Parental Expectations and Young People's Migratory
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Jurnal Psikologi Volume 44, Nomor 1, 2017: 66 - 79 DOI: 10.22146/jpsi.26898 /®π¨®≥1$¡∑¨™ª®1®µ18∂º1/¨∂∑≥¨1,∞Æπ®¢1 Experiences in Indonesia Wenty Marina Minza1 Center for Indigenous and Cultural Psychology Faculty of Psychology Universitas Gadjah Mada Abstract. Based on a one year qualitative study, this paper examines the migratory aspirations and experiences of non-Chinese young people in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, Indonesia. It is based on two main questions of migration i1¨1™∂¨¡11¿∂º1¨≥¨1 education to work transition: 1) How do young people in provincial cities perceive processes of migration? 2) What is the role of intergenerational relations in realizing these aspirations? This paper will describe the various strategies young people employ to realize their dreams of obtaining education in Java, the decisions made by those who fail to do so, and the choices made by migrants after finishing their education in Java. It will contribute to a body of knowledge on ¢º1¨∂≥¨1¨´º™®ª∞11 ≤1®µ1®µ1 how inter-generational dynamics play out in that process. Keywords: intergenerational relation, migratory aspiration, youth Internal1 migration plays a key role in Java. Both the younger and older gene- mapping mobility patterns among young ration in Pontianak generally associate people, as many young people continue to Java with ideas of progress, opportunities migrate within their home country (Argent for social mobility, and the success of & Walmsley, 2008). Indonesia is no excep- inter-generational reproduction or regene- tion. The highest participation of rural ration. Yet, migration involves various urban migration in Indonesia is among negotiation processes that go beyond an young people under the age of 29, mostly analysis of push and pull factors. Apart for the purpose of education or work from the idea that having studied in Java (Effendi, 2015). provides leverage to compete in the local Based on a one year qualitative study, labour market in West Kalimantan, this paper will focus on how (non- migration also provides a pathway to Chinese) young people from a provincial adulthood. On the one hand, young city in Indonesia, Pontianak, West people often view migration as associated Kalimantan, view migration and the inter- with a life phase parallel to home-leaving generational processes involved in 1 6¨¨π cultures. It involves the idea realising their aspiration to migrate and of independency from parents and thus, their decisions to return. Migration in the an indicator of their transition to adult- Pontianak context is related with its hood. Yet, parents are not always position as a peripheral location within supportive of their children leaving their Indonesia and its relations to mainland home. Preferring their children to stay nearby, even though their children have to 1 Korespondensi mengenai artikel ini dapat melalui: face lost opportunities from obtaining [email protected] 66 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI / 1$-3 +1$7/$"3 3(.-21 -#18.4- 1/$./+$21,( 1 3.181$7/$1($-"$21(-1(-#.-$2( education in Java. For some parents, for the Malays (Sudagung, 2001:93). The independency is only half the story of the Madurese are Muslims, like the Malays. transition to adulthood. The other half of While Muslims from other ethnic groups ©¨™∂¥∞1 ®1 ®´º≥ª1 1 ®π¨µ1 ¨¢¨1 1 1 are considered Malay, Madurese religious build an interdependent relationship, and cultural practices created a Madurese especially in the realm of caring and identity separate from Malay. providing intergenerational (financial) The Malay are assumed to be more ∫ºï1 3ºð1 ®1 ¥®±∂¢1 1 /®µ®≤1 educated, urbanised, and of higher social youth eventually return to Pontianak after status than the Dayak. Conversely, the 1 ∫™≥1 1 º≥∞≥1 ¨∞π1 ®¨1 Dayak are assumed to come from rural expectations in reproducing inter- areas, and to be of lower status than the dependent relations with the family. Malay. The Chinese are viewed to have high economic social standing and Ethnicity and periphery: Contextualizing West ¨¡™≥º¨ï1 3¨1 ,®´º¨∫¨1 ®¨1 ¨ ¨´1 ®∫1 Kalimantan and Pontianak uneducated, violent, and come from poor 8∂º1¨≥¨1≥∞¨116¨∫ª1*®≥∞¥®ª®ð1 economic backgrounds. These stereotypes and Pontianak in particular, are structured structure the ways young people view and by the ethnic history of the region. strategise for their future, as opportunities Ethnicity, often going hand in hand with are often framed within ethnic boundaries ¨≥ð1 ¨µ1 ≥º¨µ™¨∫1 ¢º1 ¨≥¨1 (Minza, 2014). In some cases, these stereo- educational choices and their outlook on types reflect the historical marginalisation migration for furthering their education, and opportunities available for certain which I will further show in this paper. ethnic groups to gain their current West Kalimantan is inhabited by a multi- 1 1 ™∞¨¢ï1 3¨1 ,®´º¨∫¨1 ethnic society, with four main ethnic already low social economic status as low groups: Dayak, Malay, Chinese, and skilled migrant workers has exacerbated Madurese. The Dayak