DOCSLIB.ORG

AK2117-J2-3-C102-001-Jpeg.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
AK2117-J2-3-C102-001-Jpeg.Pdf ^m - fc V , m ■*. V C 0 JSITENTJ 5 Note: This booklet 1n It s present form 1s not complete but ha< hAnn SS*El?,e t0 y0U “ th,S P01"‘ 1" 1. Declaration of the United Democratic Front 2. UDF National Executive Coimrittee 3. UDF Regional Executive Committees 4. Statement of the UDF National General Council 5. Secretarial Report 6. Working Principles 7. Resolutions: Detentions and Treason Trial Banning of the UDF and A ffiliates in the Bantustans UDF International Relations Trade Unions- - — * — . Unemployment Forced Removals Rural Areas Militarisation (• Women ' Black Local Authorities Tricameral Parliament and Black Forum ) - Citizenship Imperialism Imperialism USA International Year of the Youth Education Namibia * New Zealand Rugby Tour 3 Declaration of the United Democratic Front We. the freedom loving people of South Africa, say with one voice to tbe whole worio that we • cherish the vision o f a united. demooaU . South A fno based on the wa of the people. • wa strive for the unity of a l people am «h united • the cpprKs^andesploitation °f w om en w a con- > onue. Women wil suffer greater rurdshcn under me acfonagamsttheevasof apartheid, econaac and al mw other forms of e«*xoOon ^ WomefV wtf be (Evicted from their ctwW* fen md fjmftes. P iw iy snd malnutrition wfli continue Ana. In our march to a free and Job South Africa, we are guided by these noble £ S J S t ^ ti & bnn'* *wh6fl**'■** Ideals *Sr Potion of a true deecracv In which a i South Africans W participate h a t govern- ment of our councrr. Ew Uat aw thba^eJSie* ,Urther Wo"' We ) • « * ^ * W « H ^ » ^ Bmwu>Soutl» Africa. A South Africa free of bantustarswd Croup Areas: tustans w il remain. • we sav aifanmrfmnrxO.ijrv< We tno»r that there wa not be an end to tte uneQual end. CBtrawtion of the land. Wealth and resources of the country. That the migratory labour system w J fcve on in accordance wfth these noble Ideals, to destroy famiy ife. and on the 20th day of August 1983 at We know that the government wil always use false Rocklands CMc Centre, Mitchells Ptein. we leaders to become its junior partners and to control Join hands as trade union, community, us. Our lives will still be filed with fears of harassment, > tannings, detentions and death. women's, student's, religious, porting Mindful of the fact that the m Ctnstitutional pro­ and other organisations to say no to posals and Koomhof measures win fu n n e r entrench Apartheid. apartheid and white domination. We say NO to the tautSc of South Africa Constitu­ We commit ourselves to uniting all our tion Bfl-attfwhicfcwa create vet anotlmindemo- cratlc constitution in the country of o urtirift people wherever they may be In the cities We say NO to the Koomhof BAs which wB donve more and countryside, the factories and mines, and more African peoete of their birthrig* schools, colleges and universities, housing f We say YES to thbirthof the United Demoaatic Front and sports fields, churches, mosques and on this historic da% temples, to fight for our freedom. We know that . • We therefore resolve to stand shoulder to shoulder • this government > determined to bee* the unity In our common ttruggle and commit ourselves to f f .our people; that M r people wit face grater hard- work together to tm t our peocfe Wing h radaSy segwaated and • organise and mobilise an community, worker, Stu­ m ,rom ^ w it h they dent, women, religious, sporting and other organisa- produce in the d a Hut rents arxJ after basic t m w ider the banner o f the Urwed Democratic Fro n t (ftarpesadincreaseJncL Out bur King stadardswil • e o n sittp e o p le regularly and honestly, and bra ve- ly and strive to represent their views and aspirations; • that: working peopfcw* be rfvided. Kacetom race: • educate a l about the coming dangers and the need from unemptaaed; men fo r unity. • b u tt and strengthen a l organisations o f the people; tacxs on our trade a n rs w il continue. • unite In action against these U s ana other day-to- * ° ***** ***** uneouaf day problems affecting our people. g fao tlon. created «» M O>> a reservoir t t cheap And now therefore fatxxx. EPyg m yian d w n o x a t fadfcies** reman. Apartheid w i s tl be U t In our dassrooat We pledge to come together In the ?j£ere*wous .an d