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A Model of Wisdom and Exemplar of Modesty Without Parallel in Our Time”: How Matilda of Flanders Was Represented in Two Twelfth-Century Histories

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A Model of Wisdom and Exemplar of Modesty Without Parallel in Our Time”: How Matilda of Flanders Was Represented in Two Twelfth-Century Histories “A model of wisdom and exemplar of modesty without parallel in our time”: how Matilda of Flanders was represented in two twelfth-century histories. Alexandra Lee Pierce Submitted in total fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in History (by Thesis Only) December 2010 School of Historical Studies The University of Melbourne Produced on archival quality paper Abstract Matilda of Flanders was the wife of William the Conqueror, and as such was the first Anglo-Norman queen of England. Coming from an important family with connections to the French royal family, she played a crucial role in the new Anglo-Norman kingdom. As well as being a duchess and a queen, Matilda was also important as a monastic benefactor and as the mother of eight children, a number of whom went on to play important roles. My thesis investigates the different ways in which two twelfth-century historians, William of Malmesbury and Orderic Vitalis, represented Matilda. Beginning with an understanding that women in medieval historical texts are an ‘imaginative construction,’ it examines how these two near-contemporary historians constructed Matilda’s image to reinforce their own overall purposes. My discussion of how Matilda was represented is divided into three chapters. The first chapter examines how the two historians represented Matilda through family connections. Her marital relationship with William was the most important to both historians; how Malmesbury and Orderic represented her relationships with her children and her natal family is also examined. The second chapter is concerned with representations of Matilda through political activities, as duchess and queen. Finally, the third chapter considers how Matilda was represented through expressions of piety. I consider actions such as donations to monasteries, alms-giving, and prayer, and the connection between outward appearance and inward virtue. In sum, I argue that William of Malmesbury and Orderic Vitalis constructed the figure of Matilda of Flanders, through her family relationships, political actions, and piety, in order to meet the overall objectives for their histories. William of Malmesbury was primarily interested in demonstrating appropriate kingly behaviour to his audience, and in legitimating the Norman Conquest of England. Orderic Vitalis, in writing a universal history, sought to delineate generally appropriate Christian behaviour, to guide his audience in right ways of living. The figure of Matilda was useful in advancing these aims. ii Declaration This is to certify that (i) the thesis comprises only my original work towards the Masters, (ii) due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used, (iii) and the thesis is 30,000 words in length, inclusive of footnotes, but exclusive of tables, maps, bibliographies and appendices. iii Acknowledgements The support of my supervisor, Dr Megan Cassidy-Welch, has been invaluable. Most helpfully, she suggested numerous avenues for deepening my understanding of the uses to which Matilda was put. My associate supervisor, Dr Dianne Hall, read several iterations and provided her own brand of insight into both the process (reading my whole thesis aloud was, while useful, excruciating) and the topic. I am grateful for the financial assistance provided by an Australian Postgraduate Award. Numerous friends have looked after me throughout the process of researching and writing this thesis. Alison gave editorial insight, lunch, humour, and a listening ear. Kathryn provided much-needed perspective. Members of the postgrad women’s Bible study group, especially Sandy, Amy, and Natalie, offered prayer and companionship. Gina, Mel, Zoë, Krick and Shell all helped me retain my sanity through food, tea, perspective, and joy. My proofreaders have been of inestimable value: Peter and Tom (fourteen years after sparking the love, and well beyond when they expected to be involved in my education), Matt (returning the favour), Alison, John, and Mum. My mother, Meredith, surely didn’t expect to be saddled with this when she encouraged me towards history, but read multiple drafts with the grace only a mother could possess. Tony, my father, would have delighted in arguing with me over any detail he could, and I only wish he could have been here to do so. Finally, boundless love and gratitude are due to my husband, James, without whose demands that I both do this thing and enjoy it, dammit, the doing would have been impossible and the enjoying even harder. iv Abbreviations Primary sources Gesta William of Malmesbury. Gesta Regum Anglorum. Translated by R.A.B. Mynors. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. HE Orderic Vitalis. Historia Ecclesiastica. Translated by Marjorie Chibnall. 