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South·Africa in Transition
POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South ·Africa in Transition Report on Violence in South Africa by an American Friends Service Committee Study Team November 1992 The American Friends Service Committee's concern over Southern Africa has grown out of over 60 years of relationships since the first visit by a representative of the organization. In 1982 the AFSC Board of Directors approved the release of a full length book, Challenge and Hope, as a statement of its views on South Africa. Since 1977 the AFSC has had a national Southern Africa educational program in its Peace Education Division. AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 241-7000 AFSC REGIONAL OFFICES: Southeastern Region, Atlanta, Georgia 30303, 92 Piedmont Avenue, NE; Middle Atlantic Region, Baltimore, Maryland 21212, 4806 York Road; New England Region, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140, 2161 Massachusetts Avenue; Great Lakes Region, Chicago, Illinois 60605, 59 E. Van Buren Street, Suite 1400; North Central Region, Des Moines, Iowa 50312, 4211 Grand Avenue; New York Metropolitan Region, New York, New York 10003, 15 Rutherford Place; Pacific Southwest Region, Pasadena, California 91103, 980 N. Fair Oaks Avenue; Pacific Mountain Region, San Francisco, California 94121,2160 Lake Street; Pacific Northwest Region, Seattle, Washington 98105, 814 N.E. 40th Street. CONTENTS II THE AFSC DELEGATION 1 PREFACE III POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South Africa in Transition 1 THE BASIC VIOLENCE 2 ANALYZING THE VIOLENCE 5 THE HIDDEN HAND 7 RETALIATION 9 POLICE INVESTIGATIONS 11 LESSONS FROM THE BOIPATONG MASSACRE 12 HOMELAND VIOLENCE IN CISKEI AND KWAZULU 13 HOMELAND LEADERS BUTHELEZI AND GQOZO 16 CONCLUSION 19 RECOMMENDATIONS 20 ACRONYMS 21 TEAM INTERVIEWS AND MEETINGS 22 THE AFSC DELEGATION TO SOUTH AFRICA The American Friends Service Committee's Board of Directors approved a proposal in June 1992 for a delegation to visit South Africa to study the escalating violence there. -
Constructive Engagement": U.S
GUNTHER HELLMANN The Collapse of "Constructive Engagement": U.S. Foreign Policy in Southern Africa* 1. Introduction During the Reagan Administration, U.S. foreign policy in southern Africa acquired new significance in American politics. Political elites and subse- quently the American public were increasingly polarized as the conflicts among and within the states of southern Africa escalated. The Reagan Administration meanwhile was unable either to exercise a moderating influ- ence on the contending parties in southern Africa or to win public support with a convincing policy. In January 1987 an independent report ordered by President Reagan in September 1985 bluntly stated that the Administration's policy had failed.1 Yet initially its southern Africa policy had seemed most apt to live up to the Administration's claim to rebuild U.S. global leadership. How was it that a policy which in 1981 was regarded by nearly all sides as a coherent and reasoned whole2 could six years later be issued such a devastating judgment under the seal of the State Department? And is it valid to maintain that this policy was really "doomed to fail" from the start?3 This essay seeks to show that the Administration's policy failed in two respects. First and most fundamentally, the Administration failed to devise a coherent and effective policy transcending the tension between anti-commu- nism on the one hand and anti-apartheid on the other. This conflict of goals had been evident, though largely latent, in policy toward southern Africa since the 1970s. Second, and more important, this essay will argue that it * For their valuable and stimulating ideas I would like to extend my special thanks to the editors and, in particular, Winrich Kühne and Ambassador Donald F. -
South Africa
Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands. -
Publication No. 201710
CIPC PUBLICATION 16 May 2017 Publication No. 201710 (CO and CC Re-Instatement) COMPANIES AND CLOSE CORPORATIONS CIPC PUBLICATION NOTICE 10/2017 OF 2017 COMPANIES AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY COMMISSION NOTICE IN TERMS OF THE COMPANIES ACT, 2008 (ACT 71 OF 2008) THE FOLLOWING CORRECTION NOTICE/S AND NOTICE/S RELATING TO RE-INSTATEMENS ARE PUBLISHED FOR GENERAL INFROMATION. THE CIPC WEBSITE AT WWW.CIPC.CO.ZA CAN BE VISITED FOR MORE INFORMATION. NO GUARANTEE IS GIVEN IN RESPECT OF THE ACCURACY OF THE PARTICULARS FURNISHED AND NO RESPONSIBILITY IS ACCEPTED FOR ERRORS AND OMISSIONS OR THE CONSEQUENCES THEREOF. Rory Voller ACTING COMMISSIONER: CIPC CIPC PUBLICATION NOTICE 10/2017 OF 2017 NOTICE OF RE-INSTATEMENT OF REGISTRATION OF COMPANIES AND CLOSE CORPORATIONS The Commissioner