Jurnal Psikologi Volume 44, Nomor 1, 2017: 66 - 79 DOI: 10.22146/jpsi.26898 /®π¨µª®≥1$ø∑¨™ª®ª∞∂µ∫1®µ´18∂ºµÆ1/¨∂∑≥¨∫1,∞Æπ®ª∂π¿1 Experiences in

Wenty Marina Minza1 Center for Indigenous and Cultural Psychology Faculty of Psychology Universitas Gadjah Mada

Abstract. Based on a one year qualitative study, this paper examines the migratory aspirations and experiences of non-Chinese young people in , West , Indonesia. It is based on two main questions of migration iµ1ªØ¨1™∂µª¨øª1∂≠1¿∂ºµÆ1∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1 education to work transition: 1) How do young people in provincial cities perceive processes of migration? 2) What is the role of intergenerational relations in realizing these aspirations? This paper will describe the various strategies young people employ to realize their dreams of obtaining education in Java, the decisions made by those who fail to do so, and the choices made by migrants after finishing their education in Java. It will contribute to a body of knowledge on ¿∂ºµÆ1∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1¨´º™®ª∞∂µ1ª∂1æ∂π≤1ªπ®µ∫∞ª∞∂µ∫1®µ´1 how inter-generational dynamics play out in that process. Keywords: intergenerational relation, migratory aspiration, youth

Internal1 migration plays a key role in Java. Both the younger and older gene- mapping mobility patterns among young ration in Pontianak generally associate people, as many young people continue to Java with ideas of progress, opportunities migrate within their home country (Argent for social mobility, and the success of & Walmsley, 2008). Indonesia is no excep- inter-generational reproduction or regene- tion. The highest participation of rural ration. Yet, migration involves various urban migration in Indonesia is among negotiation processes that go beyond an young people under the age of 29, mostly analysis of push and pull factors. Apart for the purpose of education or work from the idea that having studied in Java (Effendi, 2015). provides leverage to compete in the local Based on a one year qualitative study, labour market in , this paper will focus on how (non- migration also provides a pathway to Chinese) young people from a provincial adulthood. On the one hand, young city in Indonesia, Pontianak, West people often view migration as associated Kalimantan, view migration and the inter- with a life phase parallel to home-leaving generational processes involved in ∞µ1 6¨∫ª¨πµ cultures. It involves the idea realising their aspiration to migrate and of independency from parents and thus, their decisions to return. Migration in the an indicator of their transition to adult- Pontianak context is related with its hood. Yet, parents are not always position as a peripheral location within supportive of their children leaving their Indonesia and its relations to mainland home. Preferring their children to stay nearby, even though their children have to 1 Korespondensi mengenai artikel ini dapat melalui: face lost opportunities from obtaining [email protected]

