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Fractured Walls... New Horizons: Human Rights in the Arab Region

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Fractured Walls... New Horizons: Human Rights in the Arab Region A-PDF MERGER DEMO Fractured Walls... New Horizons Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2011 (1) Fractured Walls... New Horizons Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies Human Rights in the Arab Region CIHRS Annual Report 2011 Reform Issues (29) Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human Cofounder Rights Studies (CIHRS) Dr. Mohammed El-Sayed Said Address: 21 Abd El-Megid El-Remaly St, 7th Floor, Flat no. 71, Bab El Louk, Cairo. POBox: 117 Maglis ElShaab, Cairo, Egypt President Kamal Jendoubi E-mail address: [email protected] Website: www.cihrs.org Tel: (+202) 27951112- 27963757 Director Bahey eldin Hassan Fax: (+202) 27921913 Cover designer: Kirolos Nathan Layout: Hesham El-Sayed Dep. No: 2012/ 10278 Index card Fractured Walls... New Horizons Human Rights in the Arab Region Annual Report 2010 Publisher: Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) Reform Issues (29), 24cm, 278 Pages, (Cairo) Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (Author) With support from The European Commission The Open Society Foundation (2) Table of Contents Dedication 5 Introduction: The Arab Spring: A Struggle on Three Fronts 7 Part One: Limits of the “Arab Spring” 23 Report Summary: Human Rights in the Context of the “Arab Spring” 25 The “Arab Spring” at the United Nations: Between Hope and Despair 45 Part Two: Human Rights in the Arab World 81 Section One – The Problem of Human Rights and Democracy 81 1- Egypt 83 2- Tunisia 103 3- Algeria 119 4- Morocco 129 5- Syria 143 6- Saudi Arabia 159 7- Bahrain 173 Section Two – Countries under Occupation and Armed Conflict 189 1- The Occupied Palestinian Territories 191 2- Iraq 207 3- Sudan 223 4- Yemen 235 5- Lebanon 255 Why This Report? 269 Acknowledgements 273 (3) Contributors to this Report Head researcher Essam El-Din Mohamed Hassan Researchers and authors of background papers Ismael Abdel Hamid Khalil Abdel Mo’men Sherehan Osman Jeremie Smith Seif Nasrawy Afaf Hanna Ghassan Abdallah Head Editor Bahey eldin Hassan English Version Editing and revision by Translation by Sarah Dorman Mandy McClure and and Jeremie Smith Yara Sallam Sohair Riad Special acknowledgement is deserved by several fellow human rights defenders and academics for their valuable contributions to the revision, editing, and review of this report or for their provision of additional information. Among them are the following: · Ibrahim Al-Mugaiteeb– President of Human Rights First Society-Saudi Arabia · Elghalia Djimi– Vice president of the Sahrawi Association of Victims of Grave Human Rights Violations Committed by the Moroccan State - Morocco · Dr. Radwan Ziadeh– President of the Damascus Center for Human Rights Studies - Syria · Dr. Abdelaziz Nouadi– University professor, attorney with the Rabat Bar Association of Law, and president of the Adala Association - Morocco · Ali Hussain Mohamed al-Dailami – President of the Yemeni Organization for Defending Rights and Democratic Freedoms - Yemen · Magdy al-Naim– Rights expert - Sudan · Massaoud Ramdani– Vice president of the Tunisian League for the Defense of Human Rights -Tunisia · Nassera Dutour– President of the Algerian Association of the Families of the Disappeared - Algeria (4) Dedication To the millions who broke the barriers of fear, boldly challenged the structures of brutal repression in the Arab world, and presented us with remarkable examples of the peaceful struggle for freedom, human dignity, and social justice; To the thousands who gave their lives in order to turn the black page of authoritarianism, despotism, and eternal monopolization of power in their countries, and the thousands more who were and still are the victims of arbitrary detention, abduction, involuntary disappearance, or unfair trials lacking all guarantees of due process; To the new generations of youth who dared to challenge the high-handed ruling elite and continue to resist the attempts to steal their dreams of a democratic spring in their countries; We dedicate this report. (5) (6) Introduction The Arab Spring A Struggle on Three Fronts The year 2011 may be remembered in history as the year that witnessed the blossoming of the Arab Spring, or it may be described as the year that Islamists rose to power in several Arab states—in other words, the “Islamist Spring.” It may also be remembered as one of the bloodiest years seen in the region, although the bloodshed took on a different form than in the past. The Arab world has often seen deaths as a result of invasions, foreign occupations, regional or civil wars, terrorist attacks, or sectarian and ethnic violence. But in 2011, the context in which innocent civilians died was decidedly different. These martyrs fell as a direct result of the struggle for the right to dignity, freedom, and social justice, and the rejection of autocratic rule. That is, they died in the fight for democracy and human rights—the struggle for a “second independence.”1 This term was originally coined by Africans to describe their own fight for democracy from the