Bahrain 2020 Human Rights Report
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The Impact of Tariff Preference Levels on US Textile and Apparel
Office of Industries Working Paper ID-053 September 2018 The Impact of Tariff Preference Levels on U.S. Textile and Apparel Trade Mahnaz Khan Abstract Certain U.S. bilateral or multilateral free trade agreements contain tariff preference levels (TPLs) that permit a limited quantity of specified finished textile and/or apparel goods to enter the U.S. market at preferential duty rates despite not meeting the agreement’s required tariff shift rules. This article seeks to examine the effect of TPL provisions that have expired, or will expire in 2018, on U.S. textile and apparel imports and exports from certain FTA partners, including Bahrain, Nicaragua and Costa Rica (under CAFTA-DR), Morocco, Oman, and Singapore. It will discuss import and export trends after TPL implementation and in some cases, TPL expiration, in the context of an FTA partners’ industry structure and competitiveness as a U.S. textile and apparel supplier. Such trends vary widely across countries, and analysis of the factors influencing these trade flows suggests that the effectiveness of TPLs is dependent upon myriad factors, including the structure of the partner country’s textile and apparel sector, the country’s competitiveness as a U.S. supplier, and existence or absence of relationships with U.S. textile firms. Disclaimer: Office of Industries working papers are the result of the ongoing professional research of USITC staff and solely represent the opinions and professional research of individual authors. These papers do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. International Trade Commission or any of its individual Commissioners. The Impact of Tariff Preference Levels on U.S. -
QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
United Arab Emirates (Uae)
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25). -
BAHRAIN and the BATTLE BETWEEN IRAN and SAUDI ARABIA by George Friedman, Strategic Forecasting, Inc
BAHRAIN AND THE BATTLE BETWEEN IRAN AND SAUDI ARABIA By George Friedman, Strategic Forecasting, Inc. The world's attention is focused on Libya, which is now in a state of civil war with the winner far from clear. While crucial for the Libyan people and of some significance to the world's oil markets, in our view, Libya is not the most important event in the Arab world at the moment. The demonstrations in Bahrain are, in my view, far more significant in their implications for the region and potentially for the world. To understand this, we must place it in a strategic context. As STRATFOR has been saying for quite a while, a decisive moment is approaching, with the United States currently slated to withdraw the last of its forces from Iraq by the end of the year. Indeed, we are already at a point where the composition of the 50,000 troops remaining in Iraq has shifted from combat troops to training and support personnel. As it stands now, even these will all be gone by Dec. 31, 2011, provided the United States does not negotiate an extended stay. Iraq still does not have a stable government. It also does not have a military and security apparatus able to enforce the will of the government (which is hardly of one mind on anything) on the country, much less defend the country from outside forces. Filling the Vacuum in Iraq The decision to withdraw creates a vacuum in Iraq, and the question of the wisdom of the original invasion is at this point moot. -
Assessing Iranian Soft Power in the Arab World from Google Trends
The Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies Volume 4, Spring 2019, pp. 33-56 DOI: https://doi.org/10.26351/JIMES/4/2 ISSN: 2522-347X (print); 2522-6959 (online) Assessing Iranian Soft Power in the Arab World from Google Trends Hillel Frisch Abstract Iran’s hard power in Lebanon is well-known. At its beck and call are the Hezbollah militia − the powerful military force through which it largely controls the Lebanese state, the many militias operating under the umbrella of the Popular Mobilization Force in Iraq, as well as links in the Palestinian arena to al-Jihad al-Islami and to Hamas. This is hardly true of its soft power. Analyzing search results presented by Google Trends, Iran’s soft power reach seems to be limited to the states with Shi’ite populations, especially in Lebanon and Bahrain. The country’s soft power is more tenuous in Iraq, the country with a majority of Shi’ites, who also represent the majority of Arabic speaking Shi’ites. Analysis of Google Trends searches suggests that Iraq is a spiritual center competing with Iran, among the smaller Shi’ite centers of population in Lebanon and Bahrain − where Shi’ite identity seems to be the most salient. While Arabic speaking Shi’ites evince interest in Iran, the Iranian public hardly reciprocates with interest in Shi’ites in the Arab world, a reflection of a center-periphery relationship between Iran and transnational Shi’ites. Keywords: Iran, soft power, Google Trends, Shi`ites, Arab world, Iraq, Lebanon, Bahrain Prof. Hillel Frisch – Bar-Ilan University, Israel; [email protected] 33 34 Hillel Frisch Introduction Iran’s hard power in Lebanon is well known. -
CTC Sentinel Objective
