Trilateral Working Group on Afghanistan: a Blunder in the Making?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Trilateral Working Group on Afghanistan: a Blunder in the Making? CENTRE FOR LAND WARFARE STUDIES ISSUE BRIEF No. 98 March 2017 Trilateral Working Group on Afghanistan: A Blunder in the Making? Brigadier V Mahalingam (Retd), commissioned in the Madras Regiment is a defence and strategic analyst. He commanded a Mountain Brigade and was the Force Commander of the National Security Guard. Key Points • The war in Afghanistan are part Al Qaeda’s larger aim of ‘global jihad’. It may therefore he third meeting of the ‘Trilateral Working be a delusion to believe that the Taliban’s Group’ on Afghanistan was held in Moscow aims are limited within the boundaries of on 27 December 2016, with China, Russia, and Afghanistan. T • Militarily Taliban today is in a weighty Pakistan being the participants. The earlier meetings held in Beijing and Islamabad in April 2013 and position. It owes no obligation to anyone November 2013 respectively, as in the present case, did except perhaps to Pakistan. It has nothing not include Afghanistan, the country whose security to lose. Taliban therefore is unlikely to give up arms or merely accept a part role in the was purportedly being discussed or the United States Governance of Afghanistan as a coalition (US) who had been involved in fighting in the country partner. since 2001, though unsuccessfully. A Russian sponsored • Employing one terror group to fight twelve nation peace conference on Afghan is on 14 another, supporting, arming and financing April 2017 in Moscow. Reports indicate that the US irresponsible groups to fight a proxy war, and five Central Asian nations have also been invited. differentiating between good and bad terror Hopefully the US will participate in the meeting and the are sure recipes for disaster in the long term. Taliban will not be invited to a discussion between states • The problem in Afghanistan is not about lending status to the terror outfit. any dispute within the country or its people. It is about Pakistan’s aims and its constant interference in the security situation in Chinese and Russian Concerns Afghanistan with a view to achieve its objectives. Maintaining social order in the Xinjiang Uyghur • Fight against terrorism needs to be viewed Autonomous Region (XUAR) is probably the most as a global war and tackled globally with a significant internal problem of China related to multi-directional approach. Afghanistan. China apprehends that Afghan instability The Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi, is an autonomous think tank dealing with national security and conceptual aspects of land warfare, including conventional and sub-conventional conflict and terrorism. CLAWS conducts research that is futuristic and outlook and policy-oriented in approach. Website: www.claws.in Contact us: [email protected] 2 CLAWS and radicalism could encourage and broaden the present The Joint Statement of the Trilateral Working Uyghur unrest in Xinjiang, its western province. The Group and Inferences Central Asian Republic (CAR) countries, neighbouring Afghanistan, houses over 3,00,0001 citizens of Uyghur Expressing concern about the ‘worsening security ethnicity.1 The likelihood of Eastern Turkistan Islamic situation’ in Afghanistan, Russia, China and Pakistan Movement (ETIM),the militant group active in China’s have agreed on expanding tripartite consultations on Xinjiang province, which calls itself the Turkistan Afghanistan and have expressed the desire to have Islamic Party (TIP) establishing bases and operating Afghanistan taking part in the discussions. The two from across the CAR supported by the Uyghur permanent members of the UNSC, Russia and China, sympathizers is disturbing. The fact that several Afghan have confirmed their flexible approach by deciding to militant groups have pledged alliance to Islamic work towards excluding certain individuals from the State (IS) and have also supported ETIM compounds world body’s sanctions list as part of efforts to promote problems of linkages and increases the possibility of a peaceful dialogue between Kabul and the Taliban non-Uyghur militants entering Xinjiang in the name of movement. The statement said: global jihad, especially after IS losing its hold in Iraq. The participants agreed to continue efforts to assist Earlier, the Global Times, a tabloid by China’s ruling in furthering the national reconciliation process in Communist Party’s official newspaper, the People’s Afghanistan, based on the key role of the Afghans Daily, had reported2 that about 300 Chinese members themselves and in line with the principles of 5 of the ETIM had travelled to Syria via Turkey and are integrating the armed opposition into peaceful life. fighting alongside the IS in Iraq and Syria.2 China is The Afghan branch of the