and Malay are the marginalisation of this ethnic group, as considered the original inhabitants of the the Madurese have to deal with their province, even though the Malays are defeat in one of the violent ethnic conflicts actually Arab migrants arriving around 1 ¨1 6¨1 *®≥∞¥®µ®µ1 ¢ï1 3¨1 the 1700 and introduced Islam to the Dayak position as ulun or slaves for Malay region (Government of Pontianak, 2009). kingdoms during Dutch rule has limited The Malays are often associated with Islam their opportunities for social mobility and Dayaks with Christianity. The Chinese across generations, while securing advan- came to West Kalimantan between the 18th tageous positions for the Malays and 19th centuries (Heidhues, 2003: 27; (Tangkilisan, 2005). Siahaan, 1974: 20), arriving in the northern Pontianak is inhabited by 527.102 part of West Kalimantan, around the same people in 2009 (Pontianak Regional time as the Malays. The Chinese are Development Agency, 2015), the majority ™º¨≥¿1¨1¥®±∂1≥®¿¨π11/∞®µ®≤1 being Chinese and Malay, followed by economy, most are either Buddhist or other ethnic groups (Government of Confucian. The Madurese came last to Pontianak, 2009). /®µ®≤1 1 ®1 West Kalimantan, migrated from the the provincial capital of West Kalimantan island of Madura, East Java, around the ®¥¨∫1 ¢º1 ¨≥¨s outlook towards early 20th century as low skilled workers out-migration to Java. The introduction of JURNAL PSIKOLOGI 67 MINZA decentralisation was assumed to bring to compete in the local labour market. As further development, particularly in such, most Pontianak youth view regions outside of Java. In Pontianak, migration to Java or to other places as a decentralisation has accelerated develop- temporary move. ment of local infrastructure, communica- tion, and transportation facilities. Intergenerational relations Pontianak is better connected with other Mannheim (1952: 292-294) stated that the district towns and bigger cities. Invest- concept of generation is linked to the ment opportunities has boosted the concept of social and cultural reproduction economy. through intergenerational relations. In In the past years, the highest contri- intergenerational relations, the process of butor to economic growth in Pontianak is cultural transmission that facilitates the the trade, hotel and restaurant sector occurrence of social reproduction is often (Pontianak Statistics Bureau, 2008; accompanied by a process of adaptation Regional Development Agency, 2015), and negotiation by the younger genera- providing mostly low skilled job tion. This idea is also supported by opportunities for young people in the city. Mathews and White (2004: 4) who argued This stands in rather contrast to the rapid that no matter how much social change increase of tertiary education facilities young people face, they are socialised by between 1998 and 2008 (Pontianak the values and practices of the older Statistics Bureau, 1998; 2008), raising generation. However, which values and ¢º1 ¨≥¨1 ®µ1 ¨∞π1 ®¥∞≥¿s practices are reproduced, how, and to aspirations of obtaining respectable jobs in what extent, is largely a matter of agency the civil service. on the part of young people. Adaptation However, being better connected to and negotiation in cultural transmission bigger cities also means that people in includes looking at how each generation Pontianak have become more aware of conceptualises the meaning of and their limitations. #¨¨1´¨™¨µ®≥∞∫®ª∞1 experience of migration, within the contribution on accelerating development changing political, social and economic and progress in many regions outside of conditions they face (Wyn and Woodman, Java (Cameron, 2003:6), the gap between 2006: 499). Java and the outer islands remains. The Migrating is not an individual outer islands have not been able to catch decision, nor is it merely structured by the up with development in Java, as reflected family. In Western societies, family, by the fact that the ten poorest provinces friends, and community play a role in in 2009 are located in the outer islands whether or not a young person moves (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2010). In (Dette & Dalbert, 2005: 1723). For young Pontianak, both parents and young people ¨≥¨1 1 ¨¨1 6¨¨π1 ™∞¨¨ð1 ome in Pontianak are equally aware of the leaving becomes an important rite of limited qualified universities existing in passage to adulthood (Seiffge-Krenke, Pontianak, despite the rapid increase of 2009), where parents play an important higher education facilities in the recent role to ensure that the normative timing of years. One of the options in securing a home leaving is reproduced. Parents better future for young people is to obtain usually expect their children to leave home better quality education in Java and return once they are legally considered as an 68 JURNAL PSIKOLOGI / 1$-3 +1$7/$"3 3(.-21 -#18.4- 1/$./+$21,( 1 3.181$7/$1($-"$21(-1(-#.-$2( adult. Late home leavers are seen to have parents. The main study interviewed 106 less autonomy and lacking the intention to young people from four main ethnic become an adult (Kins et al., 2009).