hereby gives notice that the registration of the following companies and close corporations have, in terms of section 82 (4) of the Companies Act, 2008, been re-instated with effect from the date of publication hereof: CLOSE CORPORATIONS B1985007722 SIESTA INVESTMENTS CC B1985010283 MANDALEINE BELEGGINGS CC B1985013582 FALLSWAY CC B1986003057 INLOMA CC B1986013545 NOLIP PROPERTIES CC B1987004141 WAISTCOAT ESTATES CC B1987011341 WORKGROUP CONSTRUCTION CC B1987018713 FIFTY BATTERY STREET MAYFAIR CC B1987021102 SURIAN RENT CC B1987022993 JOEBRYAN INVESTMENTS CC B1987026245 PHUMLA REAL ESTATES CC B1988000619 GREYVENSTEIN EIENDOMSTRUST CC B1988001203 TWO-O-SIX-FOUR MAYFAIR CC B1988004127 CEDAR LEAF INVESTMENTS CC B1988007467 FANTASY FACTORY CC B1988008737 S S MAAHLO BUILDING -
South Africa and the African Renaissance
South Africa and the African Renaissance PETER VALE* AND SIPHO MASEKO On May , immediately prior to the adoption of South Africa’s new con- stitution,Thabo Mbeki, Nelson Mandela’s chosen successor, opened his address to the country’s Constitutional Assembly with the words ‘I am an African!’. In an inclusionary speech, symptomatic of post-apartheid South Africa, Mbeki drew strands of the country’s many histories together. His words evoked great emotion within the assembly chamber, and later throughout the country: across the political spectrum, South Africans strongly associated themselves with the spirit of reconciliation and outreach caught in his words. South Africa’s reunification with the rest of the continent had been a significant sub-narrative within the processes which led to negotiation over the ending of apartheid. That South Africa would become part of the African community was, of course, beyond doubt; what was at issue was both the sequence of events by which this would happen and the conditionalities attached to its happening.The continent’s enthusiasm for the peace process in South Africa was initially uneven: the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in June decided to retain sanctions against South Africa although the Nigerian leader, General Ibrahim Babingida, expressed an interest in meet- ing South Africa’s then President, F.W.de Klerk, if such an occasion ‘would help bring about majority rule.’ The political prize attached to uniting South Africa with the rest of the continent explains why South Africa’s outgoing minority government, despite energetic and expensive diplomatic effort, was unable to deliver its own version of South Africa in Africa. -
Some Personal Reflections on the Road to Armed Struggle
POLITICAL organise a National Convention of representatives of all our people to Some Personal Reflections work out a new democratic, non- racial and non-sexist Constitution. © Shutterstock.com Conference further resolved that if the on the Road to Armed regime failed to call such a conference a three-day strike would commence on Struggle the 29th May, the day that apartheid South Africa was to become a Republic. The apartheid regime mobilised the army, the police and intelligence services to arrest thousands of activists and carry out a reign of terror. Mandela responded that “if the government’s response is to crush by naked force our non-violent struggle, …in my mind we are closing a chapter …on non-violent policy”. In December 1961 SA was rocked by sabotage actions by MK units in the major cities. Its manifesto declared “We of Umkhonto we Sizwe …carried out the sabotage activities to achieve liberation without bloodshed and civil clashes… Our actions are against the Nationalist’s preparations for civil war and military rule… We are working in the interests of all our people, black, brown and white, whose future and wellbeing cannot be attained without the overthrow of the Nationalists …the Military action at every stage had to be guided people’s patience is not endless. The time comes in the life of any nation and determined by the need to generate and when there only remain two choices: submit or fight. That time has now promote political action, organisation and come to South Africa.” resistance. By 1962 the leadership concluded that the sabotage campaign had not been as effective as they had expected By Aziz Pahad largely because of lack of quality equipment and training. -
Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 415 168 SO 028 325 AUTHOR Warnsley, Johnnye R. TITLE Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future. A Curriculum Unit. Fulbright-Hays Summer Seminar Abroad 1996 (South Africa). INSTITUTION Center for International Education (ED), Washington, DC. PUB DATE 1996-00-00 NOTE 77p. PUB TYPE Guides Classroom Teacher (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC04 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *African Studies; *Apartheid; Black Studies; Foreign Countries; Global Education; Instructional Materials; Interdisciplinary Approach; Peace; *Racial Discrimination; *Racial Segregation; Secondary Education; Social Studies; Teaching Guides IDENTIFIERS African National Congress; Mandela (Nelson); *South Africa ABSTRACT This curriculum unit is designed for students to achieve a better understanding of the South African society and the numerous changes that have recently, occurred. The four-week unit can be modified to fit existing classroom needs. The nine lessons include: (1) "A Profile of South Africa"; (2) "South African Society"; (3) "Nelson Mandela: The Rivonia Trial Speech"; (4) "African National Congress Struggle for Justice"; (5) "Laws of South Africa"; (6) "The Pass Laws: How They Impacted the Lives of Black South Africans"; (7) "Homelands: A Key Feature of Apartheid"; (8) "Research Project: The Liberation Movement"; and (9)"A Time Line." Students readings, handouts, discussion questions, maps, and bibliography are included. (EH) ******************************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. ******************************************************************************** 00 I- 4.1"Reflections on Apartheid in South Africa: Perspectives and an Outlook for the Future" A Curriculum Unit HERE SHALL watr- ALL 5 HALLENTOEQUALARTiii. 41"It AFiacAPLAYiB(D - Wad Lli -WIr_l clal4 I.4.4i-i PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY (4.)L.ct.0-Aou-S TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) Johnnye R. -
Women in the Informal Economy: the Face of Precariousness in South Africa
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository Women in the informal economy: Precarious labour in South Africa Makoma Mabilo Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Political Science) in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof. A. Gouws March 2018 The financial assistance of the National Research Foundation (NRF) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the NRF. Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Makoma Mabilo March 2018 Copyright © 2018 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved i Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract High levels of unemployment, widespread poverty and growing inequality in South Africa have led to an emphasis on employment as a solution to these problems. In the current post-apartheid era, various scholars have documented a growing flexibility within South Africa’s labour market, which they suggest indicates a breakdown of traditional, formal full-time employment contracts as well as a growth of precarious, marginal and atypical employment. -
FW De Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution
FW de Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution 2nd February 2013 DR HOLGER DIX, RESIDENT Representative OF THE KONRAD Adenauer Foundation FOR SOUTH Africa, AND FORMER PRESIDENT FW DE KLERK. On Saturday, 2 February 2013, the FW de Klerk Foundation hosted a successful conference at the Protea Hotel President in Bantry Bay, Cape Town. Themed “Uniting Behind the Constitution” and held in conjunction with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the conference was well attended by members of the public and a large press contingent. The speakers included thought leaders from civil society, business, academia and politics. This publication is a compendium of speeches presented on the day (speeches were transcribed from recordings), each relating to an important facet of the South African Constitution. Each speech was followed by a lively panel discussion, and panelists included: Dr Lucky Mathebula (board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), John Kane-Berman (CEO of the South African Institute for Race Relations), Adv Paul Hoffman (Director of the Southern African Institute for Accountability), Adv Johan Kruger (Director of the Centre for Constitutional Rights), Dr Theuns Eloff (Vice-Chancellor of North-West University), Adv Johan Kruger SC (Acting Judge and board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), Michael Bagraim (President of the Cape Chamber of Commerce), Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi (Leader of the IFP) and Paul Graham (Executive Director of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa). UpholdingCelebrating Diversity South -
THE UNITED STATES and SOUTH AFRICA in the NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This Thesis Examines Relat
