DOI: 10.22146/jpsi.26898 Parental Expectations and Young People’s Migratory Experiences in Indonesia Wenty Marina Minza1 Center for Indigenous and Cultural Psychology Faculty of Psychology Universitas Gadjah Mada Abstract. Based on a one-year qualitative study, this paper examines the migratory aspirations and experiences of non-Chinese young people in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, Indonesia. It is based on two main questions of migration in the context of young people’s education to work transition: 1) How do young people in provincial cities perceive processes of migration? 2) What is the role of intergenerational relations in realizing these aspirations? This paper will describe the various strategies young people employ to realize their dreams of obtaining education in Java, the decisions made by those who fail to do so, and the choices made by migrants after the completion of their education in Java. It will contribute to a body of knowledge on young people’s education to work transitions and how inter-generational dynamics play out in that process. Keywords: intergenerational relation; migratory aspiration; youth Internal1 migration plays a key role in older generation in Pontianak generally mapping mobility patterns among young associate Java with ideas of progress, people, as many young people continue to opportunities for social mobility, and the migrate within their home country (Argent success of inter-generational reproduction & Walmsley, 2008). Indonesia is no excep- or regeneration. Yet, migration involves tion. The highest participation of rural various negotiation processes that go urban migration in Indonesia is among beyond an analysis of push and pull young people under the age of 29, mostly factors. Apart from the idea that having for the purpose of education or work studied in Java provides leverage to (Effendi, 2015). compete in the local labour market in West Based on a one-year qualitative study, Kalimantan, migration also provides a this paper will focus on how (non-Chinese) pathway to adulthood. On the one hand, young people from a provincial city in young people often view migration as Indonesia, Pontianak, West Kalimantan, associated with a life phase parallel to view migration and the inter-generational home-leaving in ‘Western’ cultures. It processes involved in realising their involves the idea of independency from aspiration to migrate and their decisions to parents and thus, an indicator of their return. Migration in the Pontianak context transition to adulthood. Yet, parents are not is related with its position as a peripheral always supportive of their children leaving location within Indonesia and its relations their home. Preferring their children to stay to mainland Java. Both the younger and nearby, even though their children have to face lost opportunities from obtaining 1 Address for corespondence: [email protected] 66 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI PARENTAL EXPECTATIONS AND YOUNG PEOPLE’S MIGRATORY EXPERIENCES IN INDONESIA education in Java. For some parents, (Sudagung, 2001). The Madurese are independency is only half the story of the Muslims, like the Malays. While Muslims transition to adulthood. The other half of from other ethnic groups are considered becoming an adult in parents’ eyes is to Malay, Madurese religious and cultural build an interdependent relationship, practices created a Madurese identity especially in the realm of caring and separate from Malay. providing intergenerational (financial) The Malay are assumed to be more support. Thus, a majority of Pontianak’s educated, urbanised, and of higher social youth eventually return to Pontianak after status than the Dayaks. Conversely, the completing school to fulfil their parents’ Dayaks are assumed to come from rural expectations in reproducing inter- areas, and to be of lower status than the dependent relations with the family. Malays. The Chinese are viewed to have high economic social standing and Ethnicity and periphery: Contextualizing West ‘exclusive’. The Madurese are viewed as Kalimantan and Pontianak uneducated, violent, and come from poor Young people’s lives in West Kalimantan, economic backgrounds. These stereotypes and Pontianak in particular, are structured structure the ways young people view and by the ethnic history of the region. strategize for their future, as opportunities Ethnicity, often going hand in hand with are often framed within ethnic boundaries religion, often influences young people’s (Minza, 2014). In some cases, these stereo- educational choices and their outlook on types reflect the historical marginalisation migration for furthering their education, and opportunities available for certain which further details will be shown in this ethnic groups to gain their current paper. West Kalimantan is inhabited by a positioning in society. The Madurese’s multi-ethnic society, with four main ethnic already low social economic status as low groups: Dayak, Malay, Chinese, and skilled migrant workers has exacerbated Madurese. The Dayaks and Malays are the marginalisation of this ethnic group, as considered the original inhabitants of the the Madurese have to deal with their defeat province, even though the Malays are in one of the violent ethnic conflicts in the actually Arab migrants arriving around the West Kalimantan’s history. The Dayaks 1700’s and introduced Islam to the region position as ulun or slaves for Malay (Government of Pontianak, 2009). The kingdoms during Dutch rule has limited Malays are often associated with Islam and their opportunities for social mobility Dayaks with Christianity. The Chinese across generations, while securing advan- arrived in West Kalimantan between the tageous positions for the Malays 18th and 19th centuries (Heidhues, 2003), (Tangkilisan, 2005). arriving in the northern part of West Pontianak is inhabited by 527.102 Kalimantan, around the same time as the people in 2009 (Pontianak Regional Malays. The Chinese are currently the Development Agency, 2015), the majority major players in Pontianak’s economy, being Chinese and Malay, followed by most are either Buddhist or Confucian. The other ethnic groups (Government of Madurese arrived last to West Kalimantan, Pontianak, 2009). Pontianak’s position as and migrated from the island of Madura, the provincial capital of West Kalimantan East Java, around the early 20th century as frames young people’s outlook towards low skilled workers for the Malays out-migration to Java. The introduction of JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 67 MINZA decentralisation was assumed to bring Pontianak youth view migration to Java or further development, particularly in to other places as a temporary move. regions outside of Java. In Pontianak, decentralisation has accelerated develop- Intergenerational relations ment of local infrastructure, communica- Mannheim (1952) stated that the concept of tion, and transportation facilities. generation is linked to the concept of social Pontianak is better connected with other and cultural reproduction through district towns and bigger cities. Investment intergenerational relations. In opportunities have boosted the economy. intergenerational relations, the process of In the past years, the highest contri- cultural transmission that facilitates the butor to economic growth in Pontianak is occurrence of social reproduction is often the trade, hotel and restaurant sector accompanied by a process of adaptation (Pontianak Statistics Bureau, 2008; Regional and negotiation by the younger generation. Development Agency, 2015), providing This idea is also supported by Mathews and mostly low skilled job opportunities for White (2004) who argued that no matter young people in the city. This stands in how much social change young people rather contrast to the rapid increase of face, they are socialised by the values and tertiary education facilities between 1998 practices of the older generation. However, and 2008 (Pontianak Statistics Bureau, 1998; which values and practices are reproduced, 2008), raising young people and their how, and to what extent, is largely a matter family’s aspirations of obtaining of agency on the part of young people. respectable jobs in the civil service. Adaptation and negotiation in cultural However, being better connected to transmission includes looking at how each bigger cities also means that people in generation conceptualises the meaning of Pontianak have become more aware of and experience of migration, within the their limitations. Despite decentralisation’s changing political, social and economic contribution on accelerating development conditions they face (Wyn and Woodman, and progress in many regions outside of 2006). Java (Cameron, 2003), the gap between Java Migrating is not an individual and the outer islands remains. The outer decision, nor is it merely structured by the islands have not been able to catch up with family. In ‘Western societies’, family, development in Java, as reflected by the fact friends, and community play a role in that the ten poorest provinces in 2009 are whether or not a young person moves located in the outer islands (Central Bureau (Dette & Dalbert, 2005). For young people of Statistics, 2010). In Pontianak, both in these ‘Western’ societies, home leaving parents and young people in Pontianak are becomes an important rite of passage to equally aware of the limited qualified adulthood (Seiffge-Krenke, 2009), where universities existing in Pontianak, despite parents play an important role to ensure the rapid increase
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