Youth Voting Rights and the Unfulfilled Promise of the Twenty-Sixth Amendment
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Nothing Complicated About Ordinary Equality: Alice Paul and Self-Sacrifice
Nothing Complicated About Ordinary Equality: Alice Paul and Self-Sacrifice Handout A: Narrative BACKGROUND The organized reform movement for American women’s economic and legal rights, including suffrage, is commonly dated from the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848. At this meeting of about 300 people, Elizabeth Cady Stanton read her Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions, and 100 attendees signed the document. Stanton met Susan B. Anthony three years later and for the next half century the two women collaborated in a powerful partnership focused on numerous social reforms including the abolition of slavery, support for temperance, and pursuit of legal equality for women. In 1885, Alice Paul was born to a Quaker family in New Jersey, and as a small child she attended women’s suffrage events with her mother. She would become one of the most powerful voices for women’s rights in the new century, bringing new life to a movement that had stalled out by 1900. NARRATIVE From a young age, Paul demonstrated outstanding academic promise, and though she studied social work and served the poor at settlement houses, she disdained the typical professions open to women: nursing, teaching, and social work. She later explained, “I knew in a very short time I was never going to be a social worker, because I could see that social workers were not doing much good in the world…you couldn’t change the situation by social work.” After completing a bachelor’s degree in biology and then a master’s degree in sociology, Paul sailed to Great Britain in 1907. -
True South Unleashing Democracy in the Black Belt 50 Years After Freedom Summer
ASSOCIATED PRESS ASSOCIATED True South Unleashing Democracy in the Black Belt 50 Years After Freedom Summer By Ben Jealous June 2014 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG True South Unleashing Democracy in the Black Belt 50 Years After Freedom Summer By Ben Jealous June 2014 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 3 Polarization in the Black Belt: A brief history 6 Why this time is different: The opportunity for a less polarized and more inclusive Black Belt 6 Changing demographics 8 Frustration with the extreme right wing 12 What the extreme right wing understands: Voters of color and young people hold the keys to the future 12 Attacks on the right to vote 13 Attacks on immigrants’ rights 14 The lessons of Freedom Summer and how we can apply them today 14 Lesson 1: Voter registration can overcome voter suppression 19 Lesson 2: Coalition building is the key to transformative political power 21 Lesson 3: A successful movement is a marathon, not a sprint 23 Conclusion 24 Methodology Contents 25 About the author 26 Acknowledgments 27 Appendix A 41 Appendix B 44 Endnotes Introduction and summary This report contains corrections. See page 24. The 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer was a pivotal moment for democracy in America. Yet 50 years later, despite many gains at the local level, the dream of Freedom Summer remains largely unrealized in the stretch of heavily black southern states known as the Black Belt. There are a number of significant and troubling signs: • Large numbers of black voters and voters of color remain unregistered. • New waves of voter suppression laws are being passed, and they have taken a form not seen since the rise of Jim Crow laws. -
A Tale of Two Playgrounds: Young People and Politics
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 458 155 SO 033 018 AUTHOR Boyte, Harry C. TITLE A Tale of Two Playgrounds: Young People and Politics. PUB DATE 2001-00-00 NOTE 13p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (San Francisco, CA, August 30-Sept. 2, 2001). AVAILABLE FROM For full text: http://www.publicwork.org/pdf/speeches/taleoftw.pdf. PUB TYPE Opinion Papers (120) Speeches/Meeting Papers (150) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Citizen Participation; Citizenship Education; *Democracy; Higher Education; Models; *Political Attitudes; *Politics; *Student Attitudes; Student Surveys IDENTIFIERS Minnesota (Saint Paul); *Political Action ABSTRACT This paper uses two stories to illustrate the political attitudes of today's youth. The first story, about a group of young people in a working class area of St. Paul, Minnesota, who were part of the youth civic engagement initiative called Public Achievement, suggests ways to re-engage young people with politics. Through this initiative, students engage in the politics of public work, negotiating diverse interests for the sake of creating things of broad public interest. The second story conveys another politics: canvass politics. The paper argues that the canvass embodies a Manichean politics in which the forces of good do battle against the forces of evil. The second story, about a friend of the author/educator who works for the affiliate of a nationwide community organizing network in a large urban area, points to obstacles to civic empowerment, including conventional ideas of "politics" itself. The story brings to the surface some of the hidden elements in what today's college students experience as politics. -
The Legacy of Woman Suffrage for the Voting Right