66 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI / 1$-3 +1$7/$"3 3(.-21 -#18.4-&1/$./+$21,(&1 3.181$7/$1($-"$21(-1(-#.-$2( education in Java. For some parents, for the (Sudagung, 2001:93). The independency is only half the story of the Madurese are Muslims, like the Malays. transition to adulthood. The other half of While Muslims from other ethnic groups ©¨™∂¥∞µÆ1 ®µ1 ®´º≥ª1 ∞µ1 ∑®π¨µª∫1 ¨¿¨∫1 ∞∫1 ª∂1 are considered Malay, Madurese religious build an interdependent relationship, and cultural practices created a Madurese especially in the realm of caring and identity separate from Malay. providing intergenerational (financial) The Malay are assumed to be more ∫º∑∑∂πªï1 3غ∫ð1 ®1 ¥®±∂π∞ª¿1 ∂≠1 /∂µª∞®µ®≤∫1 educated, urbanised, and of higher social youth eventually return to Pontianak after status than the Dayak. Conversely, the ≠∞µ∞∫Ø∞µÆ1 ∫™Ø∂∂≥1 ª∂1 ≠º≥≠∞≥1 ªØ¨∞π1 ∑®π¨µª∫1 Dayak are assumed to come from rural expectations in reproducing inter- areas, and to be of lower status than the dependent relations with the family. Malay. The Chinese are viewed to have high economic social standing and Ethnicity and periphery: Contextualizing West ¨ø™≥º∫∞Ω¨ï1 3ب1 ,®´ºπ¨∫¨1 ®π¨1 Ω∞¨æ¨´1 ®∫1 Kalimantan and Pontianak uneducated, violent, and come from poor 8∂ºµÆ1∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1≥∞Ω¨∫1∞µ16¨∫ª1*®≥∞¥®µª®µð1 economic backgrounds. These stereotypes and Pontianak in particular, are structured structure the ways young people view and by the ethnic history of the region. strategise for their future, as opportunities Ethnicity, often going hand in hand with are often framed within ethnic boundaries π¨≥∞Æ∞∂µð1 ∂≠ª¨µ1 ∞µ≠≥º¨µ™¨∫1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1 (Minza, 2014). In some cases, these stereo- educational choices and their outlook on types reflect the historical marginalisation migration for furthering their education, and opportunities available for certain which I will further show in this paper. ethnic groups to gain their current West Kalimantan is inhabited by a multi- ∑∂∫∞ª∞∂µ∞µÆ1 ∞µ1 ∫∂™∞¨ª¿ï1 3ب1 ,®´ºπ¨∫¨∫1 ethnic society, with four main ethnic already low social economic status as low groups: Dayak, Malay, Chinese, and skilled migrant workers has exacerbated Madurese. The Dayak and Malay are the marginalisation of this ethnic group, as considered the original inhabitants of the the Madurese have to deal with their province, even though the Malays are defeat in one of the violent ethnic conflicts actually Arab migrants arriving around ∞µ1 ªØ¨1 6¨∫ª1 *®≥∞¥®µª®µ∫1 Ø∞∫ª∂π¿ï1 3ب1 the 1700 and introduced Islam to the Dayak position as ulun or slaves for Malay region (Government of Pontianak, 2009). kingdoms during Dutch rule has limited The Malays are often associated with Islam their opportunities for social mobility and Dayaks with Christianity. The Chinese across generations, while securing advan- came to West Kalimantan between the 18th tageous positions for the Malays and 19th centuries (Heidhues, 2003: 27; (Tangkilisan, 2005). Siahaan, 1974: 20), arriving in the northern Pontianak is inhabited by 527.102 part of West Kalimantan, around the same people in 2009 (Pontianak Regional time as the Malays. The Chinese are Development Agency, 2015), the majority ™ºπ𨵪≥¿1ªØ¨1¥®±∂π1∑≥®¿¨π∫1∞µ1/∂µª∞®µ®≤∫1 being Chinese and Malay, followed by economy, most are either Buddhist or other ethnic groups (Government of Confucian. The Madurese came last to Pontianak, 2009). /∂µª∞®µ®≤∫1 ∑∂∫∞ª∞∂µ1 ®∫1 West Kalimantan, migrated from the the provincial capital of West Kalimantan island of Madura, East Java, around the ≠𮥨∫1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨s outlook towards early 20th century as low skilled workers out-migration to Java. The introduction of

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 67 MINZA decentralisation was assumed to bring to compete in the local labour market. As further development, particularly in such, most Pontianak youth view regions outside of Java. In Pontianak, migration to Java or to other places as a decentralisation has accelerated develop- temporary move. ment of local infrastructure, communica- tion, and transportation facilities. Intergenerational relations Pontianak is better connected with other Mannheim (1952: 292-294) stated that the district towns and bigger cities. Invest- concept of generation is linked to the ment opportunities has boosted the concept of social and cultural reproduction economy. through intergenerational relations. In In the past years, the highest contri- intergenerational relations, the process of butor to economic growth in Pontianak is cultural transmission that facilitates the the trade, hotel and restaurant sector occurrence of social reproduction is often (Pontianak Statistics Bureau, 2008; accompanied by a process of adaptation Regional Development Agency, 2015), and negotiation by the younger genera- providing mostly low skilled job tion. This idea is also supported by opportunities for young people in the city. Mathews and White (2004: 4) who argued This stands in rather contrast to the rapid that no matter how much social change increase of tertiary education facilities young people face, they are socialised by between 1998 and 2008 (Pontianak the values and practices of the older Statistics Bureau, 1998; 2008), raising generation. However, which values and ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨1 ®µ´1 ªØ¨∞π1 ≠®¥∞≥¿s practices are reproduced, how, and to aspirations of obtaining respectable jobs in what extent, is largely a matter of agency the civil service. on the part of young people. Adaptation However, being better connected to and negotiation in cultural transmission bigger cities also means that people in includes looking at how each generation Pontianak have become more aware of conceptualises the meaning of and their limitations. #¨∫∑∞ª¨1´¨™¨µªπ®≥∞∫®ª∞∂µ∫1 experience of migration, within the contribution on accelerating development changing political, social and economic and progress in many regions outside of conditions they face (Wyn and Woodman, Java (Cameron, 2003:6), the gap between 2006: 499). Java and the outer islands remains. The Migrating is not an individual outer islands have not been able to catch decision, nor is it merely structured by the up with development in Java, as reflected family. In Western societies, family, by the fact that the ten poorest provinces friends, and community play a role in in 2009 are located in the outer islands whether or not a young person moves (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2010). In (Dette & Dalbert, 2005: 1723). For young Pontianak, both parents and young people ∑¨∂∑≥¨1 ∞µ1 ªØ¨∫¨1 6¨∫ª¨πµ1 ∫∂™∞¨ª∞¨∫ð1 Øome in Pontianak are equally aware of the leaving becomes an important rite of limited qualified universities existing in passage to adulthood (Seiffge-Krenke, Pontianak, despite the rapid increase of 2009), where parents play an important higher education facilities in the recent role to ensure that the normative timing of years. One of the options in securing a home leaving is reproduced. Parents better future for young people is to obtain usually expect their children to leave home better quality education in Java and return once they are legally considered as an