IS was the only terror outfit also apprehensive that destabilization in Afghanistan that found a place in the joint statement whose identity could disrupt trade in the entire region and will have and source of creation are questionable. a retarding effect on its US$ 250 billion One Belt One The statement suggests increased Russia-China Road (OBOR) project. cooperation in Afghanistan. Nothing was spelt out in Russian fears of Afghan militancy are reflected in this regard, however, there was no indication about the statements made by its diplomats. Speaking at the the Afghan Taliban or the Haqqani Network, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in the last predominant terror groups presently operating in week of December 2016, Russia’s ambassador to the Afghanistan which have been responsible for infusing United Nations (UN), late Vitaly Churkin, had said that3 the major part of violence in the country, resulting in the deteriorating security situation, has encouraged IS casualties to both civilians and the security forces. The militants fleeing Syria and Iraq to look at Afghanistan ‘readiness for flexible approach’ and the willingness of for shelter. He said, they will eventually pose a threat to Russia and China to ‘exclude certain individuals from Russia through neighbouring Central Asian States. He the list of sanctioned persons’ indicates the willingness further added: of these participants to provide legitimacy to these There is also information about the presence in terror groups so that they could be accommodated in Afghanistan of ISIL camps and safe harbors, some form as a part of the governing establishment in where people from Central Asian states and Afghanistan. Northern Caucasus republics are being trained Taliban has welcomed the tripartite meeting and and where 700 terrorist families from Syria the proposal for delisting its members from the world have already arrived. body’s sanction list as a positive step.6 But the major Alexey Y Dedov, the Russian Ambassador to Pakistan question is will Taliban agree to give up arms? How in an exclusive interview to Radio Pakistan had said the would it conduct itself if inducted as a coalition partner following: within the Afghan government? Will it be able to control the various groups within its own organization and the We are especially concerned about the growth of Daesh which is proliferating its influence to some others who have taken up arms? Or will it build a larger northern areas of Afghanistan, which directly border terror factory in Afghanistan with ambitions across the territories of our allies in our brotherly Central Asian Afghan borders? Republics.4 CLAWS 3 Afghan-led Afghan-owned Peace Process February 2017, indicates that Salam Watandar, the son of a slain leader of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan In January 2016, Afghanistan’s President Ghani had (IMU), which had pledged support to IS in August asked the UNSC to impose sanctions against the 2015, is leading the efforts to resettle up to 650 foreign Taliban chief, Haibatullah Akhundzada. The question is Pakistani and Uzbek militants and their families in the how could China and Russia interfere in Afghanistan’s said provinces.13 Are these the 700 IS terrorist families internal issues and decide on removing Taliban leaders who are said to have arrived in Afghanistan from Syria from the UN’s sanctions list on their own? Is that not the referred to by the Russian Ambassador to the UNSC? prerogative of the Afghan people and their government? Neither ISIS Wilayat Khorasan nor ISIS’s central These are the very elements that have been provided media has claimed the aforementioned events. Since safe havens in Pakistan and have been responsible for the Uzbek and former Taliban militants who have been the killing of thousands of innocent Afghan people and mentored by Pakistan and their families are involved in have still not given up violence. these incidents it is not clear if these elements are those Why was Afghanistan not included in the talks? of IS or are the consortia being brought to Afghanistan Obviously, the discussions were to focus on issues by the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan in which the participants knew will not be to the liking the name of IS. of Afghanistan, the war-torn country. The aim perhaps Speaking to the Senate Armed Services Committee, was to decide on a solution of convenience and thrust it General Nicholson, and the US Commander in upon Afghanistan for implementation for an Afghan-led Afghanistan stated that the ISIS of Afghanistan has Afghan-owned peace process.7 little to do with the core group led from Syria. Majority of them are of Pakistani and Uzbek extremists’ origin IS Presence in Afghanistan: What is the who ‘rebranded’ themselves as members of ISIS.14 Or is Reality? it that they were ‘rebranded’ as IS by the ISI?
