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Chris Allen and Jan Burgess (ROAPE) Is Published Quarterly by Carfax Publishing Company for the ROAPE International Collective EDITORS: The Review of African Political Economy Chris Allen and Jan Burgess (ROAPE) is published quarterly by Carfax Publishing Company for the ROAPE international collective. Now 24 years old, BOOK REVIEWS: ROAPE is a fully refereed journal covering all Ray Bush, Roy Love and Morris Szeftel aspects of African political economy. ROAPE has always involved the readership in shaping EDITORIAL WORKING GROUP: the journal's coverage, welcoming Chris Allen, Carolyn Baylies, Lyn Brydon, contributions from grass roots organisations, Janet Bujra, Jan Burgess, Ray Bush, Carolyne women's organisations, trade unions and Dennis, Anita Franklin, Jon Knox, Roy Love, political groups. The journal is unique in the Giles Mohan, Colin Murray, Mike Powell, comprehensiveness of its bibliographic Stephen Riley, David Seddon, David Simon, referencing, information monitoring, Colin Stoneman, Morris Szeftel, Tina statistical documentation and coverage of Wallace, Gavin Williams, A. B. Zack- work-in-progress. Williams Editorial correspondence, including manuscripts for submission, should be sent CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: to Jan Burgess, ROAPE Publications Ltd, Africa: Rok Ajulu (Grahamstown), P.O. Box 678, Sheffield SI 1BF, UK. Yusuf Bangura (Zaria), Billy Cobbett Tel: 44 +(0)1226 +74.16.60; Fax 44 +(0)1226 (Johannesburg), Antonieta Coelho (Luanda), +74.16.61; [email protected]. Bill Freund (Durban), Jibril Ibrahim (Zaria), Amadina Lihamba (Dar es Salaam), Business correspondence, including orders Mahmood Mamdani (Cape Town), Trevor and remittances relating to subscriptions, Parfitt (Cairo), Lloyd Sachikonye (Harare), back numbers and offprints, should be Carol Thompson (Arizona); Canada: addressed to the publisher: Carfax Publishing, Jonathan Barker (Toronto), Bonnie Campbell Taylor & Francis Ltd, Customer Services (Montreal), Dixon Eyoh (Toronto), John Department, Rankine Road, Basingstoke, Loxley (Winnipeg), John Saul (Toronto); Hants RG24 8PR, UK. Europe: Bjorn Beckman (Stockholm), M. R. Bhagavan (Stockholm), Jean Copans (Paris), Advertising enquiries should be addressed Martin Doornbos (The Hague), Piotr to Philip Law, Carfax Publishing, Taylor & Dutkiewicz (Warsaw), Tore Linne Eriksen Francis Ltd, PO Box 25, Abingdon, (Oslo), Paul Goodison (Brussels), John Oxfordshire 0X14 3UE, UK. Markakis (Crete), Claude Meillassoux (Paris), Ken Post (The Hague), Francis Snyder Permission to reprint or translate material (Florence), Tamas Szentes (Budapest); US: from Review of African Political Economy Hussein Adam (Holy Cross), Prexy Nesbitt should be sought from ROAPE Publications (Chicago), Betsey Schmidt (Loyola College), Ltd. Consent to copy for general distribution, Meredeth Turshen (Rutgers), Gloria Thomas- for promotion, for creating new work, or for Emeagwali (Central Connecticut); UK: A. M. resale must be specifically obtained in writing Babu (1924-1996), Lionel Cliffe, Basil from ROAPE Publications Ltd. Davidson, Raufu Mustafa (Zaria), Phil O'Keefe, Peter Lawrence, Pepe Roberts and ISSN 0305-6244 Kevin Watkins. ©1999 ROAPE Publications Ltd Review of African Political Economy No.81:315-316 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1999 ISSN 0305-6244 Julius Kambarage Nyerere The death of Julius Nyerere on 14 October 1999, one of the greatest African nationalist and post-colonial leaders will be a cause of great sadness for many readers. The news came as we were going to press, so a full appreciation and assessment of the man and his contribution will appear in the next issue. Here, all that can be attempted is to indicate some of the key dimensions of his life and times which might form the basis of such a collection of tributes and evaluations. One, inevitably controversial issue, is the ujamaa experience, which needs to be assessed at the level of his ideas and writings but also of his practice. As Ahmed Rajab wrote in the Guardian (15 October 1999), those of us who saw ourselves as being to his left constantly found that his positions on class, on commitment to the poor, were ones we could accommodate. The social and economic policies pursued by Tanzania following the Arusha Declaration will also figure in any assessment of his contribution. However, a much more considered and rounded set of views - and debates - is needed rather than the simplistic notion that has been a feature of obituaries in the western press, namely that the economy got into an awful mess because he pursued socialism. Less contested would be an evaluation of his contribution to the Tanzanian political system. His commitment to constitutionalism and due process, while not unblem- ished, has provided a crucial legacy, reinforced by his almost unique decision to retire gracefully from government. The