UCLA UCLA Women's Law Journal Title Dominance and Democracy: The Legacy of Woman Suffrage for the Voting Right Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4r4018j9 Journal UCLA Women's Law Journal, 5(1) Author Lind, JoEllen Publication Date 1994 DOI 10.5070/L351017615 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ARTICLE DOMINANCE AND DEMOCRACY: THE LEGACY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE FOR THE VOTING RIGHT JoEllen Lind* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ............................................ 104 I. VOTING AND THE COMPLEX OF DOMINANCE ......... 110 A. The Nineteenth Century Gender System .......... 111 B. The Vote and the Complex of Dominance ........ 113 C. Political Theories About the Vote ................. 116 1. Two Understandings of Political Participation .................................. 120 2. Our Federalism ............................... 123 II. A SUFFRAGE HISTORY PRIMER ...................... 126 A. From Invisibility to Organization: The Women's Movement in Antebellum America ............... 128 1. Early Causes ................................. 128 2. Women and Abolition ........................ 138 3. Seneca Falls - Political Discourse at the M argin ....................................... 145 * Professor of Law, Valparaiso University; A.B. Stanford University, 1972; J.D. University of California at Los Angeles, 1975; Candidate Ph.D. (political the- ory) University of Utah, 1994. I wish to thank Akhil Amar for the careful reading he gave this piece, and in particular for his assistance with Reconstruction history. In addition, my colleagues Ivan Bodensteiner, Laura Gaston Dooley, and Rosalie Levinson provided me with perspicuous editorial advice. Special acknowledgment should also be given to Amy Hague, Curator of the Sophia Smith Collection of Smith College, for all of her help with original resources. Finally, I wish to thank my research assistants Christine Brookbank, Colleen Kritlow, and Jill Norton for their exceptional contribution to this project. -
CENTER. COMMUNITY. CHANGE. 2015 Annual Report
CENTER. COMMUNITY. CHANGE. 2015 Annual Report Leadership ..................................................................... 3 Change ..............................................................................21 Center for Community Change Quality child care jobs .............................................................. 22 Board of Directors ..................................................................... 3 Standing strong, standing FIRM ........................................... 23 Center for Community Change Action Changing the conversation to put families first..............24 Board of Directors ..................................................................... 4 Clean energy/climate jobs .......................................................24 Executive Team ........................................................................... 5 C4: Immigrant voters speak up ............................................. 25 A message from Deepak Bhargava ..................... 6 Financial Statements ................................................ 26 Center .............................................................................. 7 Center for Community Change and A convener and strategic partner ........................................ 8 Fund for the Center for Community Change...................26 C4: Movement of Immigrants in America ......................... 9 Center for Community Change Action...............................28 A hub for social justice innovation ..................................... 10 Donors ............................................................................ -
JUSTICE DENIED How Felony Disenfranchisement Laws Undermine American Democracy
JUSTICE DENIED How Felony Disenfranchisement Laws Undermine American Democracy Elizabeth Simson John Kenneth Galbraith Fellow March 2002 AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION EDUCATION FUND 1625 K Street, NW, Suite 210 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone (202 785-5980 • Fax (202) 785 5969 www.adaction.org • [email protected] Disenfranchisement is the harshest civil sanction imposed by a democratic society. When brought beneath the axe, the disenfranchised is severed from the body politic and condemned to the lowest form of citizenship, where voiceless at the ballot box . the disinherited must sit idly by while others elect his civil leaders and while others choose the fiscal and governmental policies which govern him and his family. - Federal Judge Henry Wingate, McLaughlin v. City of Canton, 947 F. Supp. At 971 (S.D. Miss. 1995)i Men are so constituted that they derive their conviction of their own possibilities largely from the estimate formed of them by others. If nothing is expected of a people, that people will find it difficult to contradict that expectation. By depriving us suffrage, you affirm our incapacity to form intelligent judgments respecting public measures. - Frederick Douglassii The right to vote is not only a sacred testament to the struggles of the past. It is an indispensable weapon in our current arsenal of efforts to empower those who have traditionally been left out. - President William Jefferson Clintoniii Without a vote, I am a ghost inhabiting a citizen’s space . - Joe Loya, disenfranchised ex-feloniv JUSTICE DENIED How Felony Disenfranchisement Laws Undermine American Democracy Elizabeth Simson John Kenneth Galbraith Fellow March 2002 AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION EDUCATION FUND 1625 K Street, NW, Suite 210 Washington, DC 20006 Phone (202) 785-5980, Fax (202) 785-5969 www.adaction.org, [email protected] JUSTICE DENIED How Felony Disenfranchisement Laws Undermine American Democracy TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary v I. -
