Discord in Pakistan's Northern Areas
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The Northern Areas, Pakistan's Forgotten Colony in Jammu And
IJGR 11,1-2_ f7-186-228 7/28/04 7:17 AM Page 187 International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 11: 187–228, 2004. 187 © Koninklijke Brill NV. Printed in the Netherlands. Of Rivers and Human Rights: The Northern Areas, Pakistan’s Forgotten Colony in Jammu and Kashmir ANITA D. RAMAN* Following armed hostilities in 1947–1949 between India and Pakistan and inter- vention by the international community, the region once known as the Princely State of Jammu & Kashmir was divided. Commencing no later than October 1947, the Kashmir dispute has proved the most protracted territorial dispute in the United Nations era. Since the termination of hostilities and the signing of the Karachi Agreement of August 1949 between India and Pakistan, approximately one third of the former Princely State has been under the de facto control of Pakistan. The Northern Areas constitute the majority of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, and little is known regarding internal governance in the region. Despite its long- held position that the entirety of the former Princely State is disputed territory, the Federation of Pakistan has recently commenced steps to incorporate the region as the ‘fifth province’ of Pakistan. Section I of this note outlines the his- tory of the use of force in and occupation of the former Princely State, focusing on the internal administrative setup of the region following 1948. Section II looks to the concept of nationhood in order to assess whether the residents of the Northern Areas are a people within the meaning of international law on the right of self-determination and proposes a possible way forward in the assessment of the will of the peoples of the region. -
Pok Jan 2016
Jammu & Kashmir (Source: Based on the Survey of India Map, Govt of India 2000 ) In this Edition Over the last few years, the multibillion worth proposed Diamer Bhasha dam project has been a source of huge concern for the establishment in Pakistan. The proposed dam is slated to be built in the Diamer district of Gilgit Baltistan and the power houses for the same will be located in Kohistan district of the neighbouring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. Apart from the prevailing dearth of funds (to support the mega hydropower project), the proposed dam is deeply mired in several controversies- important being a land dispute between Gilgit Baltistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. As noted in one of the reports included in the current issue, the dispute revolves around a stretch 10 kilometre land that lies at the border between the two regions and has, at the same time, being demarcated for the proposed Diamer Bhasha dam project. The land dispute between the two sides has been pending for a long time. The state has intervened on the matter by constituting a boundary commission. However, all such efforts have failed to resolve the deadlock. The Jirga also attempted to solve the issue and urged local people to entrust the state to amicably sort out all the differences regarding land dispute. So far the issue remains unresolved and this casts doubt on the Pakistan government's plan to start construction on the ambitious Diamer Bhasha dam by the middle of this year. No headway has been made on the actual work of construction on this ambitious project despite the fact that ground breaking has been held in past for the same on at least two occasions. -
269 Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant General 102–3
Index Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Turkmenistan and 88 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant US and 83, 99, 143–4, 195, General 102–3 252, 253, 256 Abeywardana, Lakshman Yapa 172 Uyghurs and 194, 196 Abu Ghraib 119 Zaranj–Delarum link highway 95 Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) 251, 260 Africa 5, 244 Abuza, Z. 43, 44 Ahmad Humam 24 Aceh 15–16, 17, 31–2 Aimols 123 armed resistance and 27 Akbar Khan Bugti, Nawab 103, 104 independence sentiment and 28 Akhtar Mengal, Sardar 103, 104 as Military Operation Zone Akkaripattu- Oluvil area 165 (DOM) 20, 21 Aksu disturbances 193 peace process and Thailand 54 Albania 194 secessionism 18–25 Algeria Aceh Legislative Council 24 colonial brutality and 245 Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) 24 radicalization in 264 Aceh Referendum