APRIL 2011 . VOL 4 . ISSUE 4 COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER AT WEST POINT CTC SENTINel OBJECTIVE . RELEVANT . RIGOROUS Contents Saudi Arabia Moves to FEATURE ARTICLE 1 Saudi Arabia Moves to Maintain Maintain Regime Stability Regime Stability By Toby Craig Jones By Toby Craig Jones REPORTS 4 Ayman al-Zawahiri’s Reaction to Revolution in the Middle East By Nelly Lahoud 7 How the Arab Spring Could Embolden Extremists By Philip Mudd 9 Are Islamist Extremists Fighting Among Libya’s Rebels? By Alison Pargeter 13 Bahrain: Crushing a Challenge to the Royal Family By Caryle Murphy 16 JI Operative Umar Patek Arrested in Pakistan By Zachary Abuza 18 The Implications of Colonel Imam’s Murder in Pakistan By Rahimullah Yusufzai Saudi King Abdullah has taken a number of steps to maintain regime stability in the kingdom. - Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images 20 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity audi arabia has not come Although it has been beset with the 24 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts through the recent unrest threat of militancy and terrorism, most sweeping the Middle East notably from al-Qa`ida in the Arabian unchanged. The kingdom has yet Peninsula (AQAP), Saudi Arabia’s Sto see the kind of popular uprisings that political order has not been imperiled brought down regimes in Tunisia and seriously in recent years. Where Egypt and that are threatening autocrats dissidents elsewhere have been calling in Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain. Yet for the overthrow of authoritarian leaders in Riyadh are deeply concerned governments, those calling for change about regional political developments About the CTC Sentinel in Saudi Arabia are more interested in and what it might mean for stability accommodation than revolution. -
United Nations A/HRC/30/NGO/26
United Nations A/HRC/30/NGO/26 General Assembly Distr.: General 3 September 2015 English only Human Rights Council Thirtieth session Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Written statement* submitted by the Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain Inc, a non- governmental organization in special consultative status The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. [26 August 2015] * This written statement is issued, unedited, in the language(s) received from the submitting non- governmental organization(s). GE.15-14914(E) *1514914* A/HRC/30/NGO/26 Human rights abuses in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) would like to use the occasion of the 30th Session of the Human Rights Council to call attention to the Kingdom of Bahrain, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and the State of Qatar’s continued human rights abuses. Throughout 2015, these countries have acted to suppress free speech and assembly by imprisoning peaceful activists on arbitrary charges. Torture and ill-treatment of detainees at the hands of security forces remain pervasive issues in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. The Government of Bahrain has made no significant progress towards cooperating with UN human rights mechanisms in 2015. Arbitrary detentions of peaceful opposition activists and human rights defenders have continued unchecked. Bahrain’s growing restrictions on free speech have contributed to a situation where the government detains activists with impunity, while laws criminalizing insults to the king, government or national emblems and banning protests have curtailed free expression. -
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at the Hague
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at The Hague Case concerning Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions1 Year 2001 16 March General List No. 87 JUDGMENT ON THE MERITS 1 On 8 July 1991 the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar (here- inafter referred to as "Qatar") filed in the Registry of the Court an Application instituting proceedings against the State of Bahrain (hereinafter referred to as "Bahrain") in respect of certain disputes between the two States relating to "sovereignty over the Hawar islands, sovereign rights over the shoals of Dibal and Qit'at Jaradah, and the delimitation of the maritime areas of the two States". In this Application, Qatar contended that the Court had jurisdiction to entertain the dispute by virtue of two "agreements" concluded between the Parties in December 1987 and December 1990 respectively, the subject and scope of the commitment to the Court's jurisdiction being determined, according to the Applicant, by a formula proposed by Bahrain to Qatar on 26 October 1988 and accepted by Qatar in December 1990 (hereinafter referred to as the "Bahraini formula"). 2 Pursuant to Article 40, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court, the Application was forthwith communicated by the Registrar of the Court to the Government of Bahrain; in accordance with paragraph 3 of that Article, all other States entitled to appear before the Court were notified by the Registrar of the Application. 3 By letters addressed to the Registrar on 14 July 1991 and 18 August 1991, Bahrain contested the basis of jurisdiction invoked by Qatar. -
The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options
ISSUE BRIEF 08.25.20 The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Ph.D, Fellow for the Middle East conflict, the Gulf states complied with and INTRODUCTION enforced the Arab League boycott of Israel This issue brief examines where the six until at least 1994 and participated in the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council— oil embargo of countries that supported 1 Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. In Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates 1973, for example, the president of the (UAE)—currently stand in their outlook and UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, approaches toward the Israeli-Palestinian claimed that “No Arab country is safe from issue. The first section of this brief begins by the perils of the battle with Zionism unless outlining how positions among the six Gulf it plays its role and bears its responsibilities, 2 states have evolved over the three decades in confronting the Israeli enemy.” In since the Madrid Conference of 1991. Section Kuwait, Sheikh Fahd al-Ahmad Al Sabah, a two analyzes the degree to which the six brother of two future Emirs, was wounded Gulf states’ relations with Israel are based while fighting with Fatah in Jordan in 3 on interests, values, or a combination of 1968, while in 1981 the Saudi government both, and how these differ from state to offered to finance the reconstruction of state. Section three details the Gulf states’ Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor after it was 4 responses to the peace plan unveiled by destroyed by an Israeli airstrike. -
Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators Must Face Justice
Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice A Report by the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) March 2021 Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice I. Executive Summary 3 II. Methodology 4 III. Introduction 5 1. Patterns of Torture 6 1.1 The Prevalence of Torture in the Bahraini Justice System and Extraction of Confessions by Torture 6 1.2 Gross Violations of Fair Trial Rights and Due Process: The Admissibility of Confessions Extracted by Torture in Criminal Proceedings 10 1.3 The Use of Torture and its Chilling Effect on Exercising the Rights to Freedom of Expression, Assembly and Association 11 1.4 Torture and Travel Bans in Reprisal against Human Rights Defenders who Interact with International Human Rights Mechanisms 12 2. Ending the Culture of Impunity: Ensuring that Perpetrators of Torture are Held Accountable 14 2.1 Tackling the Culture of Impunity within Bahrain 14 2.2 Ensuring International Accountability by Moving Away from a Culture of Complicity in the International Community 15 3. Conclusion 20 4. Recommendations 21 4.1 Recommendations to the Government of Bahrain 21 4.2 Recommendations to the International Community 21 2 Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice I. Executive Summary This report provides a comprehensive overview of the specific ways and means by which torture is perpetrated in Bahrain, with a particular focus on the period since the 2011 popular movement and the violent crackdown that followed. The report documents the widespread use of forms of -
Bahrain: Torture Is the Policy and Impunity Is the Norm
Bahrain: Torture is the Policy and Impunity is the Norm A Report by the Bahrain Center for Human Rights (BCHR) produced in cooperation with the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) with support from the European Union February 2021 1 Table of Contents I. Introduction 3 II. Methodology and Resources 3 III. Main Acronyms 4 IV. Background 4 V. Bahrain’s International Obligations Regarding Torture 6 VI. Practices of the Security Agencies in Detention Centres 8 VII. The Officials Involved in Torture Practices 9 VIII. Victims and Survivors of the Practices of the Security Agencies 13 Political Activists and Human Rights Defenders 14 On Death Row or Already Executed 19 Protesters 20 Summary Table of Victims of Torture in Bahrain 21 IX. Recommendations 23 2 I. Introduction Bahrain has witnessed several uprisings throughout its contemporary history. Since before its independence, different popular movements have sought the same goal; a democratic society with equal rights. These peaceful movements have been faced with force and resulted in increased repression. The last popular movement of February 2011 was no different. From the first day of the 2011 popular movement, the Bahraini government chose to resort to force to end the peaceful demonstrations. Many protesters were killed because of the security forces’ brutality, either on the streets or under torture in the detention centres. Local and international reports have documented hundreds of cases of torture and ill-treatment. The UN concerned bodies and different international organisations have called on the Bahraini government to address the violations and end impunity. Almost a decade has passed since 14 February 2011, and nothing has changed. -
North Afr I CA M Iddle East
/ NorTh AFrica/ Middle eAsT observatory for the protection of human rights defenders annual report 2009 …439 / regIoNAl ANALYSIs NorTh AFrICA / mIDDLE eAsT observatory for the protection of human rights defenders annual report 2009 The entry into force in March 2008 of the Arab Charter on Human Rights, binding the States of North Africa and the Middle East that ratified it, contrasts with the persistent human rights violations and the many obstacles to the defence of human rights noted in this region in 2008. This text, in spite of some weak points, includes provisions that may help to advance the recognition of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the region and in addition provides for the creation of an Arab Human Rights Committee responsible for monitoring applica- tion of the Charter and whose work was due to begin in the first half of 2009. Nonetheless, apart from the fact that, at the end of 2008, only 27 of the Member States of the League of Arab States had ratified 1 the Arab Charter on Human Rights , several provisions remain not consistent with international human rights standards and instruments. As an example, the Charter stipulates that national legislation may take precedence over the provisions of the text, notably for security reasons. This provision, which calls into question the principle of the legal superiority of international and regional instruments over national legislation, risks restricting implementation of the Charter, especially in countries where massive human rights violations under the pretext of national security are witnessed. Human rights defenders were not spared in the persistent and resur- gent internal conflicts in certain countries of the region: they were subjected to assassinations (Iraq), arbitrary detentions (Yemen) and obstacles to their freedom of movement (Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories) throughout the year in these countries.