The National Organization for Women in Memphis, Columbus, and San Francisco
RETHINKING THE LIBERAL/RADICAL DIVIDE: THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN IN MEMPHIS, COLUMBUS, AND SAN FRANCISCO DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree Doctor of Philosophy In the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Stephanie Gilmore, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2005 Dissertation Committee: Approved by: Professor Leila J. Rupp, Advisor _________________________________ History Graduate Advisor Professor Susan M. Hartmann Professor Kenneth J. Goings ABSTRACT This project uses the history of the National Organization for Women (NOW) to explore the relationship of liberal and radical elements in the second wave of the U.S. women’s movement. Combining oral histories with archival documents, this project offers a new perspective on second-wave feminism as a part of the long decade of the 1960s. It also makes location a salient factor in understanding post– World War II struggles for social justice. Unlike other scholarship on second-wave feminism, this study explores NOW in three diverse locations—Memphis, Columbus, and San Francisco—to see what feminists were doing in different kinds of communities: a Southern city, a non-coastal Northern community, and a West Coast progressive location. In Memphis—a city with a strong history of civil rights activism—black-white racial dynamics, a lack of toleration for same-sex sexuality, and political conservatism shaped feminist activism. Columbus, like Memphis, had a dominant white population and relatively conservative political climate (although less so than in Memphis), but it also boasted an open lesbian community, strong university presence, and a history of radical feminism and labor activism. -
Youth Suffrage: in Support of the Second Wave
Akron Law Review Volume 53 Issue 2 Nineteenth Amendment Issue Article 6 2019 Youth Suffrage: In Support of the Second Wave Mae C. Quinn Caridad Dominguez Chelsey Omega Abrafi Osei-Kofi Carlye Owens Follow this and additional works at: https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Law and Gender Commons Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Recommended Citation Quinn, Mae C.; Dominguez, Caridad; Omega, Chelsey; Osei-Kofi, Abrafi; and Owens, Carlye (2019) "Youth Suffrage: In Support of the Second Wave," Akron Law Review: Vol. 53 : Iss. 2 , Article 6. Available at: https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview/vol53/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Akron Law Journals at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The University of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Akron Law Review by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Quinn et al.: Youth Suffrage YOUTH SUFFRAGE: IN SUPPORT OF THE SECOND WAVE Mae C. Quinn*, Caridad Dominguez**, Chelsey Omega***, Abrafi Osei-Kofi****, and Carlye Owens∗∗∗∗∗ Introduction ......................................................................... 446 I. Youth Suffrage’s 20th Century First Wave—18 and Up to Vote ....................................................................... 449 A. 26th Amendment Ratification, Roll Out, and Rumblings of Resistance..................................... 449 B. Residency Requirements and Further Impediments for Student Voters ............................................... 452 C. Criminalization of Youth of Color and Poverty as Disenfranchisement Drivers............................... -
The 2018 Chicago History Museum Annual Report
2018 ANNUAL REPORT JULY 2017–JUNE 2018 2018 ANNUAL REPORT TABLE OF CONTENTS 3 Board of Trustees 4 Chair’s Message 6 President’s Message 7 Auxiliary Groups 9 Year in Review 19 Making History Awards 21 Honor Roll of Donors 27 Donors to the Collection 28 Lincoln Honor Roll Society 29 This Is Chicago Campaign 31 Treasurer’s Report 33 Volunteers 34 Staff 1601 North Clark Street Chicago, Illinois 60614 Knights of Pythias (Portfolio search) chicagohistory.org 312.642.4600 The Chicago History Museum gratefully acknowledges the support of the Chicago Park District on behalf of the people of Chicago. From top: Hot Dog Fest attendees in their finest garb, August 2016. Making Mainbocher: The First American Couturier, opened in November NC_242_029.jpg 2016. ChicaGO24 participants embark on a trolley tour, May 2017. ChicagoHistoryMuseum 2 2017–18 Annual Report 03/25/2019 1 BOARD OF TRUSTEES Officers Trustees Life Trustees David D. Hiller James L. Alexander David P. Bolger THE J YOUNG Gregory J. Besio Laurence O. Booth . Chair SCAMMON AWARD James L. Alexander Matthew J. Blakely Stanley J. Calderon Chairman Emeritus Denise R. Cade John W. Croghan In 2016, the Board of Paul Carlisle Alison Campbell de Frise Walter C. Carlson Trustees established Walter C. Carlson Patrick W. Dolan First Vice Chair an award to recognize Warren K. Chapman Michael H. Ebner Daniel S. Jaffee members of the board Rita Sola Cook Sallie L. Gaines who have exhibited Second Vice Chair Keith L. Crandell Sharon Gist Gilliam Tobin E. Hopkins substantial, exemplary, Patrick F. Daly Barbara A. Hamel and consequential Treasurer James P. -