68 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI / 1$-3 +1$7/$"3 3(.-21 -#18.4-&1/$./+$21,(&1 3.181$7/$1($-"$21(-1(-#.-$2( adult. Late home leavers are seen to have parents. The main study interviewed 106 less autonomy and lacking the intention to young people from four main ethnic become an adult (Kins et al., 2009). groups in West Kalimantan, with a relative B∂∂¥¨π®µÆ1 ™Ø∞≥´π¨µð children who balance between young women and young return to their parental home after leaving men. Twelve parents were also inter- home, are seen as failures or in a limbo viewed to obtain an idea of the views and (Davidson, 2014). On the other hand, expectations they have for their children. migration in Asian families is often seen as For the purpose of this paper, the part of family obligation where individual migratory experiences of two young agency is often overlooked. Asis (2002: 26) people will be intensively discussed, both argues that migration in Asian families of which are narratives of non-Chinese does not necessarily mean that individual youth (a Madurese young man and a desires always submit to family expecta- Dayak young woman), who have finished tions and obligations, rather, they are their study in Yogyakarta, Java. Chinese interwoven in family projects. youth have quite a different view and The concept of generation recognises experience of migration than their non- the existence of asymmetrical power Chinese counterparts in West Kalimantan. relations between youth and adults, where Thus, their experiences are more suitable youth are often positioned as subordinate, to elaborate in a separate paper. Interviews powerless, and marginal in relation to from three other young people and two adults. Though young people possess the parents are included to support the agency to strategise in situations where argument in this paper. intergenerational conflict occurs, they The stories of the two young people in often have to find rather subtle ways to this paper have been chosen based on the resist. These subtle ways include focusing rather extreme differences in their migra- on intra-generational relations, which tory experiences and the different genders includes spending time and relying more and ethnicity they represent. At the same on friends or peer networks to achieve time, the two cases represent the their goals (Jeffrey, 2010), using techno- challenges and negotiation processes that logy such as mobile phones to extend young people in a provincial town such as parental curfew (Williams & Williams, Pontianak generally have to face to fulfil 2005), or engaging in various youth family expectations and fulfil their own cultures of resistance (Leksana, 2009). individual aspirations.

Methods Result This research was conducted using one a Negotiating migration year qualitative study. It used in-depth interviews as its main method which In general, Pontianak young people have enabled capturing migration as a process, quite high aspirations on migrating, where intergenerational relations are an especially to Java. As I have explained essential part of that process. The inter- elsewhere (Minza, 2012), an exception views facilitated an understanding of these applies for Chinese youth, who generally relations through the subjective lens of aspire to migrate to Jakarta and Australia. young people, and to a certain extent, their Non-Chinese youth (in this case Malay,

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Dayak and Madurese youth), are not at work, teaching at an elementary school necessarily supported by their parents in in Northern Pontianak. She expected that realising their aspirations to migrate, as her 18 year old daughter, Arum, would expressed by Yayan (45), a Malay man and take on the responsibility of caring for her teacher at one of the state elementary father. Arum eventually buried her schools in Pontianak. He is a father of a 20 dreams of studying in Java and decided to year old son who is attending a private major in nursing at a local academy to be university in Pontianak. close to her parents. Being the only I do not have the courage to send my daughter in the family, Arum is expected son to further his education outside of to be involved in caring for parents rather Pontianak, he is not mature enough to than her older brother. πº¥∫1™®∫¨1∫Ø∂æ∫1 go. So I encouraged him to stay here. that morality issues are a strong basis that When he is here, I can observe his young people consider when finally schooling and his psychological deciding to submit to ªØ¨∞π1 ∑®π¨µª∫1 development. If one day he is ready to expectation to stay in Pontianak. leave Pontianak, I will let him migrate Young people negotiating their way to to Java. We all know that the quality migrate to Java tend to submit to their of education there is better and ∑®π¨µª∫1æ∞∫ب∫1ª∂1∫ª®¿1©¨Ø∞µ´1æبµ1©∂ªØ1 promising, because there is a parents object to the idea of migrating. differrence between alumni of Java Having the support of at least one parent universities and those from Pontianak. impπ∂Ω¨∫1 ®1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨π∫∂µ∫1 ©®πÆ®∞µ∞µÆ1 I have seen for myself how the power to leave as I will show in the community in Jogja (short for Yogya- following cases. Tri (24), is a Dayak young karta) support learning, as not many woman from the District of Pontianak, young people are seen hanging out around an hour drive from Pontianak2. until late at night at intersections or on Her first move from home was when she the streets. started high school in Pontianak. Her parents encouraged her to go to Pontianak, 8®¿®µ∫1®ªª∞ªº´¨1ª∂æ®π´∫1¥∞Æπ®ª∞∂µ1∞∫1 because they wanted Tri to have a better common among parents in Pontianak. education in the city. As teachers, both her Despite knowing that Java offers better parents understood the importance of quality education than Pontianak, they acquiring quality education in the provin- express various reasons and concerns cial capital. In the end of her senior year in about having their children migrate to high school, Tri decided that she wanted Java. Like Yayan, many parents point to to pursue a career as a pharmacist. She ªØ¨∞π1 ™Ø∞≥´π¨µ∫ lack of maturity to leave started to search for information on home, fearing that migration will bring pharmacy programs offered in Pontianak negative influences to their children. In when she graduated in 2001. other cases, children stay behind to take care of a sick parent, which is viewed as a At that time, the state university in family obligation they have to submit to. Pontianak did not have a Pharmacy 1®©¨®Ø1 û[Vü1 ®1 ,®≥®¿1 mother explained department or faculty. Thus, she had to that her husband had a stroke recently and is in therapy. He would need someone to 2 Pontianak City and Pontianak District are two take him to his therapy sessions and to the different administrative regions. In this paper, doctor to monitor his progress while she is Pontianak City, the provincial capital is referred to as solely Pontianak.