ABSTRACT THE SIN OF OMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This thesis examines relations between the United States and South Africa during Richard Nixon’s first presidential administration. While South Africa was not crucial to Nixon’s foreign policy, the racially-divided nation offered the United States a stabile economic partner and ally against communism on the otherwise chaotic post-colonial African continent. Nixon strengthened relations with the white minority government by quietly lifting sanctions, increasing economic and cultural ties, and improving communications between Washington and Pretoria. However, while Nixon’s policy was shortsighted and hypocritical, the Afrikaner government remained suspicious, believing that the Nixon administration continued to interfere in South Africa’s domestic affairs despite its new policy relaxations. The Nixon administration concluded that change in South Africa could only be achieved through the Afrikaner government, and therefore ignored black South Africans. Nixon’s indifference strengthened apartheid and hindered liberation efforts, helping to delay black South African freedom for nearly two decades beyond his presidency. THE SIN OF OMMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History by Eric J. Morgan Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2003 Advisor __________________________________ (Dr. Jeffrey P. Kimball) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Allan M. Winkler) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Osaak Olumwullah) TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements . iii Prologue The Wonderful Tar Baby Story . 1 Chapter One The Unmovable Monolith . 3 Chapter Two Foresight and Folly . -
Corrective Rape and the War on Homosexuality: Patriarchy, African Culture and Ubuntu
Corrective rape and the war on homosexuality: Patriarchy, African culture and Ubuntu. Mutondi Muofhe Mulaudzi 12053369 LLM (Multidisciplinary Human Rights) Supervisor Prof Karin Van Marle Chapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................................ 3 1.1 Research Problem ................................................................................................................................................................ 3 1.2 Research questions .............................................................................................................................................................. 5 1.3 Motivation/Rationale .......................................................................................................................................................... 6 1.4 Methodology .......................................................................................................................................................................... 7 1.5 Structure .................................................................................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 2: Homophobic Rape – Stories and response by courts .......................................... 9 2.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................................ 9 2.2 The definition -
South Africa | Freedom House Page 1 of 8
South Africa | Freedom House Page 1 of 8 South Africa freedomhouse.org In May 2014, South Africa held national elections that were considered free and fair by domestic and international observers. However, there were growing concerns about a decline in prosecutorial independence, labor unrest, and political pressure on an otherwise robust media landscape. South Africa continued to be marked by high-profile corruption scandals, particularly surrounding allegations that had surfaced in 2013 that President Jacob Zuma had personally benefitted from state-funded renovations to his private homestead in Nkandla, KwaZulu-Natal. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) won in the 2014 elections with a slightly smaller vote share than in 2009. The newly formed Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a populist splinter from the ANC Youth League, emerged as the third-largest party. The subsequent session of the National Assembly was more adversarial than previous iterations, including at least two instances when ANC leaders halted proceedings following EFF-led disruptions. Beginning in January, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) led a five-month strike in the platinum sector, South Africa’s longest and most costly strike. The strike saw some violence and destruction of property, though less than AMCU strikes in 2012 and 2013. The year also saw continued infighting between rival trade unions. The labor unrest exacerbated the flagging of the nation’s economy and the high unemployment rate, which stood at approximately 25 percent nationally and around 36 percent for youth. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 33 / 40 [Key] A. Electoral Process: 12 / 12 Elections for the 400-seat National Assembly (NA), the lower house of the bicameral Parliament, are determined by party-list proportional representation.