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Civilisations Revue internationale d'anthropologie et de sciences humaines 44 | 1997 Les peuples des forêts tropicales The human consequences of deforestation in the Moluccas Roy Ellen Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/civilisations/1628 DOI: 10.4000/civilisations.1628 ISSN: 2032-0442 Publisher Institut de sociologie de l'Université Libre de Bruxelles Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 1997 Number of pages: 176-193 ISBN: 2-87263-122-4 ISSN: 0009-8140 Electronic reference Roy Ellen, « The human consequences of deforestation in the Moluccas », Civilisations [Online], 44 | 1997, Online since 29 June 2009, connection on 19 April 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/civilisations/1628 ; DOI : 10.4000/civilisations.1628 © Tous droits réservés THE HUMAN CONSEQUENCES OF DEFORESTATION IN THE MOLUCCAS Roy ELLEN INTRODUCTION posing a danger t o existin g fores t an d fores t Compared with other part s of island sou­ peoples: swidden cultivation, plantatio n crop ­ theast Asia, little is known of either the forests of ping, commercial loggin g and migratory lan d the Moluccas (map 1) , o f indigenous patterns of settlement. Usin g as an example the Nuaulu of forest use , or of the threats pose d to both forest Seram, I illustrate ho w these factors interact in a and people by increasing rates of deforestation. In particular instance , as well a s the various phases this paper 1 attemp t to describe the effects of defo­ which typify a peoples exposure and response to, restation o n th e live s of th e loca l population , first, denudation, and then widespread degrada ­ using the small number of reports which are avai­ tion of the forest environment. I indicate that the lable. I begin by assessing the historical huma n phasing and character of these responses depend impact o n the forests of these islands, stressing very much on local perception s of government both th e varied patterns of sustainable accom­ policy and on the extent to which policy is inter­ modation reache d between people and forest, and preted by officials an d translated into action. The the fact that forest a s presently constituted i s the effects of policy vary between different part s of the outcome o f co­evolutionary processes of which Moluccas and different populatio n groups , but 1 humans themselves are an integral part . I then suggest that we can expect some convergence a s examine th e mai n factor s repeatedl y cite d a s the forested areas diminish i n size. Map 1. The Molucca n island s of eastern Indonesia , illustrating principle place s mentioned i n th e text. B y the Moluccas , I understand here those islands lying within the boundary of the present­day Indonesian province of Maluku. The numbered locations ar e as follows : 1 . Wahai; 2. Pasahari; 3 - Bula; 4. Masiwan g area; 5. Mane o and Seti; 6. Tehoru; 7. Tamilouw an d Yalahatan; 8. Sep a area (includes villages of Rohua, Bunara, Watane, Hahuwalan, and formerly, Aihisuru); 9 Amahai ; 10 . Makariki; 11 . Ruata n transmigration are a (including Simalouw); 12 . Kairatu. The area on Seram bounded by a thick lin e shows the position of the Manusela National Park . HUMAN IMPACT ON THE FORESTS in upland central and west Seram. Indeed, from a [1] OF THE MOLUCCAS BEFORE 1900 scientific point of view, the Moluccas is one of the The ecology of insular southeas t Asia has bee n few places in the Indonesian archipelago where it dominated by rainforest fo r over 10,000 years, is possible to find a complete altitudinal sequence though i t has changed much historically an d is of vegetation, and there are few places elsewhere very varie d geographically . On e of th e mos t in the tropics which provide a comparable range immediately strikin g aspects of its variability i s [Edwards, 1993 : 3]. Although there have been a the significant decreas e in Dipterocarp species a s few surveys on Halmahera and Seram, there has we move east and their replacement by dominants been relatively little quantitative stud y of Moluc­ more typica l o f the Australo­Melanesian area . can rainforest [Edward s et al, 1993:6.3]. Thus, the forest biogeography of the Moluccas dif­ There are, however, many ecological simila­ fers from that associated with the classic Diptero­ rities between Moluccan forests and those further carp forests, of say Borneo or Sumatra, in several west in island southeast Asia. Not the least of these features of its structure and composition, resem­ has been the role played by human populations. bling much more Melanesia [Edwards et al, 1993; Forests have long been a focus of human subsis­ Edwards, 1993; Ellen, 1985 : 560-3]. I t is this tence extraction, an d huma n agenc y has had transitional (Wallacean ) character that makes it decisive