6 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969-1980. Secondary sources ANS Anglo-Norman Studies EHR English Historical Review Faces of Time Jean Blacker. The Faces of Time: Portrayal of the Past in Old French and Latin Historical Narrative of the Anglo-Norman Regnum. Austin: University of Texas, 1994. HSJ Haskins Society Journal H&T History and Theory HT History Today JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History JMH Journal of Medieval History QCD Pauline Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: the King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages. London: Leicester University Press, 1988. Queens Anne J. Duggan (ed.). Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe: Proceedings of a Conference held at King's College London. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997. SMRH Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society TRSL Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature v A Note on Names There were various spellings of ‘Matilda’ in the medieval period: Mathilda, Mathilde, Maud, Maude. I use the more familiar Matilda. I refer to her successor as Edith- Matilda (born Edith, she took the name Matilda on marriage). Edith-Matilda’s daughter is referred to as Empress Matilda. Matilda’s husband, William, was variously known as William the Conqueror, William the Bastard, King William I of England and Duke William II of Normandy. In this thesis he is predominantly known simply as William, with differentiation provided as required to prevent confusion. vi Table of Contents Abstract ii Declaration iii Acknowledgements iv Abbreviations v A Note on Names vi Table of Contents vii Introduction 1 The sources 2 Historiography 10 Chapter outline 16 Chapter One: Wife, mother, daughter 18 Robert’s rebellion 18 Marriage 21 The marital relationship 26 Children 29 Natal Family 34 Conclusion 37 Chapter Two: A political woman 38 Active in Normandy 40 Queen of England 46 Matilda and ecclesiastical politics 48 Matilda and diplomacy 50 Conclusion 52 Chapter 3: Piety, patronage, virtue 53 Death 54 Patronage 59 Alms and prayer 65 Prophecy 67 Spiritual and physical virtue 69 Conclusion 71 Conclusion 72 Bibliography 77 Primary sources 77 Secondary sources 78 vii Introduction [Matilda] was endowed with fairness of face, noble birth, learning, beauty of character, and – what is and ever will be more worthy of praise – strong faith and fervent love of Christ. The alms which this princess daily distributed with such zeal brought more succour than I can express to her husband, struggling on the field of battle.1 The women who appear in medieval historical texts were, according to Nancy Partner, an “imaginative construction.”2 In this thesis I analyse the imaginative textual construction of one woman, the eleventh-century English queen Matilda of Flanders. Matilda has largely been ignored by previous studies of both the Norman Conquest and medieval queenship, despite her contemporary significance. My work concentrates on how twelfth-century historians Orderic Vitalis and William of Malmesbury constructed an image of Matilda through their discussions of family, politics, and piety. Orderic and Malmesbury’s texts demonstrate that medieval historians used historical events and individuals to illustrate beliefs about the proper organisation and running of society. I establish how Orderic and Malmesbury utilised the figure of Matilda in their narratives to support their didactic and legitimising objectives. Matilda was born to Baldwin of Flanders and his wife Adela (daughter of Robert, King of France) around 1032. She married William, Duke of Normandy, around 1050, and they had perhaps eight children, including future kings of England, dukes of Normandy, a countess, and an abbess.3 Matilda became Queen of England in 1066 (when William conquered it), and was crowned in 1068. She was well regarded as a monastic benefactor, and she founded the monastery of Holy Trinity, Caen. Dying in 1083, Matilda played a significant role in the new Anglo-Norman realm from 1066, and often acted as regent for William in Normandy. Although historians have accorded her little attention since the first scholars wrote about her a millennium ago, in 2002 Laura Gathagan pointed out that she was “the most powerful female in a 1 Orderic Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica, trans. Marjorie Chibnall, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1969-1980), 2:225. All subsequent references are to this translation, with volume:page number. 2 Nancy Partner, "No Sex, No Gender," in Studying Medieval Women: Sex, Gender, Feminism, ed. Nancy Partner (Cambridge, MA, 1993), 121. 3 See Chapter One for a discussion of the date of marriage and number of children. 1 radically new aristocracy.”4 As the first Anglo-Norman queen, her reign connected that of Edith (wife of Edward the Confessor, the last ‘English’ king) with that of Edith-Matilda (wife of Henry I and Matilda’s daughter-in-law).5 Gathagan has suggested that Matilda’s actions therefore “define[d] Anglo-Norman queenship.”6 Understanding why one historical character was represented in a particular way in a text can help scholars understand historical works as a whole. More specifically, Pauline Stafford has noted that examining the portrayal of royal women is “a question of importance in its own right.”7 Further, John Carmi Parsons has suggested that “[t]he reasons why [historians] said what they said about women – and how they said it… deserve some scrutiny” (his emphasis).8 I contend that Orderic and Malmesbury used the figure of Matilda in their histories as a means to an end.
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