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Japan's Uneasy Citizens and the U.S.-Japan Alliance

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Japan's Uneasy Citizens and the U.S.-Japan Alliance Japan’s Uneasy Citizens and the U.S.–Japan Alliance SHEILA A. SMITH AsiaPacific ISSUES Analysis from the East-West Center SUMMARY Since the end of the Cold War, U.S. and Japanese policy- No. 54 September 2001 makers have successfully reaffirmed the U.S.–Japan security alliance. Yet, even The U.S. Congress established the East-West Center in 1960 to as they have done so, a series of events has revealed a deeper ambivalence in foster mutual understanding and cooperation among the govern- Japan about the terms of the alliance. These events began with the 1995 rape ments and peoples of the Asia Pacific region, including the United of a school girl in Okinawa by U.S. servicemen, focusing attention on the States. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government social costs to residents of hosting U.S. forces. In 1999 came North Korea’s with additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, launch of a missile over Japan, raising doubts among many Japanese about corporations, and Asian and Pacific governments. their alliance partner’s ability to protect them. Most recently, the outcome The AsiaPacific Issues series contributes to the Center’s role as of the 2001 sinking of the Ehime Maru training ship by a U.S. nuclear sub a neutral forum for discussion of issues of regional concern. The seemed to many to sacrifice Japanese citizens’ interests to those of the U.S. views expressed are those of the author and not necessarily those military. Taken independently, these developments may seem temporary set- of the Center. backs to policymakers, but together they suggest that there is increasing impatience among Japan’s citizens with the way the alliance is managed. This disconnect between the public and policymakers could, if untended, have serious implications for the U.S.–Japan alliance. 2 Analysis from the East-West Center The end of the Cold War meant change at the high- shows and even in classrooms. International events est levels of the U.S.–Japan alliance, but this past since the end of the Cold War have put significant decade has also revealed some intriguing changes in policy changes on the national agenda, and the Japa- the Japanese public’s attitudes toward Japan’s security nese government is being asked to justify publicly policies. During the Cold War, it was commonplace its security policy choices. There is a growing gap to hear United States and Japanese bureaucrats be- between policymakers and the public in Japan over moaning the “pacifist” Japanese public and criticizing issues related to the U.S.–Japan alliance. But today the lack of interest by Japan’s politicians in issues this gap is less about divergent perceptions of what related to security. Today, Japan’s politicians openly kind of security policy Japan needs than over ques- Japan’s citizens are debate revising the postwar constitution, and it is tions of transparency and accountability when issues demanding some- accepted that the Japanese military will plan for a involving the alliance arise. thing new from regional security crisis—or even war. This change is Since the end of the Cold War, policymakers in a result of several factors. Perhaps the most impor- the United States and Japan have reconfirmed, and their politicians, tant was the perception in the first half of the 1990s even redefined, the U.S.–Japan security alliance and and this has impor- that the world was changing rapidly, creating a new now have fewer differences over its goals.i In the tant implications sense of urgency for Japan to make critical decisions mid-1990s, tensions on the Korean peninsula, and for the U.S.–Japan about its foreign and security policy. The Gulf War, later between Beijing and Taiwan, suggested that the alliance the nuclear proliferation crisis on the Korean penin- old Cold War mechanisms for security cooperation sula, and the confrontation between United States between Washington and Tokyo were inadequate to and Chinese forces in the Taiwan Straits all called for the more fluid, and less predictable, Asia Pacific secu- Japanese assessment and response. Moreover, there rity environment. Once policymakers jointly crafted were increasing pressures from the United States, and a new set of guidelines for U.S.–Japan Defense Co- less visibly from others around the world, for Japan operation, the Japanese government introduced a to contribute to global security more actively. legislative package that expanded the framework for Along with these new international challenges for U.S.