NOTES INTRODUCTION 1. In San Francisco, the flyers denounced “mass media images of the pretty, sexy, pas- sive, childlike vacuous woman.” See Ruth Rosen, The World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement Changed America, 205. 2. For an account and criticism of the decline of civic participation and its conse- quences for politics, see Robert D. Putnam’s Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. 3. Fewer single women than married women vote (52 percent as compared to 68 per- cent in the 2000 election), and more young women today are likely to be single. See “Women’s Voices, Women Vote: National Survey Polling Memo,” Lake, Snell, and Perry Associates, October 19, 2004. 4. Nancy Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 365, quoting Judy 1:1 (June 1919): 2:3. 5. Academics Deborah Rosenfelt and Judith Stacey are also credited for reintroducing the term “postfeminist” during this time. See their “Second Thoughts on the Sec- ond Wave,” 341–361. 6. Summers’s remarks were made at the NBER Conference on Diversifying the Science & Engineering Workforce in Cambridge, Massachusetts on January 14, 2005. At an industry conference in Toronto on October 21, 2005, French said, “Women don’t make it to the top because they don’t deserve to. They’re crap.” He added that women inevitably “wimp out and go suckle something.” See Tom Leonard, “Adver- tising Chief Loses Job over French Maid and Sexist Insults.” 7. See The White House Project, Who’s Talking Now: A Follow-Up Analysis of Guest Ap- pearances by Women on the Sunday Morning Talk Shows. 8. For more on the current status of women worldwide, see the National Council for Research on Women, Gains and Gaps: A Look at the World’s Women. 9. Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards, ManifestA: Young Women, Feminism, and the Future, 62. 10. In August 1992, television evangelist Pat Robertson wrote a letter to help raise money to defeat Amendment 1, an Iowa ballot initiative that would extend the pro- tections of the state constitution to women. In it, he wrote, “The feminist agenda is not about equal rights for women. It is about a socialist, anti-family political move- ment that encourages women to leave their husbands, kill their children, practice 172 SISTERHOOD, INTERRUPTED witchcraft, destroy capitalism and become lesbians.” See Maralee Schwartz and Ken- neth J. Cooper, “Equal Rights Initiative in Iowa Attacked.” 11. Helen Fielding, Bridget Jones’ Diary, 20; Julie Bosman, “Glamour’s Hollywood Side: Films by and About Women”; Akiba Solomon, “Boss Lady,” 69. 12. According to the May 2–5, 2005, poll: “College students said 9/11 jolted them out of their complacency about life in general and made them more serious about mak- ing a contribution to society through their work.” See Celinda Lake and Kellyanne Conway, What Women Really Want: How American Women Are Quietly Erasing Polit- ical, Racial, Class, and Religious Lines to Change the Way We Live, 163. 13. See Lifetime Women’s Pulse Poll, “Generation Why?” March 2006. Generation Y was defined as those aged eighteen to twenty-nine. Generation X, ages thirty to forty-four, and Baby Boomers, age forty-five to fifty-nine. The poll, conducted by Kellyanne Conway and Celinda Lake, looked at women’s attitudes regarding sex, men, marriage and career. Center for the Advancement of Women, Progress and Per- ils: New Agenda for Women. Lorraine Dusky, “Ms. Poll: Feminist Tide Sweeps in as the 21st Century Begins,” 56–61. Young women are most appreciative of the im- pact of the women’s movement on their careers, with 84 percent of those under twenty-five and 85 percent of working women ages twenty-six to thirty reporting a positive effect, according to Business and Professional Women and the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, “Working Women Speak Out.” 14. See Lyn Mikel Brown and Carol Gilligan, Meeting at the Crossroads: Women’s Psy- chology and Girls’ Development and Jill McLean Taylor, Carol Gilligan, and Amy M. Sullivan, Between Voice and Silence: Women and Girls, Race and Relationships. 15. See, for instance, Beth Brykman, The Wall Between Women; Leslie Morgan Steiner, Mommy Wars; and Nan Mooney, I Can’t Believe She Did That! Women Sabotaging Women at Work. 16. Sheelah Kolhatkar, “Les Ms.-erables Bust Cover.” 17. Susan Douglas, Where the Girls Are: Growing Up Female with the Mass Media, 244. 18. See Joan Cassell, A Group Called Women: Sisterhood and Symbolism in the Feminist Movement; Jo Freeman, “The Origins of the Women’s Liberation Movement,” and The Politics of Women’s Liberation; J. Rothschild-Whitt, “The Collectivist Organiza- tion: An Alternative to Rational-Bureaucratic Models”; and Myra Marx Ferree and Beth B. Hess, Controversy and Coalition: The New Feminist Movement Across Four Decades of Change, esp. 58–59. 