70 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI / 1$-3 +1$7/$"3 3(.-21 -#18.4-&1/$./+$21,(&1 3.181$7/$1($-"$21(-1(-#.-$2( choose from private tertiary education youth resistance that is less subtle and institutions. Akfar Yarsi (Akademi rather direct. Arjan is a 30 year old Farmasi Yayasan Rumah Sakit Islam) was Madurese young man who migrated to the only tertiary education institution she after the Sambas conflict in 19993. knew she could access. This Islamic based He is a 30 year old Madurese young man, academy did not correspond to the whose life was directly affected by the principle of this Catholic young woman, as Sambas conflict. Like many Madurese of female students attending the academy are the older generation who have relatively obliged to wear a headscarf. As she always ≥∂æ1 ¨´º™®ª∞∂µ®≥1 ©®™≤Æπ∂ºµ´∫ð1 π±®µ∫1 remem©¨π∫1بπ1∑®π¨µª∫1®´Ω∞™e to keep her parents only experienced schooling at the religious principles, she decides to look elementary school level. His father did not into tertiary education institutions in Java, even graduate from elementary school. Yogyakarta and Jakarta being the first His family was evicted from the district of places she thought of. Sambas, along with many other Madurese Tri has an uncle who has already families. They left from Pontianak without resided in Jakarta, and in Yogyakarta, she bringing any of their valuables, but has cousins who are also continuing their through their small trade activity, his education there. She says that she decided parents managed to get him through high to come to Yogyakarta because she was school. unfamiliar to big city life, specifically It was after finishing high school that pointing to the heavy traffic jams she he left for Malaysia to become a construc- would have to face in Jakarta, and her peer tion worker for 9 months. His mind was network in Yogyakarta was stronger than set on saving money from his job in in Jakarta. Yet, before her departure to Malaysia to study at a university in Java. Yogyakarta, she had to deal with the fact π±®µ∫1 ∞µª¨µª∞∂µ of obtaining tertiary that her mother was unwilling to let her go education in Java was final, despite his to Java. Her mother was worried that Tri mother disagreeing with his decision to will not be able to have a comfortable life continue his tertiary education in Java. in Java. Tri did not confront her mother. ,¿1 ≠®ªØ¨π1 ®∫≤¨´1 ´∂¨∫1 ¿∂ºπ1 ¥∂ªØ¨π1 Without her asking, her father finally ≤µ∂æï1 (1 π¨∑≥∞¨´1 ªØ®ª1 ∫ب1 ´∂¨∫µª. I influenced her mother to allow her only told my mother the afternoon departure to Java. He reminded her before I departed. Perhaps my father mother of the religious principle that Tri had informed her. I said to my mother was basing her decision upon, which is Mak (mom), I am going off to µ∂ª1 ∫¨≥≥∞µÆ1 بπ1 π¨≥∞Æ∞∂µ. In fact, Tri university. I really want to go to Jogja, remembers that her father was rather strict ®µ´1 (1 µ¨¨´1 ¿∂ºπ1 ©≥¨∫∫∞µÆï1 ,¿1 ¥∂¥1 about this matter and her mother was silent, she did not say anything, eventually gave in. not a yes, not a no. Pure silence. My Tri is not alone in having to struggle to obtain consent from her mother to migrate to Java. 6Ø∞≥¨1 3π∞∫1 ≠®ªØ¨π1 æ®∫1 3 The Sambas conflict is one of the largest ethnic successful in persuading her mother, not conflicts in the history of West Kalimantan that involved the Malays and the Madurese in the all cases show that fathers always have the District of Sambas (the Northern coastal region of ≥®∫ª1 ∫®¿1 ∞µ1 ªØ¨∞π1 ™Ø∞≥´π¨µ∫1 ¥∞Æπ®ª∂π¿1 West Kalimantan). It has resulted in forced decisions. π±®µ∫1 ∫ª∂π¿1 ∞∫1 ®µ1 ¨ø®¥∑≥¨1 ∂≠ evacuation of the Madurese to Pontianak, Arjan being one of the survivors of the ethnic conflict.