rto rt He of our pea* w* be United Democratic Front and fight side by “ ""•d The sns of apartheid wil co o te to be side against the Government's constitu­ sumped on the a * re and refgions of o r people; tional proposals and the Koomhof bills. .......... - UDF NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Chairperson Curnick Ndlovu General Secretary Popo Molefe Publicity Secretary Mosiuoa Lekota Treasurer Azhar Cachalla Other Members Steve Tshwete Zoli Malindi Mcebisi Xundu Edgar Ngoyi • Makhenkesi S to file Yunus Mohomed Trevor Manuel Mohammed V a lli Derrick Swartz • Oomo Khasu Titus Mofolo O liver Mohapi UDF REGIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES TRANSVAAL President Albertina Sisulu Vice President Samson Ndou Vice President Ram Saloojee Vice President Ismail Mohamed General Secretary Mohammed V a lli General Secretary Paul Mashatile Minute Secretary Eddie Makue Publicity Secretary Sydney Mafumadi Rural Secretary Murphy Morobe Media O fficer Mzwakhe Mbuli Education Officer Raymond Suttner Youth Portfolio Dan Montsisi Student Portfolio Mathews Sathekge Labour Portfolio Paul Maseko Women's Portfolio Amanda Kwadi Civic Portfolio Arthur Mkhwanazi Treasurer Azhar Cachalia Treasurer Titus Mofolo NATAL President Archie Gumede Chairman Rev. M. Xundu Vice Chairman B illy Nair Secretary Yunus Mohamed Publicity Secretary Lechesa Tsenoli Treasurer V icto ria Mxenge NIC Je rry Coovadia NCC Sandy Africa RMC Russel Mpanaa Youth Ndaba Students Ronnie DHAC V irg il Bonhomme JORAC Ian Mkhize NOW Nosizwe Diakonia Paddy Kearney Unions Themba Nxumalo ODF REGIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES CONTINUED WESTERN CAPE President Zoli Malindi Vice President W ilfred Rhodes Vice President Christmas Tinto Secretary Trevor Manuel Secretary Miranda Qwanyashe Secretary Ebrahim Rasool Publicity Secretary Zoliswa Kota Treasurer Joe Adam Fund Raiser Goolam Abubaker Additional Member Milfred Lesiea Additional Member Mountain Qumbula • Additional Member Graeme Bloch Additional Member Rev. Syd Luckett Education & Training Jeremy Cronin BORDER President Steve Tshwete Vice President NQola Vice President Sonwabo NQoyi Secretary Rev. M. StQfile Publicity Secretary Andrew Hendricks Treasurer Hintsa Sowisa Additional Member L u c ille Meyer Assistant Treasurer T Botha Organiser Humphrey Moxhegwana Additional Member Yure Mdyogolo EASTERN CAPE President E Ngoyi Vice President H Fazzie General Secretary D Swartz Publicity Secretary S Sizani Recording Secretary M Ndube Organiser • M Goniwe Treasurer Vacant STATEMENT OF THE UDF NATIONAL GENERAL COUNCIL This meeting of more than 300 committed and enthm i* SESE^ E-im ElF^ Meeting in the context of state repression unparalleled in the n»<t S ' on the basis of ovemhel JgpopSla? sJppS" the genuine " e e d s ^ n ^ d e ^ f d i ^ l n ^ ^ ^ apartheid “* The precondition for the achievement of peace in this country is the • struggleSSEL°J„th!.Iv for liberation11^ parJheid is a strugglesystera- forThat peace. is why we say that our Not‘one more drop of blood need be shed Not one more fam ily need liv e in misery and starve No man or woman need go without work Not one more fam ily need go without shelter i f these conditions are met. The state and its agents are engaged in the wholesale lettinQ of blood in the townships, b illio n s of rands are spect maintaining S r ^ ™ 2 rUCt¥re55r«!hne subsidies for essential food are ?educed at affordahlp S PfyS SA?F a99ressions. Instead of homes education t»L^ recreational facilities, eQual, democratic education, the people experience ever increased misery and oppression. mpnaInH at * t il?6 S t uneQualled world-wide support from ordinary men and women, organisations in a ll countries committed to the U f l c J racism, and of most governments throughout the world. Against this massive show of international solidarity, the right wina aparineiG regime.