Introduction 1
NOTES INTRODUCTION 1. In San Francisco, the flyers denounced “mass media images of the pretty, sexy, pas- sive, childlike vacuous woman.” See Ruth Rosen, The World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement Changed America, 205. 2. For an account and criticism of the decline of civic participation and its conse- quences for politics, see Robert D. Putnam’s Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. 3. Fewer single women than married women vote (52 percent as compared to 68 per- cent in the 2000 election), and more young women today are likely to be single. See “Women’s Voices, Women Vote: National Survey Polling Memo,” Lake, Snell, and Perry Associates, October 19, 2004. 4. Nancy Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 365, quoting Judy 1:1 (June 1919): 2:3. 5. Academics Deborah Rosenfelt and Judith Stacey are also credited for reintroducing the term “postfeminist” during this time. See their “Second Thoughts on the Sec- ond Wave,” 341–361. 6. Summers’s remarks were made at the NBER Conference on Diversifying the Science & Engineering Workforce in Cambridge, Massachusetts on January 14, 2005. At an industry conference in Toronto on October 21, 2005, French said, “Women don’t make it to the top because they don’t deserve to. They’re crap.” He added that women inevitably “wimp out and go suckle something.” See Tom Leonard, “Adver- tising Chief Loses Job over French Maid and Sexist Insults.” 7. See The White House Project, Who’s Talking Now: A Follow-Up Analysis of Guest Ap- pearances by Women on the Sunday Morning Talk Shows. -
New Interest Group Strategies -- A
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR MICHAEL J. MALBIN TRUSTEES F. CHRISTOPHER ARTERTON JEFFREY BELL J. KENNETH BLACKWELL WILLIAM E. BROCK BECKY CAIN New Interest Group Strategies -- ROD CHANDLER DAVID COHEN ANTHONY CORRADO VIC FAZIO A Preview of Post McCain-Feingold Politics? GEORGE GOULD C. BOYDEN GRAY KENNETH A. GROSS Theoretical Structure and RUTH JONES PHIL NOBLE A Preliminary Report On 2000 TREVOR POTTER From the CFI Interest Group Project ACADEMIC ADVISORS JANET BOX-STEFFENSMEIER JAMES CAMPBELL ANTHONY CORRADO DIANA DWYRE JOHN C. GREEN Michael J. Malbin GARY C. JACOBSON ROBIN KOLODNY The Campaign Finance Institute and RAY LA RAJA University at Albany, SUNY THOMAS E. MANN [email protected] MARK J. ROZELL CLYDE WILCOX Clyde Wilcox Georgetown University [email protected] Mark J. Rozell The Catholic University of America [email protected] Richard Skinner The Campaign Finance Institute [email protected] www.CFInst.org 1990 M. Street NW SUITE 380 WASHINGTON, DC 20036 202-969-8890 202-969-5612 FAX AFFILIATED WITH THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY www.CFInst.org [email protected] Contents Introduction 1 Theoretical Frameworks 3 Historical Overview: When Laws Change, So Do Groups’ 4 Strategies Organizational Adaptation to Environmental Change 8 Incentives: The Polarized Political-Legislative Environment 9 Organizational Learning 10 Diffusion of Innovation 12 Interest Group Tactics in 2000 14 Back to the Basics – Mobilizing Voters 15 Labor 16 NAACP 18 NARAL 19 BIPAC 20 US Chamber of Commerce 21 Citizens for a Sound Economy 21 National Rifle Association 22 Taking -
Tactics and Techniques of the National Woman's Party Suffrage
TACTICS AND TECHNIQUES OF THE NATIONAL WOMAN’S PARTY SUFFRAGE CAMPAIGN Introduction Founded in 1913 as the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage (CU), the National Woman’s Party (NWP) was instrumental in raising public awareness of the women’s suffrage campaign. The party successfully pressured President Woodrow Wilson, members of Congress, and state legislators to support passage of a 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution (known popularly as the “Anthony” amendment) guaranteeing women nationwide the right to vote. The NWP also established a legacy defending the exercise of free speech, free assembly, and the right to dissent–especially during wartime. (See Historical Overview) The NWP had only 50,000 members compared to the 2 million members claimed by its parent organization, the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). Nonetheless, the NWP effectively commanded the attention of politicians and the public through its aggressive agitation, relentless lobbying, creative publicity stunts, repeated acts of nonviolent confrontation, and examples of civil disobedience. The NWP forced the more moderate NAWSA toward greater activity. These two groups, as well as other suffrage organizations, rightly claimed victory on August 26, 1920, when the 19th Amendment was signed into law. The tactics used by the NWP to accomplish its goals were versatile and creative. Its leaders drew inspiration from a variety of sources–including the British suffrage campaign, American labor activism, and the temperance, antislavery, and early women’s rights campaigns in the United States. Traditional lobbying and petitioning were a mainstay of party members. From the beginning, however, conventional politicking was supplemented by other more public actions–including parades, pageants, street speaking, demonstrations, and mass meetings.