Recommended publications
  • Leveraging the Taliban's Quest for International Recognition
    Leveraging the Taliban’s Quest for International Recognition Afghan Peace Process Issues Paper March 2021 By Barnett R. Rubin Summary: As the United States tries to orchestrate a political settlement in conjunction with its eventual military withdrawal from Afghanistan, it has overestimated the role of military pressure or presence and underestimated the leverage that the Taliban’s quest for sanctions relief, recognition and international assistance provides. As the U.S. government decides on how and when to withdraw its troops, it and other international powers retain control over some of the Taliban’s main objectives — the removal of both bilateral and United Nations Security Council sanctions and, eventually, recognition of and assistance to an Afghan government that includes the Taliban. Making the most of this leverage will require coordination with the Security Council and with Afghanistan’s key neighbors, including Security Council members China, Russia and India, as well as Pakistan and Iran. In April 2017, in a meeting with an interagency team on board a military aircraft en route to Afghanistan, U.S. President Donald J. Trump’s new national security advisor, retired Army Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, dismissed the ongoing effort to negotiate a settlement with the Taliban: “The first step, the national security adviser said, was to turn around the trajectory of the conflict. The United States had to stop the Taliban’s advance on the battlefield and force them to agree to concessions in the process .... US talks with the Taliban would only succeed when the United States returned to a position of strength on the battlefield and was ‘winning’ against the insurgency.”1 1 Donati, Jessica.
    [Show full text]
  • Joint Force Quarterly, Issue
    Issue 100, 1st Quarter 2021 Countering Chinese Coercion Remotely Piloted Airstrikes Logistics Under Fire JOINT FORCE QUARTERLY ISSUE ONE HUNDRED, 1 ST QUARTER 2021 Joint Force Quarterly Founded in 1993 • Vol. 100, 1st Quarter 2021 https://ndupress.ndu.edu GEN Mark A. Milley, USA, Publisher VADM Frederick J. Roegge, USN, President, NDU Editor in Chief Col William T. Eliason, USAF (Ret.), Ph.D. Executive Editor Jeffrey D. Smotherman, Ph.D. Senior Editor and Director of Art John J. Church, D.M.A. Internet Publications Editor Joanna E. Seich Copyeditor Andrea L. Connell Book Review Editor Brett Swaney Creative Director Marco Marchegiani, U.S. Government Publishing Office Advisory Committee BrigGen Jay M. Bargeron, USMC/Marine Corps War College; RDML Shoshana S. Chatfield, USN/U.S. Naval War College; BG Joy L. Curriera, USA/Dwight D. Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy; Col Lee G. Gentile, Jr., USAF/Air Command and Staff College; Col Thomas J. Gordon, USMC/Marine Corps Command and Staff College; Ambassador John Hoover/College of International Security Affairs; Cassandra C. Lewis, Ph.D./College of Information and Cyberspace; LTG Michael D. Lundy, USA/U.S. Army Command and General Staff College; MG Stephen J. Maranian, USA/U.S. Army War College; VADM Stuart B. Munsch, USN/The Joint Staff; LTG Andrew P. Poppas, USA/The Joint Staff; RDML Cedric E. Pringle, USN/National War College; Brig Gen Michael T. Rawls, USAF/Air War College; MajGen W.H. Seely III/Joint Forces Staff College Editorial Board Richard K. Betts/Columbia University; Eliot A. Cohen/The Johns Hopkins University; Richard L.
    [Show full text]
  • Envisioning a Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Afghanistan for More Information on This Publication, Visit
    C O R P O R A T I O N LAUREL E. MILLER, JONATHAN S. BLAKE Envisioning a Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Afghanistan For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2937 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0407-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface In this report, we paint a detailed picture of a plausible final com- prehensive peace agreement for Afghanistan. The report includes analysis of realistic compromises, presented in the form of a complete peace agreement text.