19. See Rachel Fudge’s analysis of feminist celebrity in “Celebrity Jeopardy: The Perils of Feminist Fame.” 20. To date, little has been written about the traffic between waves. Sara Evans’s Tidal Wave: How Women Changed America at Century’s End expertly tracks the personal as political, but dedicates only one chapter to the emergence of the third wave. For an academic treatment of recent traffic between waves from a psychoanalytic perspective, see Astrid Henry, Not My Mother’s Sister: Generational Conflict in Third Wave Feminism. CHAPTER 1 1. Steinem’s exposé, “I Was a Playboy Bunny,” was reprinted in her later collection, Outrageous Acts and Everyday Rebellions, 33–78. It originally appeared as a two-part article, “A Bunny’s Tale,” in Show magazine in 1963. NOTES 173 2. Gloria Steinem, “The City Politic: ‘After Black Power, Women’s Liberation,’” 8–10. The article won a Penney-Missouri Journalism Award in 1970 as one of the first aboveground reports on second-wave feminism. 3. Ibid., 8. 4. Dana Densmore, “A Year of Living Dangerously: 1968,” The Feminist Memoir Pro- ject, 71. 5. Amy Kesselman, with Heather Booth, Vivian Rothstein, and Naomi Weisstein, “Our Gang of Four: Friendship and Women’s Liberation,” 38. See also Bonnie Watkins and Nina Tothchild, eds., In the Company of Women: Voices from the Women’s Movement. 6. Vivian Gornick, “What Feminism Means to Me,” 372. Gloria Steinem, “Sister- hood,” 128. Originally published in 1972. 7. See www.contactmusic.com, “Shakira: ‘I’m No Feminist’” February 16, 2006, www.contactmusic.com/new/xmlfeed.nsf/mndwebpages/shakira %20im%20no%20feminist_16_02_2006. 8. Louis Harris, “The Harris Survey,” May 20, 1971. 9. Betty Friedan, It Changed My Life: Writings on the Women’s Movement, 76. 10. See Carol Hanisch, “The Personal Is Political.” Before making its way there, the slo- gan was brandished about by women in the Redstockings and New York Radical Women as they theorized an emerging revolution. See Kesselman et al., “Our Gang of Four,” 42. 11. The social and political landscape of the late 1960s and early 1970s has been well documented by historians of the civil rights movement, chroniclers of the stu- dent protest movements, and feminist historians alike. See, for instance, Clay- borne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s; James Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago; Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left; Richard Flacks, Making History: The American Left and the Ameri- can Mind; Ronald Fraser et al., 1968: Student Generation in Revolt; and, espe- cially, Sara Evans, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women’s Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement. 12. See Abe Peck, Uncovering the Sixties: The Life and Times of the Underground Press for an account of frustrations that led some radicals to drop out or to try, quite literally, to “bring the war home.” For additional accounts of disillusionment among radicals in the 1960s, see Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage and Sohnya Sayres et al., eds., The ’60s Without Apology. 13. Valerie Solanas, “Excerpts from the S.C.U.M. Manifesto,” 518. 14. The early SDS Jobs or Income Now (JOIN) and Newark Projects, the Southern Conference Educational Fund projects in Kentucky and Appalachia, and the Mis- sissippi Voter Registration Project, among others, were based on this new concept of a “revolutionary class.” For further accounts of differences between the Old and New Left in the United States, see Maurice Isserman, If I Had a Hammer... The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left; Alan Wald, The New York Intel- lectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930’s to the 1980’s; Ellen Kay Trimberger, “Women in the Old and New Left: The Evolution of a Poli- tics of Personal Life”; and Wini Breines, Community and Organization in the New Left, 1962–1968. 174 SISTERHOOD, INTERRUPTED 15. For more on how early radical feminists borrowed from organizing philosophies of the civil rights movement, see Sara Evans, Personal Politics, and Casey Hayden, “A Nurturing Movement: Nonviolence, SNCC, and Feminism.” For a discussion of Ella Baker’s influence on radical feminists, see Myra Marx Ferree and Beth B. Hess, Controversy and Coalition: The New Feminist Movement Across Four Decades of Change, 58. 16. Densmore, “A Year of Living Dangerously: 1968,” 73 17. Barbara Winslow, “Primary and Secondary Contradictions in Seattle,” 244. 18. Jo Freeman, “On the Origins of the Women’s Liberation Movement from a Strictly Personal Perspective,” 176. 19. For famous exposés of sexism in the New Left, see Robin Morgan, “Goodbye to All That,” first published in Rat earlier in 1970; New York Radical Women, “A Letter to the Editor of Ramparts Magazine” in Notes from the First Year (1969); Rita Mae Brown, “Say It Isn’t So”; and Marge Piercy, “The Grand Coolie Damn.” 20.