^ r/K0hl ax1s and their allies continue to bolste? the So*t!? Africans demand that imperialist their traditinnal r n lS S JV s tic e and democracy. They must abandon ^!prnmln?c ] ^ backing the oppressive and undemocratic- dStvT to sSnoI? S i lVel °f ?reei and profU* "Oietr-mtirStional 4 5 «.fW o ri I he l ust stru 99le of the South African people for peace, justice and freedom. v H We take the opportunity during this period of grave crises, when the progressive forces are being threatened on all fronts, to cautiSn those ♦H nnr 5 x organisations who differ with us to desist from attackina 9 emphasise^ , / rlthe I ra9mentin§points of commonthe ranks concern. °f the p re s s e d .nd instLd tS Statement of the UDF Rational General Council Continued Heekiia Itrpnnth^® 5 ndful that the state 1s annin9 1 ts agents, • thP hShI? f tren9then its support and broaden its base by co-opting thprJfn £ * Rajbaasis, the Sebes and the Buthelezis, and it U unity?S St°r1C dUty °f 811 th0Se "ho^PP°« apartheid i ere t n I n± ? l 3 U^ neSSf S 8nd rec°9"ised our shortcomings. We - are fully resolved in tfce coming years to increase the effectiveness and democratic content ef our organisations, to raise the oualitl «f our aitW rtrtSd leadership, to translate our 1iS ™ exoe?ienc« Mongst the people during struggle Into viable prograroeflnd to transcend the constrains of regional differences.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • FW De Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution
    FW de Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution 2nd February 2013 DR HOLGER DIX, RESIDENT Representative OF THE KONRAD Adenauer Foundation FOR SOUTH Africa, AND FORMER PRESIDENT FW DE KLERK. On Saturday, 2 February 2013, the FW de Klerk Foundation hosted a successful conference at the Protea Hotel President in Bantry Bay, Cape Town. Themed “Uniting Behind the Constitution” and held in conjunction with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the conference was well attended by members of the public and a large press contingent. The speakers included thought leaders from civil society, business, academia and politics. This publication is a compendium of speeches presented on the day (speeches were transcribed from recordings), each relating to an important facet of the South African Constitution. Each speech was followed by a lively panel discussion, and panelists included: Dr Lucky Mathebula (board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), John Kane-Berman (CEO of the South African Institute for Race Relations), Adv Paul Hoffman (Director of the Southern African Institute for Accountability), Adv Johan Kruger (Director of the Centre for Constitutional Rights), Dr Theuns Eloff (Vice-Chancellor of North-West University), Adv Johan Kruger SC (Acting Judge and board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), Michael Bagraim (President of the Cape Chamber of Commerce), Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi (Leader of the IFP) and Paul Graham (Executive Director of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa). UpholdingCelebrating Diversity South
    [Show full text]
  • The United Democratic Front and Political Struggles in the Pietermaritzburg Region, 1983-1991
    Mobilization, Conflict and Repression: The United Democratic Front and Political Struggles in the Pietermaritzburg region, 1983-1991. BY NGQABUTHO NHLANGANISO BHEBHE Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Historical Studies, University of Natal. Pietermaritzburg July 1996. DEDICATION To My Family I dedicate this thesis to my father R. Hlanganiso and to my mother K. Rawuwe. To my sisters, Nominenhle and Lindivve,and my brothers, Duduzani, Dumile and Vumani, thanks for your patience and unwavering support. ABSTRACT In the eight years of its existence, from 1983 to 1991, the United Democratic Front had a major impact on the pace and direction ofpolitical struggles in South Africa. The UDF was a loose alliance of organizations, whose strength was determined by the nature of the organizations affiliated to it. This thesis explores the nature of the problems faced by the UDF in the Pietermaritzburg region, and how it sought to respond to them. Chapter one -covers the period from 1976 to 1984. This chapter surveys the political context in which the UDF wasformed, beginning withthe Soweto uprising of 1976, and continuing with the growth of extra-parliamentary organizations in the late 1970s and early 1980s, leading up to the formation of the UDF in 1983. This chapter ends with emergence of organized extra-parliamentary activitiesin Pietermaritzburgin 1984. Chapter two assesses the period between1984 and mid-1986. This was the time when the UDF activists began to mobilize in the region, and it was during this period that UDF structures were set up.