    [Show full text]
  • Service Delivery in Taliban Influenced Areas…
    SPECIAL REPORT NO. 465 | APRIL 2020 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Service Delivery in Taliban- Influenced Areas of Afghanistan By Scott S. Smith Contents “One Land, Two Rules” ................3 Emergence and Consolidation of the Insurgency ......................... 5 Education .......................................8 Health ............................................ 11 Electricity, Media, and Telecommunications .................. 15 Other Services ............................ 17 Conclusion ................................... 18 Students take an exam outdoors because their school had suffered extensive damage in fighting between Taliban and government forces. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) Summary • As the Taliban gained and con- • A study of several diverse districts • The Taliban initially opposed gov- solidated their hold over territo- across Afghanistan reveals that the ernment schools, but they later ry, they were forced to become Taliban leadership has attempted developed policies that allowed responsible for the well-being of to establish a certain uniformity in schools to function, as well as per- local communities. its governance of territory largely mitting girls to attend school to • Even as the Taliban leadership re- or partly under its control. age twelve. mained focused on military objec- • For example, while the Taliban have • Should there be a peace process, tives, in recent years they began to always allowed health officials to the Taliban and government will develop policies to deliver educa- work in their areas, in part because need to reconcile their differenc- tion and health services in particu- they too need these services, they es on service delivery in the areas lar, in some cases reversing earlier have taken increasing ownership of falling under their control. policies that denied these services.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan Bibliography 2019
    Afghanistan Analyst Bibliography 2019 Compiled by Christian Bleuer Afghanistan Analysts Network Kabul 3 Afghanistan Analyst Bibliography 2019 Afghanistan Analysts Network (AAN), Kabul, Afghanistan This work is licensed under this creative commons license: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode The Afghanistan Analysts Network (AAN) is a non-profit, independent policy research organisation. It aims to bring together the knowledge, experience and drive of a large number of experts to better inform policy and to increase the understanding of Afghan realities. It is driven by engagement and curiosity and is committed to producing independent, high quality and research-based analysis on developments in Afghanistan. The institutional structure of AAN includes a core team of analysts and a network of contributors with expertise in the fields of Afghan politics, governance, rule of law, security, and regional affairs. AAN publishes regular in-depth thematic reports, policy briefings and comments. The main channel for dissemination of these publications is the AAN web site: https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/ Cover illustration: “City of Kandahar, with main bazaar and citadel, Afghanistan.” Lithograph by Lieutenant James Rattray, c. 1847. Coloured by R. Carrick. TABLE OF CONTENTS Bibliography Introduction and Guide ..................................................................... 6 1. Ethnic Groups ...................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Fragile Future: the Human Cost of Conflict in Afghanistan
    Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series Fragile Future: The human cost of conflict in Afghanistan December 2018 Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3291982 Acknowledgments The authors would like to share deep appreciation to all individuals and organizations interviewed in Afghanistan for this research. A particular acknowledgement is due to Dr. Juliette Fournot for her inspirational guidance and valuable support throughout the research and writing process. Gratitude is also due to Rob Grace and Meredith Blake for offering their useful editorial comments. Finally, the authors also express recognition of the Afghan communities living in violence and insecurity every day. About the Authors This report was completed by a research team at the Advanced Training Program on Humanitarian Action (ATHA) at the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative. Emmanuel Tronc (Senior Research Analyst) served as the field researcher and drafter of this report. Anaïde Nahikian (Program Manager) contributed to both the research and writing. This research is supported by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). About the Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series The Humanitarian Action at the Frontlines: Field Analysis Series is an initiative of the Advanced Training Program on Humanitarian Action (ATHA) at the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative. It aims to respond to the demand across the humanitarian sector for critical context analysis, dedicated case studies, and sharing of practice in humanitarian negotiation. This series is oriented toward generating an evidence base of professional approaches and reflections on current dilemmas in this area. Our field analysts and researchers engage in field interviews across sectors at the country-level and inter-agency dialogue at the regional level, providing comprehensive and analytical content to support the capacity of humanitarian professionals in overcoming critical challenges of humanitarian negotiation and access in relevant frontline contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Complexities of the Afghan Peace Process