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≠®ªØ¨π1∫ªπ¨µÆªØ¨µ¨´1¥¨1©¿1∫®¿∞µÆ1¿∂º1 for the first time. Selecting and registering ±º∫ª1Æ∂ð1∞ª1æ∞≥≥1©¨1®≥≥1π∞Æتï12∂1(1≥¨≠ª. to a new university is also not an easy task for young first time migrants. Making Reflecting on his past decision to significant decisions that will influence migrate with∂ºª1 Ø∞∫1 ¥∂ªØ¨π∫1 ™∂µ∫¨µªð1 their lives in the future can be a frustrating Arjan regrets of the strategy he imposed situation. Having a group of people upon his mother to realise his intentions of provide information and guidance lessens studying in Java. But he knows that if he ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1 ´∞∫ªπ¨∫∫1 ´ºπ∞µÆ1 ªØ∞∫1 had cancelled his plans on departing to process. As young people become more Java, he would regret his decision for all skilled in making their own decisions, they his life. often feel a sense of having more control over their lives. This newly found Migration: The path to independency and independency to decide what and which adulthood university she wanted to study was quite Mandiri is the local term used to indicate liberating for Tri, as she found more independency. Independency usually opportunities to make her own decisions refers to financial independency, the when she is far away from her parents. capacity to make decisions without the Tri also expresses the importance of support of an adult family member, and learning to develop a sense of control, sticking to ∂µ¨∫ own value in the process which she believes will facilitate a person of decision making. Migration is generally in achieving his/her goals. She referred to a strategy to achieve this kind of indepen- her cousin, a senior student at an dency. However, in some cases parents Engineering Faculty at the Catholic often arrange for their children to stay university, as her mentor in shaping her with a family who have already migrated sense of self control. Before she was at the place of destination. Because of this, accepted at a university in Yogyakarta, she some youth feel that they have not really had to negotiate her activities with her succeeded in breaking away from family cousin, even if it was only for purposes structures, and of becoming independent. such as going to the mall. She felt that this 3Ø∞∫1æ®∫1∏º∞ª¨1™≥¨®π1∞µ13π∞∫1™®∫¨ whereshe training process was worthwhile. It proudly described her departure to Yogya- avoided her from misleading parents and karta was not arranged by her parents. She families back home, who are convinced relied on her own network, a Dayak that she is studying hard to get good network, initially introduced by her cousin quality education in Java. Tri explained who was already studying in Yogyakarta. that sometimes even the existence of This ethnic network was well structured to networks that help prepare young people prepare new comers to start their studies. in studying in Jogja, fail at facilitating They have established a group of tutors them to enter good universities. who would be responsible in providing I know friends who came to Jogja to lessons to new Dayak high school study, and their parents have spent a graduates from Pontianak who intended whole lot of money to support their to register at a university there. study. But they are either unfortunate 3π∞∫1 ´¨∫™π∞∑ª∞∂µ1 ∂≠1 بπ1 ®ππ∞Ω®≥1 ∞µ1 or lack the motivation to prepare Yogyakarta clearly shows the importance themselves to enter a good university of ethnic networks for young people in in Yogyakarta. So they basically come Pontianak who may be away from parents