    [Show full text]
  • AK2117-J3-7-AG17-001-Jpeg.Pdf
    ' AG17 ■ ■- A c- » ■ ■ . * / ! \ A ASO rv T Nelson RclihlahlaVMandela has been the source of inspiration to all the qpprr-ased people of la&i. He has shared with his countrymen the yoke of oppression and tirelessly fought for a truly non-racial, non-exploitative and democratic South Africa. He symbolises courageous men and women who have been incarcerated in prison by the racist South African regime because of their levs for freedom This year Mandela cele»fca^djj|fs 65th birth^ate^vis 19th year in imprisonment. The majority of the people in South Africa o b ^ c t to his continued incarceration because his ia?>risonment and that of his fellow prisoners have deprived South Africa of a vital leadership which is of crucial importance at this tine. Manctela is a nmn who has conmitted himself to the idea of a democratic and free -society in which all persons live together in harmony and equality. He and other political prisoners represent a substantial force for change in South Afric* Mandela together with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, helped form the African National Congress Youth League (ANC YL), thus the foundation for the creation of a mass political organisation was built. The ANC Youth League was ore result of their tireless efforts and more in^Kjrtant it succeeded in injecting new vitality into the ANC. In 1949, Nelson Mandela was elected onto the National Executive of the ANC, and in 1950 Mandela became National President of ANC Youth League. Through him the ANC rejected the aging tactic of petitions and sending deputations to the governneet - instead Mandela instituted the move to organising united mass resist­ ance.
    [Show full text]
  • Digitization, History, and the Making of a Postcolonial Archive of Southern African Liberation Struggles: the Aluka Project1
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Isaacman, A., Lalu, P., & Nygren, T. (2005). Digitisation, history, and the making of a postcolonial archive of Southern African liberation struggles: The Aluka providedproject. by University of the Western Cape Research Repository AFRICA TODAY, 52 (2): 55-77 Digitization, History, and the Making of a Postcolonial Archive of Southern African Liberation Struggles: The Aluka Project1 Allen Isaacman, Premesh Lalu, and Thomas Nygren This paper describes the history of an initiative to digitize a postcolonial archive on the struggle for freedom in Southern Africa. The authors outline the intellectual architecture of the project and the complex epistemological, political, and technical challenges that they confronted in their endeavor to construct a digital archive that might help reorient scholarly debates on the struggle for liberation. Introduction The liberation of southern Africa was a major political event of the twentieth century. The demise of colonial rule, the end of white-settler domination, and the dismantling of the apartheid regime had far-reaching consequences, not only for the continent, but also for the global community. At a local level, majority rule created the possibility that millions of people would be free from racial oppression, economic exploitation, and political exclusion. For them, independence carried the hope of social justice and a better life for future generations. Nationally, it meant a radical restructuring of political power. It removed the state bureaucracies and police apparatus that had enforced white privilege and racial segregation. The process took more than thirty years. At a regional level, the revolutions in Angola and Mozambique, followed by those in Zimbabwe and Namibia, defeated Pretoria's military and political strategy of sustaining white regimes as a buffer against black Africa and isolating movements such as the African National Congress (ANC).
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report
    VOLUME THREE Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction to Regional Profiles ........ 1 Appendix: National Chronology......................... 12 Chapter 2 REGIONAL PROFILE: Eastern Cape ..................................................... 34 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Eastern Cape........................................................... 150 Chapter 3 REGIONAL PROFILE: Natal and KwaZulu ........................................ 155 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in Natal, KwaZulu and the Orange Free State... 324 Chapter 4 REGIONAL PROFILE: Orange Free State.......................................... 329 Chapter 5 REGIONAL PROFILE: Western Cape.................................................... 390 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Western Cape ......................................................... 523 Chapter 6 REGIONAL PROFILE: Transvaal .............................................................. 528 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Transvaal ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Suid-Afri~~ (Tr~~Svaalse Provinsiale Afdeling)
    I~ DIE HOOGGEREGSHOF V.~~ SUID-AFRI~~ (TR~~SVAALSE PROVINSIALE AFDELING) S.AAKNOMMER: CC 482/85 PRE-TORIA 1987-09-16 DIE STAAT teen: PATRICK MABu~A BALEKA E~ 21 A.~.~DER VOOR: SY EDELE REGTER V.~~ DIJKHORST E~ ASSESSOR£: ~NR. W.F. KRUGEL NANENS DIE STAAT: ADV. P.B. JACOBS ...\.DV. P. FICK ADV. W. HA ..~EKOH N~~ENS DIE VERDEDIGING: ADV. A. CHASKALSON ...\.DV. G. BIZ OS ADV. K. TIP .-\DV. z . )-! • Y.-\COOB ADV. G,J. !!ARCUS TOLK: !lliR. B.S.N. SKOSA~A KLAGTE: (SIEN AKTE V~~ BESKULDIGING) PLEIT: AL DIE BESKULDIGDES: ONSKULDIG --------------------- KONTRAKTE1JRS: LUBBE OPN.Ai"!ES --------------------- VOLUHE 287 ( Bladsye 15 818 - 15 925 ) · Digitised by the Open Scholarship Programme in support of public access to information, University of Pretoria, 2017. 920.00 15 818 LEKOTA COURT RESUMES ON 16 SEPTEMBER 1987. MOSIUOA GERARD PATRICK LEKOTA: d.s.s. FURTHER CROSS-EXAMINATION BY MR FICK: Mr Lekota the history of the struggle, is it important? For the UDF? -- Well the history of the struggle is important. Why? -- As I said first of all because the past helps us to understand the present and that one cannot arrive at a proper understanding of our society without understanding the historical path we have had to travel to the present. And to you, as the publicity secretary of the UDF was (10) it also important to know the history of the struggle? -- Well I actually knew it before I was the Publicity Secretary of the United Democratic Front so it is knowledge or information I had before I even came to the United Democratic Front.