    APRIL 2018 Understanding the Complexities of the Afghan Peace Process VINAY KAURA Understanding the Complexities of the Afghan Peace Process VINAY KAURA ABOUT THE AUTHOR Vinay Kaura, PhD, is an Assistant Professor at the Department of International Affairs and Security Studies, Sardar Patel University of Police, Security and Criminal Justice, Rajasthan. He is also the Coordinator at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies in Jaipur. His research interests include India’s neighbourhood policy, especially on the western front; Afghanistan-Pakistan relations; counter-terrorism and counter- insurgency; and conflict resolution in Kashmir. He can be reached at [email protected]. ISBN : 978-81-937032-9-8 © 2018 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from ORF. Understanding the Complexities of the Afghan Peace Process ABSTRACT Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani’s bold peace offer to the Taliban has aroused hopes of peace in the country torn by war for many years now. In a sweeping proposal made at the Kabul Process conference in February, President Ghani offered a ceasefire, the removal of sanctions, release of prisoners, the recognition of the Taliban as a political party, the conduct of fresh elections, and a review of the constitution. He repeated his offer in March during a conference held at Tashkent. Launching the voter registration process in the middle of April, he again asked the Taliban to take part in the forthcoming district and parliamentary elections. Ghani has demonstrated remarkable boldness and vision for bringing about a positive shift in the structure of the Afghan conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Evolving Relationship with an Afghanistan in Transition
    POLICY BRIEF All Quiet on the Eastern Front? Iran's Evolving Relationship with an Afghanistan in Transition Timor Sharan, Andrew Watkins The planned U.S. military withdrawal has triggered significant uncertainty about Afghanistan's stability and security and the international community's future engagement in the region. In a post-withdrawal scenario, which conditions are anticipated for development and security cooperation in Kabul, Tehran, and European capitals? What is Iran's expectation, position and leverage in Afghanistan? In which areas is trilateral cooperation possible and where are common goals likely to be achieved? Afghanistan is one of Iran's most important neighbours, response to the planned U.S. military withdrawal, Iran may well not only because of its long-shared border and rich cultural, pursue a more ambitious Afghanistan strategy. By continuing to historical and linguistic ties but also on account of geopolitics cosy up to Kabul, Iran could simultaneously leverage its softer and economic exchange.1 Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, power with several different Afghan actors and even ramp up Iran's approach to Afghanistan has been far more prudent support for local armed proxies, potentially tipping the country's than its foreign relations extending westward. Still, it has often fragile political equilibrium. been overshadowed by hostile relations with the U.S., to an extent even during the country's Soviet invasion. After the 1998 Iran's Diverse Leverage in Afghanistan murder of Iranian diplomats in the northern city of Mazar-e Sharif, Tehran deescalated a crisis that nearly led to war with Since 2001, Iran has maintained and extended its influence the Taliban, then ruling in Kabul.
    [Show full text]
  • February 2012 | VOLUME - 5 ISSUE - 31
    1 Monthly Risk Summary Monthly Risk Summary Afghanistan February 2012 | VOLUME - 5 ISSUE - 31 2-5 Executive Summary 53-71 Political 119 Afghanistan Map Situation SIMS Incident Health & Natural Security Advice & 6-28 Reporting 72-96 Hazards 120 Capabilities 29-36 Crime Topics 97-109 Business News Infrastructural & 37-52 Security News 110-117 Reconstruction Development February 2012 2 Monthly Risk Summary Executive Summary RISK SNAPSHOT Sims Incidents Criminial Activity Security Situation Political Situation Health & Natural Hazards Winter took its toll on the lives of Afghans as people perished in many parts of the country due to cold weather and avalanches. Heavy snowfall led to avalanch- es and blocked roads especially in Northern provinces in Afghanistan. Heavy rain- fall and floods added to the misery of Afghans. The heat of the Quran burning issue spread across the nation, making the lives of Afghan citizens even more miserable. Even though U.S authorities, including U.S President Barrack Obama, apologised on 21 February regarding the burning at a U.S military base of religious texts, which contained extremist contents, violent demonstrations marred the lives of many Afghans. That said, the NATO force pullout plan and handing over of the duties to Afghan forces was the main talking point of the month. Pullout Plans As part of the withdrawal plan, U.S Defense Secretary Leon Panetta on 1 Feb announced the intention to hand the lead combat role to Afghan Forces next year. This is a significant development for Afghanistan, considering the controversial U.S-led night raids which have caused much controversy.