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to Jogja for nothing, it is just for the (26), a Malay young man from Putussibau, prestige. In reality, the quality of 18 hours from West Kalimantan by land. education they receive is the same as If I were to choose between staying in Pontianak. One of my relatives in Jogja or returning to Pontianak, I went to these low quality universities would choose to live in Jogja. in Jogja. The university shut down in Everything is cheap there, I have the middle of her studies, and this already worked there for 1 year. I was really made her quite depressed. She hired as an elementary school teacher. decided to go back to Pontianak I came back to Pontianak because my without ever finishing university. mother asked me to return to West Independency through migration was Kalimantan. I felt sorry for my also important for Arjan. However, his parents, as they perceive Jogja as migration path to seek further education being too far from Putussibau. If opportunities in Java was more something happens to one of them, challenging. Unlike Tri who had the they are afraid I would not be able to opportunity of obtaining information reach them in time. Pontianak is closer about various choices of university from to Putussibau. her seniors, all Arjan held on to was Arjan on the other hand, expressed his information about the West Kalimantan ≠®ªØ¨π∫1∞µ≠≥º¨µ™¨1∂µ1Ø∞∫1´¨™∞∫∞∂µ1ª∂1π¨ªºπµ1 boarding home in Yogyakarta and a small to Pontianak. Arjan put himself in a course brochure containing advertisement about a to enter university with the left over tertiary education institution in Yogya- money he brought from Malaysia. He karta when he left Pontianak. He left spent four million rupiah (around 300 US Pontianak, only to find out that, at the end, dollars) for the course and eventually it was only an institution providing succeeded in entering one of the qualified computer courses. His limited knowledge private tertiary education institutions for of what campus life is like, inhibited him accountancy in Yogyakarta. from being suspicious of this institution I said to myself that I had to get a from the beginning. After following some diploma, even if it is only a D1, D2, of his friends on their campus, he realised D34. I went around Yogyakarta, from that the education system at his campus one campus to another, searching a was not the same as that of his friends. qualified campus I could afford. I That was when he and other students finally found a tertiary educational knew they were misled by this institution. institution for accountancy which They filed a collective law suit against the offered a D2 program. I considered institution, won, and had the institution that when I find more money, I will ™≥∂∫¨´ï1 3∂1 π±®µ∫1 ´∞∫®∑∑∂∞µª¥¨µªð1 ∞ª1 π¨- continue to the D3 program. I worked opened again a year later. in various jobs, mostly in computer rentals, or selling newspapers to save Interdependent relationships: The full circle to money to continue my education. I adulthood was also lucky to receive a scholarship Young people generally state that their return to Pontianak is based on their 4 ¥∂ªØ¨π∫1 æ∞∫ب∫ð1 ®∫1 ¨ø∑π¨∫∫¨´1 ©¿1 Aam D1, D2, D3 is a one-year, two-year, and three-year non-degree diploma programme in applied sciences, respectively.

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and finally got my D3 diploma. I was by fulfill∞µÆ1 Ø∞∫1 ∑®π¨µª∫1 ¨ø∑¨™ª®ª∞∂µ∫1 ready to return to Pontianak when my strengthening the family business. For father insisted that I continue my him, this is decision would ensure that his education to a full four year under- parents are financially secure. graduate program. He saidð1 (≠1 you Tri, on the other hand, already set her become unemployed when you mind on returning to Pontianak after return, it would be better to have finishing her programme in Pharmacy. 5 finished S1 . This was in accordance with her parents Arjan continued, stating that his father expectations that she would come back to asked him to continue to a full four year Pontianak to become a pharmacist. So, she undergraduate programme. Arjan under- continued her studies to become a legal ∫ª∂∂´1©¿1ªØ¨µ1ªØ®ª1´¨∫∑∞ª¨1Ø∞∫1∑®π¨µª∫1≥∂æ1 pharmacist, as her four year programme educational background, they were does not come with a certificate to practice realistic in their expectations towards him. as a pharmacist. Although at first she did +¨®πµ∞µÆ1 ≠π∂¥1 ∂ªØ¨π∫1 ¨ø∑¨π∞¨µ™¨∫ð1 Ø∞∫1 not want to comply with her parents parents understand that an S1 diploma wishes to get into the civil service, she does not guarantee obtaining an office job. finally applied to make her parents happy. Before, he was terrified that if he insisted She did not have any hopes to pass the on continuing his studies to S1 and test, since she knew that the competition to returned unemployed, his parents would enter the civil service is tight. Unex- be much more ashamed of him in pectedly, she was accepted as a pharmacist comparison to him only being a D3 at a local state hospital. graduate. Since proper jobs in Pontianak She had two jobs, at the hospital and require an S1, being a D3 graduate gave the pharmacy, for six months, before she him the perfect excuse for being decided to stop working at the pharmacy unemployed. On the contrary, being an and focused on her job at the hospital. She unemployed S1 graduate gives the found new ways of contributing to society impression of individual failure, which at the state hospital, as she engaged with extends to family honor. Eventually, he patients from remote areas. She was continued his S1 with a scholarship he passionate about transferring the know- received from the same campus. ledge she had to the people, though it was After graduating, Arjan intended to also quite challenging. She feels that she find a job in Yogyakarta. However, his Ø®∫1≠º≥≠∞≥≥¨´1بπ1∑®π¨µª∫1´π¨®¥1∂≠1¨µª¨π∞µÆ1 parents insisted that he return to help the the civil service, and at the same time, family develop their small business in one managed to fulfil her own aspirations. She of the poorest sub districts in Pontianak. A continues to take pride in balancing demand that he submitted to. When I between her own aspiration and her visited him, Arjan has already succeed in ≠®¥∞≥¿∫ï1 ∫1 ®1 殿1 ∂≠1 Æ∞Ω∞µÆ1 ©®™≤1 ª∂1 بπ1 expanding the family business, managing parents, not only does she send part of her to establish a small canteen and a income to her family, she also makes sure computer rental business. He proved his that her younger siblings are taken care of. independency by migrating, but realises As the eldest in the family, I have to that the full notion of becoming an adult is make sure that my younger sister and ©π∂ªØ¨π1 ´∂1 µ∂ª1 Æ∂1 ®∫ªπ®¿ï1 (1 ´∂µª1 ≥∞≤¨1 ªØ¨1

way young people are being drawn into 5S1 is a full four year university degree programme.