    [Show full text]
  • Between States of Emergency
    BETWEEN STATES OF EMERGENCY PHOTOGRAPH © PAUL VELASCO WE SALUTE THEM The apartheid regime responded to soaring opposition in the and to unban anti-apartheid organisations. mid-1980s by imposing on South Africa a series of States of The 1985 Emergency was imposed less than two years after the United Emergency – in effect martial law. Democratic Front was launched, drawing scores of organisations under Ultimately the Emergency regulations prohibited photographers and one huge umbrella. Intending to stifle opposition to apartheid, the journalists from even being present when police acted against Emergency was first declared in 36 magisterial districts and less than a protesters and other activists. Those who dared to expose the daily year later, extended to the entire country. nationwide brutality by security forces risked being jailed. Many Thousands of men, women and children were detained without trial, photographers, journalists and activists nevertheless felt duty-bound some for years. Activists were killed, tortured and made to disappear. to show the world just how the iron fist of apartheid dealt with The country was on a knife’s edge and while the state wanted to keep opposition. the world ignorant of its crimes against humanity, many dedicated The Nelson Mandela Foundation conceived this exhibition, Between journalists shone the spotlight on its actions. States of Emergency, to honour the photographers who took a stand On 28 August 1985, when thousands of activists embarked on a march against the atrocities of the apartheid regime. Their work contributed to the prison to demand Mandela’s release, the regime reacted swiftly to increased international pressure against the South African and brutally.
    [Show full text]
  • The Natal Indian Congress in the 1970S Goolam Vahed Department
    1 A case of “pragmatic ethnicity”?: The Natal Indian Congress in the 1970s Goolam Vahed Department of Historical Studies University of KwaZulu Natal [FIRST DRAFT - WORK-IN-PROGRESS: NOT TO BE QUOTED] The political terrain changed considerably through the 1960s as apartheid consolidated its iron grip. The heady days of the 1940s and 1950s when the trade union movement was powerful, had been eroded as Indian workers in particular were brought into formal bargaining structures. The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), such a vital school for the production of trade union organisers, was banned, and the South African Congress of Trades Unions (SACTU), while not banned, was hunted out of overt influence. The break-up of old Indian neigbourhoods by the Group Areas Act had also meant the loss of local level leaderships and networks. The Congress movement was further decimated by the repression that followed the banning of the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1960. Over the next few years, through a series of bannings, house arrests, and listings of individuals, as well as widespread imprisonment and torture, the state began to brutally and systematically crush internal resistance. The ANC and PAC were forced underground and the proscription on open protest led to the adoption of the armed struggle by both organisations. The NIC was not banned, but key individuals were rendered ineffective in various ways. Some who joined the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, like Billy Nair and Ebrahim Ebrahim, were soon arrested and would languish on Robben Island for the next decade and more; M.P.