    [Show full text]
  • Youths' Views on the Afghan Peace Process-2
    Title Report: A Rise to Peace Special Report on Youths’ Views on the Afghan Peace Process Abstract This report sought to explore the youth of Afghanistan's views and perspective on the Afghan peace process. 187 respondents between the ages of 18-39 responded to the questionnaire and provided data for this report. Overall, the report highlighted youth concerns regarding women’s role following peace agreements with the Taliban, but are of the opinion they have an effective role in these talks. Consequently, the youth expressed mixed feelings regarding negotiations with the Taliban, which following the increase of violence, leaves little optimism for peace. Policy recommendations will follow the report, which will suggest investment in education for the youth. Moreover, recommendations will be offered to neighboring countries, including Pakistan and Iran. This report suggests that more research is necessary to ensure inclusivity in the peace process, in anticipation of the withdrawal of foreign troops. Authors: Jonas Andersson and Isabella Björkman Contributors: Mujib Faizy, Abdul Jamil Ziaey, Shabir Eman, Ahmad Mohibi, Atefa Tayeb, Homa Aryan, Fahima Kaihan, Homa Aryan 1. Introduction 3 2. Description of the Charts 3 3. Current State of the Conflict 4 3.1 Intra-Afghan Peace Talks in Doha, Qatar 6 4. The Youth, Peace and Security Agenda 7 4.1 Youth in Afghanistan 7 4.2 Youth Participation in the Peace Process 8 5. Inclusivity in the Peace Process: the Role of Women 9 5.1 Negotiations with the Taliban 10 6. The U.S. - Taliban Peace Agreement 11 6.1 Reintegration of Former Fighters 12 7.
    [Show full text]
  • Bringing Multilateralism Back In: Ending the War in Afghanistan Is Not a One-Nation Job
    Bringing Multilateralism Back in: Ending the War in Afghanistan is Not a One-Nation Job Afghan Peace Process Issues Paper March 2021 By: Neamat Nojumi and Thomas J. Barfield Summary: The United States’ unilateral deal with the Taliban in February 2020 needs to be expanded if it is to achieve success. Because the war in Afghanistan was never purely a domestic one, only a multilateral international agreement can end it and simultaneously empower Afghan stakeholders to determine their country’s future governance. A dual-track United Nations-led mediation platform, bolstered by a collaboration between Washington and Brussels, offers the best means to achieve this end. At the international and regional level, its goal would be conflict management: to end outside support for any faction unwilling to take part in the domestic peace process and to pledge support for any final negotiated peace agreement acceptable to a majority of the Afghan people. Since neither the Afghan government nor the Taliban can win a war or dictate the structure of a future constitutional order without such outside support, this would lay the groundwork for lasting conflict resolution within Afghanistan itself. The need for a multilateral forum is urgent because the current agreement focuses on the terms of departure of U.S. forces and fails to address the most significant local and regional priorities needed to bring about a lasting peace. Without the resolution of these issues, Afghanistan could fall into a new civil war like that of the 1990s once international troops withdraw. Former U.S. President Donald J. Trump’s administration did not condition the departure of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Nagaland: Elusive Reconciliations and Lingering Peace Process
    SOCIETY FOR THE STUDY OF PEACE AND CONFLICT 16 SEPTEMBER 2020 South Asia Conflict Monitor monthly newsletter on terrorism, violence and armed conflict… CONTENT Nagaland: Elusive Reconciliations and Lingering Peace Process Country Briefs & Nagaland: Elusive Reconciliations and News Roundup Lingering Peace Process [August 2020] NIHAR R NAYAK AFGHANISTAN: 3-5 BANGLADESH: 5-7 Despite substantial progress in the peace talks leadership, interests and between New Delhi and the armed groups of external influences. The INDIA: 7-9 Nagaland over the last five years, there are still National Socialist Council NEPAL: 09-10 uncertainties over finalising a permanent peace of Nagaland (IM) was PAKISTAN: 10-11 agreement. The second round of negotiations over formed on January 31, SRI LANKA: 12 a peace agreement with the Naga insurgent groups, 1980, by Isak Chishi Swu, including the NSCN-IM (Isak-Muivah), was Thuingaleng Muivah and initiated by New Delhi in 2015. But that appears to S. S. Khaplang. They be in trouble since October 31, 2019. A fresh wanted to establish a informal attempt by the Union Government in this 'Greater regard with the NSCN-IM in August 2020 in New Nagaland' ('Nagalim' or Delhi also has not moved in the right direction. the People's Republic of Nagaland) based on Mao While the central government has managed to Tse Tung's model. This outfit witnessed a split by address the grievances of other seven illegal Naga Khaplang faction in April 1988. In 1997, the armed groups, who are willing to sign a permanent NSCN (IM) signed a ceasefire agreement and peace agreement, the NSCN-IM, one of the largest, started a dialogue with the Union Government.
    [Show full text]