consequence s for thei r ecology , for of special interest. On Seram, for example, there example, through the introduction an d hunting are possibly just two species of Dipterocarp [Sho­ of deer, the practice of small­scale swidde n culti­ rea selanica an d one other), compared with 300 vation, the extraction of palm sago and selective species on Borneo; there i s just on e Eucalyp t logging and collection for exchange [Ellen, 1985, (Eucalyptus deglupta) compare d with 450 in 1987]. The early history of Moluccan forests in Australia [Edwards , 1993 : 5]. I n addition , human term s i s poorly understood , with little although mos t of the primary lowlan d forest is of empirical researc h which would shed direct light the moist evergreen type, displaying little seasona­ on the subject. From work elsewher e in insular lity, in places (most prominently, th e west part of southeast Asia, the evidence for human impac t Yamdena and south Aru) we find semi­dry mon­ from 8000 B P onwards has been demonstrated, soon and savanna forest [SKEPHI, 1992 : 23; van and althoug h w e would not expect this time­ Steenis, 1958], an d patches of semi­evergreen depth fo r the Moluccas, we should anticipat e forest on other island s (especiall y Halmahera, chronologies in terms of thousands rather tha n north Buru and Seram). Along the coasts there hundreds of years. The sub­fossil and palynologi­ are some significant area s of mangrove (e.g. the cal evidence in question usually comprises signs Apu estuary on Bum, east and north Seram, Aru). of anthropogenic burnin g an d changing species In the low­lying valleys of the larger island s are composition reflectin g patterns of clearance, cul­ extensive areas of Metroxybn (sagopalm ) swamp tivation an d seed dispersal [Maloney , 1993]. N o forest, while montain forest is found on Bum and doubt similar data will eventually be forthcoming for the Moluccas, but despite prehistoric and his­ historically significant elsewhere; dry rice in parts toric modification, large tracts of Moluccan forest of Halmahera since around 1500 , and formerly have remained more or less intact until relatively Coix, Cenchrus, mille t (Setaria italica), an d recently on the larger islands : that is on Halma­ Sorghum [Visser , 1989]. Millet i s also important hera, Seram, Buru, Yamdena and Sula. This has in parts of the Kei islands, and Coix and dry rice been due to low indigenous population levels, the on a small scal e more widely [e.g . Ellen, 1973 : concentration of the existing population in more 460; Seran , 1922] . Musa (plantain s and bana­ accessible centres and along coasts, general eco­ nas) ar e grown almos t everywhere . Sinc e the nomic peripherality and low in­migration. seventeenth century, however, many of these cul­ At the present time, Moluccan populations tigens have been outstripped in importanc e by exhibit a variety of subsistence strategies focused introduced maiz e (particularl y in th e drie r on differing degrees of forest modification an d south), manioc (throughout , but especially on clearance. Though these patterns of extraction Kei), Xunthosoma (i n wette r areas) and swee t are often associated with separate types of people, potato. Rice is now grown more widely (particu­ linguistically, geneticall y an d in term s of eco­ larly by migrants in both the northern and cen­ nomy, the facts suggest that these distinctions are tral Moluccas), and in irrigated fields, but appa­ not hard and fast ones. At one end of the spec­ rently not with a great deal of success. trum of techniques are peoples such as the Tugu­ Apart from the impact of these modes of sub­ til o f central Halmaher a who ar e engaged in sistence, the main changes to Moluccan forest eco­ nomadic hunting an d gathering, but with some logy that we can be sure of historically are associa­ planting and reliance o n trad e [Martodirdjo , ted with the growth of regional exchange systems 1988 : 15]. On Seram there i s a wide variety of linked to outside trade in forest products. Dammar combinations of technique, ranging from mainly or copal (Agathis dammara) resi n has been extra­ hunting an d gathering with little cultivatio n cted on Seran [Ormeling, 1947], Morotai [Riem, (Huaulu, Maneo), through classic forms of swid­ 1913 (1909)], Halmahera [Giel, 1935-6], Bacan den agriculture [Ellen, 1978], to more intensive [Korn, 1916], Obi [Ham, 1911] an d elsewhere for forms o f permanent agriculture on the coast. The centuries, and involves little destruction of trees. common characteristic of all thes e is the pivotal Traditional dammar tapping has recently declined role played by the extraction of and dependence and been replaced by commercial exploitation i n on sago [Ellen, 1979,1988], which has the effect some areas [Edwards, 1993:8-9].

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