    [Show full text]
  • George Bizos Obituary
    Introduction George lived for 92 eventful and hugely productive years. His autobiography, published in 2007, runs to over 600 pages and is supplemented by his other published work. This brief obituary is by necessity a highly selective summary of his achievements and work with and for many remarkable people. It has been written with affection and great respect, and we apologise for any omissions. As a family we are incredibly proud of his courage, dedication and unflinching commitment to justice, which was grounded in passion, wit and empathetic humanity. We celebrate the life of George, lived so well, and with boundless energy, optimism and selflessness. He served so many in the cause of justice. We will remember him and are very grateful for the many kind messages from the individuals and communities that George’s life and work embraced. Well done, Rest in Peace, Dad, Papou, Uncle George. Early life and education in Greece George Bizos was born to Antonios (known to family and friends as Andoni) Bizos and Anastasia Bizos (née Tomara) on November 15th 1927 in the village of Vasilitsi, south of Koroni and Kalamata in Messinia, Greece. George’s birth date has sometimes been recorded and reported as December 26th 1928: for some years his father deliberately suggested George was a little younger to try to protect him from the risk of conscription into the war. Andoni and Anastasia farmed olives, and George was the first of their four children who survived infancy. Andoni served as mayor of the village for a period, arranging for the first road connection and for water pipes to be laid.
    [Show full text]
  • Law, Spatiality and the Tshwane Urban Space
    Law, Spatiality and the Tshwane Urban Space by Isolde de Villiers Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree LLD (Doctor Legum) In the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria Supervisor: Prof K. van Marle July 2017 © University of Pretoria Acknowledgement This thesis is the product of various networks of social relationships. To the enabling and supportive relations I would like to offer a sincere thank you. Firstly to my supervisor, Karin van Marle, who has introduced me to Jurisprudence and academia. Thank you for your patience, guidance, collegiality and support, but above all for opening up different time-spaces for thinking, contesting, learning and growing. Thank you for showing me the way, it has been an interesting and rewarding journey thus far. Thank you to the department of Jurisprudence at the University of Pretoria for being my academic home, for allowing me the space and time to work on this project, and for various conferences and research seminars at which I could explore and test the ideas in this work. Thank you to Danie Brand for a sharp editing eye. To my parents, Pieter and Joey and my siblings Rhene, Milada and JacquesJ, thank you for your interest in my project, your love and understanding. Thank you to various friends for your belief in me and for supplying welcome distractions. To Oloff, thank you for the ideas and for providing an office with a view during several stretches of research leave. Thank you to Manisha and Nthombi and the other inhabitants of Schubart Park for showing me the layered narratives of your former home.
    [Show full text]
  • Practical Solidarity : Connections Between Swedish Social Democratic Women and Women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994
    ORBIT-OnlineRepository ofBirkbeckInstitutionalTheses Enabling Open Access to Birkbeck’s Research Degree output Practical solidarity : connections between Swedish social democratic women and women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994 https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/40170/ Version: Full Version Citation: Lundin, Emma Elinor (2016) Practical solidarity : connections between Swedish social democratic women and women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994. [Thesis] (Unpublished) c 2020 The Author(s) All material available through ORBIT is protected by intellectual property law, including copy- right law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. Deposit Guide Contact: email Practical Solidarity: Connections Between Swedish Social Democratic Women and Women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994 Emma Elinor Lundin Department of History, Classics & Archaeology Birkbeck, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) July 2015 I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Emma Elinor Lundin ABSTRACT This thesis discusses the struggle to increase women’s participation in public and political life by focusing on the activism of women within the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) from 1960 until 1994. It argues that internationalism was key to these women’s success, providing them with a source of support and funding as well as a stage to develop policies away from overwhelmingly patriarchal national settings. Creating and steering political trends and discussions in international fora, and bolstered by the approval of others in the international community, the women who feature here gained a foot in the door of power and created environments conducive to their presence, abilities and voices.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Economy and Industrialisation in South Africa: a Critique of Structuralist Marxist Analyses of Apartheid and Class Struggle
    A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/80182 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Abstract The core of my thesis is to present a Marxist interpretation of the process of industrialisation in South Africa. I do so with the view that previous discussions on the process of industrialisation and its effects on the South African political economy have tended to obscure class relations in favour of race relations. The reason that this has occurred is that the dominant tradition in Marxist studies on South Africa has been located within a structuralist framework derived essentially from the French school of Marxism. The methodology of the structuralist Marxists has been such that it has led them to develop analytical tools tllat have focused on race ratller than class as the predominant contradiction witllin SOUtll African society. An inadequate application and interpretation of Marx's labour tl1eory of value has led Wolpe to develop his cheap labour tllesis which has proven to be both problematic and inadequate as an aid to understanding the particular form of industrialisation in South Africa. Despite criticisms of tltis theory it has continued to be reproduced uncritically witltin South African acadentia leading to tl1e development of further analytical tools such as racial capitalism and racial fordism that have proven to be inadequate in interpreting industrialisation.
    [Show full text]