–Japan security cooperation. The ensuing Diet Japan is a set of domestic dilemmas that have prompted deliberations revealed a consensus among Japan’s pol- a vigorous debate within Japan over the nation’s future. iticians in almost all political parties that national Japan’s citizens are demanding something new from security interests were served by a more active role their politicians, and this has important implications in regional security problems. for the U.S.–Japan security relationship. The election This new acceptance of Japan’s responsibility for of Junichiro Koizumi as head of the Liberal Demo- regional security seems to be shared by the Japanese cratic Party in April 2001 and his unprecedented 85 public. A recent Yomiuri Shimbun/Gallup poll con- percent support rating early in his tenure as prime firmed that the Japanese public now believes that the minister is an expression of the public’s hope for U.S.–Japan alliance contributes to regional stability.ii strong leadership in the face of an array of problems. And yet, even as the two governments have sought to shape a new bilateral security agenda that accom- modates changes in the region, a series of events has A Post–Cold War Security Agenda for Japan revealed a deeper ambivalence in Japan about the The Japanese public began to reconsider their gov- terms of the alliance. This, too, is captured in the ernment’s approach to security policymaking long Yomiuri Shimbun/Gallup poll. When asked if they before Koizumi arrived in office. Debates on subjects trusted the United States, 44.5 percent of the Japa- long considered “taboo”—revising the constitution, nese respondents answered positively, while 41.8 sending the Self Defense Forces (SDF) overseas, act- percent answered negatively—a disturbing figure ing jointly with U.S. forces in the Asia Pacific region given the degree of Japan’s dependence on the United —have for some time been debated on TV talk States for its national security. Even more revealing, 3 Analysis from the East-West Center however, was the attitude toward the U.S. military The U.S. bases in Okinawa. The 1995 rape of a 12- bases in Japan, which are the underpinning of U.S. year-old girl by U.S. servicemen focused attention on strategic capabilities in the region: 52.5 percent of the social costs to local residents of hosting U.S. forces respondents wanted fewer U.S. forces in Japan, while in Japan, and it caused a public debate in Japan that 14 percent wanted them completely removed. pitted national security objectives against the repre- Is popular support in Japan waning for the alliance sentative function of government. Within weeks of at precisely the moment when policymakers are revis- the rape, 85,000 Okinawans gathered in an “island- ing and expanding the aims of their security cooper- wide” protest against the U.S. bases, calling for the ation? Polling data has been one of the only tools withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the island. used by policymakers to gauge the shifting opinions The protest in Okinawa took Tokyo—and Wash- of Japan’s public. Yet polls cannot fully reveal the fac- ington—by surprise. Local anti-base demonstrations tors that shape understanding of national policy. A were seen by most policymakers as a thing of the past. more careful look at the dynamics of Japan’s public U.S. bases attracted considerable citizen antipathy debate over its security policy is called for. in the early decades of the Cold War when the U.S. military was concentrated in the vicinity of the Tokyo metropolitan area. But since the 1970s, the bulk of Taking a Citizen’s Perspective U.S. forces—75 percent, in fact—have remained on Several episodes of public contention relating to the small island of Okinawa.Outrage in Okinawa Japan’s security provisions help give texture to the resulted not only from the sense that Tokyo had Yomiuri Shimbun/Gallup poll findings. The first turned a blind eye to the social problems caused by is the extended debate over the U.S. bases in Oki- the concentration of U.S. forces there; it was also nawa. Outrage within Okinawa Prefecture over the felt that Tokyo had paid even less attention to the 1995 rape of a school girl by U.S. military personnel impact of the U.S. bases in Okinawa than it had to prompted an effort by then-Governor Ota Masahide their impact in other Japanese communities. to renegotiate the terms of the U.S. military presence As the outcry over the rape grew in intensity, there as well as a review by Japanese and U.S. gov- security policymakers in Tokyo and Washington ernment officials of the existing bases. Second, North announced in November 1995 the creation of a Korea’s 1999 launch over Japan of its Taepodong Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO) missile shocked the Japanese public and raised ques- to specifically address concerns raised by local gov- tions about whether or not the U.S.–Japan alliance ernment about the U.S. military presence. In sub- Okinawans feel truly protected Japan from newly emerging regional sequent meetings, the two governments discussed Tokyo has turned threats.
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