dictators and tyrants that took over their countries following their initial struggle for national independence against colonial powers. This original struggle for freedom and dignity had been usurped by authoritarian regimes 1 See CIHRS, I’lan “al-istiqlal al-thani”: nahw mubadara li-l-islah al-siyasi fi-l-duwal al- ‘Arabiya, 2004. (7) who called themselves “nationalists” in order to stigmatize those resisting their authority as unpatriotic servants of “foreign” interests. From this context springs the genius of the African slogan. This qualitative development in the Arab world is, in and of itself, a historical development worthy of celebration, particularly since the peoples of the region have for so long seen little value in political struggle except in the framework of conflict with the outside enemy. Many have often shown little concern for the domestic suffering inflicted by their “national” leaders, no matter how brutal, even as the nation deteriorated beyond what was experienced under foreign occupation. Of course, faith in the values of freedom and dignity always existed in the Arab world, but it was a belief that appeared to be held by a small set of politicians, intellectuals, and rights advocates. With the beginning of the Tunisian uprising in December 2010, this faith was transformed into a public, collective conviction held by broad swathes of citizens in the Arab world. This is a historical development that must be recognized. Throughout 2011, thousands of citizens in numerous Arab countries sacrificed themselves as martyrs for a hope in real reform and true freedom – and they continue to do so, indicating a deep-seated faith in their own dignity and that of their fellow citizens. Before this, isolated individuals had sacrificed for the struggle for freedom and dignity in scattered protests or as victims of torture, involuntary disappearance, or other human rights abuses. Nor were these uprisings simply a transient anomaly, for they swept through numerous countries almost simultaneously—including Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria and Bahrain—and the repercussions were felt to varying degrees across Morocco, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Sudan. In the past, these peoples sacrificed hundreds of thousands of martyrs in their struggles against foreign occupations, and on several occasions they rose up to protest the US invasion of Iraq or the crimes of the Israeli occupation against the Palestinian people. This was a source of shared history among the peoples of the region, representing one of many common historical, linguistic, and cultural bonds. Yet now, the newest and most important common bond among Arab peoples is the deepening of a common faith in freedom and dignity and a collective willingness to sacrifice even life itself to see these values embodied. In this sense, the last year has been one of the most profound and significant in the history of the region, an occasion that is worth commemorating every day, with every new victory, every new sacrifice, and indeed, every new setback - for in the end such setbacks can only be temporary as long as people continue to crave a life of dignity and freedom, more then they fear the bullets and torture chambers of tyrants. (8) Young people – and particularly liberal and leftist youth - played the decisive role in bringing about this historical development. New media and social networks also played a vital role in giving the forces of revolution an advantage in the conflict, handing them the tactical initiative, strengthening their ability to mobilize, breaking the information siege, and combating smear and defamation campaigns. In those countries that saw popular uprisings, the results varied: setbacks in Bahrain, the successful beginning of a serious transition to a “second independence” in Tunisia, limited partial reforms in Yemen, and the bloody removal of regime heads in Libya coupled with an inability to disarm the revolutionaries. In Egypt, the uprising swept away the head of the regime but left the counter-revolutionary forces in power. In Syria, the brave struggle continues in the face of a bloodthirsty dictator who refuses to learn the lesson of Libya. At the same time, the political groups and social forces that sparked the uprisings in the Arab world were unable to maintain the strategic initiative and, likewise, proved incapable of controlling subsequent developments or assume appropriate positions in the structures of governance during the transitional period. The situation ranges from full marginalization (Egypt) and partial marginalization (Tunisia) to the occupation of merely symbolic positions (Yemen), and from defensive retreat (Bahrain) to the total assumption of rule (Libya). The future of the conflict in Syria holds several wildly divergent possibilities. These outcomes are the product of the interaction of three primary factors: (1) the relative balance of power of local political forces prior to the uprisings in each country; (2) the existence (or non-existence) of a leadership with strategic vision; and (3) the stance of regional and international powers, primarily that of the United States and the European Union.
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