justification for his electoral one-partyism, particularly in light of his later conversion to multi-partyism, would be a matter (with the benefit of hindsight) for debate. But, arguably, for those who saw him in action, particularly speaking to ordinary people in Swahili, his greatest bequest to Tanzania and indeed African politics was in his style, of leadership: direct, honest, concerned, warm, prepared always to field any question rather than pontificate; his use of humour, even to this point of self-deprecatingly laughing at himself; a style that fostered openness and debate. This example has contributed, along with the widespread use and promotion of the Swahili language, to the openness of debate and political self-confidence that continues to characterise Tanzanian political culture. In the 1960s and 70s, his contribution to the broader liberation struggle in southern Africa must also be acknowledged, but the extent of his involvement has probably not yet been given the credit and weight it merits. He did not merely host exiles; Dar es Salaam was the rear base for the ANC, Frelimo, SWAPO and the MPLA, and the entrepot for their supplies. He saw all these struggles in a strategic perspective, which was in turn translated into practice by the Liberation Committee of the OAU, for which Tanzania provided headquarters and a secretariat. He was consistent and uncompromising in his support - unlike some leaders who did little more than pay lip service to the cause of liberation and others who betrayed the movements in Angola and Zimbabwe at key moments. 316 Review of African Political Economy He was one of the few leaders that truly deserves to be called 'charismatic'. The Review hopes to be able to reproduce a number of different views from those who were exposed to the spell and influence of Mwalimu as well as others who may have seen him from a more critical distance. Review of African Political Economy No.81:317-322 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1999 ISSN 0305-6244 Editorial: Ending Endemic Violence: Limits to Conflict Resolution in Africa Chris Allen Endemic violence and 'new wars' in Africa since 1990 not only differ in character from old wars, but have proved far more difficult to resolve. Attempts to bring about the end of the conflict, achieve a lasting peace, establish a sound basis for economic and social reconstruction, and begin processes of reconciliation - taken individually or collectively, these have resulted far more often in failure than in success. By contrast, efforts at conflict resolution in the late 1980s and, very early 1990s were, although flawed, generally successful - with the obvious exception of Angola. The last of these Cold War-related resolutions, that in Mozambique, is discussed in Graham Harrison's contribution to this issue. Among the post-Cold War failures in conflict resolution, the most intractable have been those in which conflict has arisen within states characterised by possessing prolonged spoils systems, analysed by Allen in this issue. Within this category several states are marked by histories of continuous and intensifying conflict: Burundi, Sudan, Congo-Brazzaville, the Central African Republic and Nigeria (see further in Allen's article and its bibliography; for Congo-Brazzaville see Bazenguissa- Ganga, 1998; Amnesty International, 1999; and for Burundi, Lemarchand, 1996; Amnesty International, 1998). Another subcategory consists of states where peace has been temporarily established in certain regions, but where conflict persists in others: Rwanda, Uganda, and Chad. Thus Chad has seen a pattern of short-lived peace agreements broken by one or more regional military leaders (Azevedo, 1998; Nolutshungu, 1996; Massey & May, 1999). In Rwanda, the Northwest is dominated by the continuing activities of the Interahamwe and the ex-FAR (Rwandan Armed Forces) infiltrating from the Congo (African Rights, 1998); while despite the post-1986 achievements of the NRM government in Uganda, it has failed to contain, let alone stop, the attacks and abductions by externally-backed insurgent groups in the West and North (Behrend, 1998; HRW, 1997). In both cases, conflict has brought with it substantial evidence of violence and human rights abuses from the government side as well as that inherent in the insurgents' strategies and goals. A final subcategory consists of outright failures, like Somalia, or cases in which short- term resolutions have existed or exist now, and then have broken down or seem likely to break down: Sierra Leone, Liberia and Congo (former Zaire). Thus Aning in this issue remains pessimistic over the viability of peace in Liberia despite arguing that the Ecomog-run disarmament process did achieve a measure of success in the mid- 1990s. The recent fighting in Lofa county, attributed to Liberian 'dissidents' based in Guinea is the latest in a series
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