74 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI / 1$-3 +1$7/$"3 3(.-21 -#18.4-&1/$./+$21,(&1 3.181$7/$1($-"$21(-1(-#.-$2(

Figure 1. π±®µ∫1≠®ªØ¨π1∞µ1≠π∂µª1∂≠1ªØ¨1¨ø∑®µ´¨´1≠®¥∞≥¿-owned shop

consumerist lifestyle. Even my younger case. However, these values are often brother is ashamed of taking a bike to ambiguous, and young people have to school. He would rather walk if I use his construct how these values are translated motorcycle, because taking a bike is in various situations. For example, the associated with being poor. My parents ¥¨∫∫®Æ¨13π∞1∑®π¨µª∫1ª®ºÆت1∂≠1µ∂ª1∫elling expect me to train my younger siblings to ∂µ¨∫1 π¨≥∞Æ∞∂µ1 ∞∫1 ®1 ƨµ¨π®≥1 ¥¨∫∫®Æ¨ð1 ªØ®ª1 work hard to achieve their life goals. This serves as a cognitive schema in dealing is the least I could do for them, since I with real life situations and processes of ™®µª1ª®≤¨1™®π¨1∂≠1ªhem directly. adaptation (Koenig: 1995). Using this cognitive schema, Tri constructed her own Discussion boundaries of religious tolerance in facing the dilemma between keeping her educa- The results above show the significance of tional aspiration at the cost of her religious migration for young people as a pathway principles, or looking for other channels to to adulthood. Independency is often stated realise her aspirations. as a marker for adulthood, and many Apart from influencing decision- young people believe that migration can making processes to migrate, parents also facilitate them in achieving that marker. ∑≥®¿1 ®µ1 ∞¥∑∂𪮵ª1 π∂≥¨1 ∞µ1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1 Young people negotiating their way to decision to stay or to return to Pontianak. migrate to Java tend to submit to their This was apparent in many of the cases, ∑®π¨µª∫1æ∞∫ب∫1ª∂1∫ª®¿1©¨Ø∞µ´1æبµ1©∂ªØ1 where young people who have already parents object to the idea of migrating. migrated are expected to return to Having the support of at least one parent Pontianak, despite having settled into a job ∞¥∑π∂Ω¨∫1 ®1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨π∫∂µ∫1 ©®πÆ®∞µ∞µÆ1 at their new place. Caring for the elders is power to leave. Values parents socialise to common reason to persuade children to their children also influence their return. Mothers are usually the ones migratory decisions, as shown in 3π∞∫1 sending the message to their children to

JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 75 MINZA return for reasons of caring, since caring is influence the social networks young often related to duties borne by the female people are able to access (Scott, 2006; members of the household. However, Curan, 2001). Different from Tri who when reasons for parents to ask their comes from a middle class background, children to return are reasons related to π±®µ∫1 ≠®¥∞≥¿1 Ø®∫1 experienced social the public sphere (such as taking care of economic marginality due their low family business), fathers take the lead in education levels and their status as a making the decision of whether their defeated ethnic group. Thus, they were not children are to return or to continue capable of introducing him to their staying - ®∫1∞≥≥º∫ªπ®ª¨´1∞µ1 π±®µ∫1∫ª∂π¿ï His networks in Yogyakarta. case strongly shows that fº≥≠∞≥≥∞µÆ1 ∂µ¨∫1 own aspiration is important, but being Conclusions ®©≥¨1 ª∂1 ©®≥®µ™¨1 ©¨ªæ¨¨µ1 ≠º≥≠∞≥≥∞µÆ1 ∂µ¨∫1 own aspiration and placing it as part of a Migration can be a platform for young family project (Asis, 2002) is even more people who want to explore horizons important for young people in their course beyond the familiarity of their own homes of migration. This is similar to Yeoh et al . some succeeded while others fail. Those (2002: 3-4), stating that in Asian families, who fail to negotiate their aspirations with the goal of migration is twofold - to parents, eventually internalise their strengthen the family, and to escape the ∑®π¨µª∫1Ω®≥º¨∫1®µ´1π®ª∞∂µ®≥∞∫¨1ªØ¨∞π1≠®∞≥ºπ¨1 traditional structures of the family. While as part of their dedication to their parents. these two motivations can be seen as two While some may view young people who separate entities, it is not necessarily so. stay behind as part of the immobile These two motivations may go hand in society, often seen through a negative lens hand, placing relations of interdependence (Swartz, 2011), these cases show that (Minza, 2014) as the foundation of social ∫ª®¿∞µÆ1 ©¨Ø∞µ´1 ∞∫1 ∑®πª1 ∂≠1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1 relations within the family. As such, strategy to adapt to familial circumstances. parental expectations often frame young For young people from provincial towns, ∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1 ∑¨π∫∑¨™ª∞Ω¨1 ∂µ1 ¥∞Æπ®ª∞∂µ1 ®µ´1 migration becomes one of significant their migratory experience. processes to enable them to take part in As in many studies on migration (e.g. city life, including obtaining better Curan & Saguy, 2001; Hugo, 1981: 200-202; education. This paper has shown how Tukiran, 1986:88), social network at the migration processes are central to under- place of destination is usually the main standing social reproduction. Rather than consideration in choosing the destination seeing social reproduction as a static state of migration. (µ1 3π∞∫1 ™®∫¨1 ®©∂Ω¨ð1 family by merely focusing on changes in inter- and ethnic network at the place of generational social economic status, it has destination played a significant role in her illustrated the various intergenerational process of migration. Yet, not all young negotiation processes in social repro- people have these types of social networks, duction. As such, it also supports the and they learn to be independent largely notion that young people do not ∂µ1 ªØ¨∞π1 ∂æµï1 π±®µ∫1 ∫ª∂π¿1 ∞∫1 ∏º∞ª¨1 ªØ¨1 reproduce in whole the previous genera- ∂∑∑∂∫∞ª¨1 ∂≠1 3π∞∫ï1 '¨1 Ø®´1 ª∂1 ≠®™¨1 Ω®π∞∂us ª∞∂µ∫1 Ω®≥º¨∫1 ®µ´1 殿∫ï1 8∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨1 obstacles when he started his education in reshape the values and practices of their Yogyakarta. Class origins of the family parents to fit their own individual

76 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI / 1$-3 +1$7/$"3 3(.-21 -#18.4-&1/$./+$21,(&1 3.181$7/$1($-"$21(-1(-#.-$2( aspirations and the social changes they education institutions in peripheral face. locations, which are better integrated with This study has also found that the labour market. migration is not an individual decision and parents play an important role in References migratory processes, where the gender of the parent and child matters in both Argent, N., & Walmsley, J. (2008). Rural decision making and the realisation of youth migration trends in Australia: aspirations to migrate. The values parents An overview of recent trends and two transfer to their children often serve as a inland case studies. Geographical cognitive schema which becomes a Research, 46(2), 139-152. resource young people draw upon in Asis, M.M.B. (2002) From the life stories of making migratory decisions. In places Filipino women: Personal and family where ethno-religious backgrounds agendas in migration. Asia and Pacific ¥®ªª¨πð1 ∑®π¨µª∫1 ¨ªØµ∞™∞ª¿1 ®µ´1 π¨≥∞Æ∞∂µ1 Migration Journal, 11(1), 67-93. either supports or inhibit migratory Cameron, L. (2003). Growth with or aspirations. The notion of migrating as a without equity: The distributional rites of passage to enter adulthood impact of Indonesian development. through ideas of becoming independent is Asian Pacific Economic Literature, 16(2), ¨Ω∞´¨µª1 ∞µ1 ¥®µ¿1 ∂≠1 ªØ¨1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ∑¨∂∑≥¨∫1 1-17 narratives, but even more so for those from marginal backgrounds. In the end, Central Bureau of Statistics. (2010). Data however, the full circle to adulthood is dan informasi kemiskinan kabupaten/kota embedded in parental expectations of 2010 (Data and information on poverty building interdependent relations with the in districts/municipalities 2010). family. Jakarta: Central Bureau of Statistics. Curan, S. R., & Saguy, A. C. (2001). Migration and cultural change: A role Recommendation for gender and social networks? Educational institutions need to be aware Journal of International Women's Studies, ∂≠1 ¿∂ºµÆ1 ¥∞Æ𮵪∫1 µ¨¨´∫ð1 ®∫1 ªØ¨¿1 ™∂¥¨1 2(3), 54-77. with different sorts and levels of resources Davidson, A. (2014, June 20). It's Official: from their place of origin. Those with The Boomerang Kids Won't Leave. relatively limited resources may find Diunduh dari: http://www.nytimes. difficulty in making a smooth education to com/2014/06/22/magazine/its-official- work transition. In this situation, support the-boomerang-kids-wont- from educational institutions in the place leave.html?_r=0 tanggal 13 Juli 2015. of destination is much needed. Dette, D., & Dalbert, C. (2005). Moving for Acknowledgement on the importance their first job or staying put? of interdependent modes of parent-child predictors of high school students' relationship (including responsibilities in attitudes toward geographic mobility. caring for parents and providing financial Journal of Applied Social Psychology, support) means that mobility may be 35(8), 1719-1737. restricted for some. This calls for the need to establish higher quality tertiary Effendi, T.N. (2015). Migrasi desa-kota, peluang kerja dan kesejahteraan migran di

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