Information Centre Ali Jan Orakzai, Lieutenant General 103 (SIRA) 22, 24 Al Jazeera 44 Acheh- Sumatra National Liberation All Manipur Social Reformation, women Front (ASNLF) 19 protesters of 126–7 Aceh Transition Committee (Komite All Party Committee on Development Peralihan Aceh) (KPA) 24 and Reconciliation ‘act of free choice’, 1969 Papuan (Sri Lanka) 174, 176 ‘plebiscite’ 27 All Party Representative Committee Adivasi Cobra Force 131 (APRC), Sri Lanka 170–1 adivasis (original inhabitants) 131, All- Assam Students’ Union (AASU) 132 132–3 All- Bodo Students’ Union–Bodo Afghanistan 1–2, 74, 199 Peoples’ Action Committee Balochistan and 83, 100 (ABSU–BPAC) 128–9, 130 Central Asian republics and 85 Bansbari conference 129 China and 183–4, 189, 198 Langhin Tinali conference 130 India and 143 al- Qaeda 99, 143, -
Wednesday, May 11, 2011 Posted by Didar Ali Cultural Significances and Economic Prospective
https://oinomancy.blogspot.com/2011/ Wednesday, May 11, 2011 Posted by Didar Ali Cultural Significances and Economic Prospective of Ondra Fort in Gulmit Gojal (Part 1) Historical and cultural sites are places that are acknowledged for their importance in nation’s history. Historic sites provide a tangible link with the past and these sites are associated with an event, a person, a place, or the built heritage. They are part of nation’s heritage and contribute to define its identity. Historical sites are main asset of any society which imitates their identity and an individual can have a good grasp on his past and his forefather’s lives, so this research report revealed some of the facts about the existence of the Ondra fort, which is situated in a wonder full panoramic scene. Hence forth being a student of management sciences and due to interest in the cultural values, customs and archaeological remains I opted for this topic. There were many other dimensions due to which this research report has great significance. As a novice researcher it helped me to learn how a research study should be done with proper arrangements. What does Ondra Qlaa (Fort) or Ondareh Qileh mean? Ondra Qlaa (Wakhi) or Ondareh Qileh (Persian) is combination of words emanate from Turkish, Wakhi and Persian languages “ON” is Turkish word which means “Ten” (digit 10) Dareh is actually Persian word which means “Passes or Valley” but the word Dareh is also in Wakhi language “Dra” (with slight difference in pronunciation but meaning is same) “Qileh” is Persian word means Fortress and we can find the word “Qlaa” in Wakhi language which has the same meaning. -
Pakistan S Strategic Blunder at Kargil, by Brig Gurmeet
Pakistan’s Strategic Blunder at Kargil Gurmeet Kanwal Cause of Conflict: Failure of 10 Years of Proxy War India’s territorial integrity had not been threatened seriously since the 1971 War as it was threatened by Pakistan’s ill-conceived military adventure across the Line of Control (LoC) into the Kargil district of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in the summer months of 1999. By infiltrating its army soldiers in civilian clothes across the LoC, to physically occupy ground on the Indian side, Pakistan added a new dimension to its 10-year-old ‘proxy war’ against India. Pakistan’s provocative action compelled India to launch a firm but measured and restrained military operation to clear the intruders. Operation ‘Vijay’, finely calibrated to limit military action to the Indian side of the LoC, included air strikes from fighter-ground attack (FGA) aircraft and attack helicopters. Even as the Indian Army and the Indian Air Force (IAF) employed their synergised combat potential to eliminate the intruders and regain the territory occupied by them, the government kept all channels of communication open with Pakistan to ensure that the intrusions were vacated quickly and Pakistan’s military adventurism was not allowed to escalate into a larger conflict. On July 26, 1999, the last of the Pakistani intruders was successfully evicted. Why did Pakistan undertake a military operation that was foredoomed to failure? Clearly, the Pakistani military establishment was becoming increasingly frustrated with India’s success in containing the militancy in J&K to within manageable limits and saw in the Kashmiri people’s open expression of their preference for returning to normal life, the evaporation of all their hopes and desires to bleed India through a strategy of “a thousand cuts”. -
Separatism in Indonesia Ñ the Cases of Aceh and Papua Ñ
SUMMARY Separatism in Indonesia Ñ The Cases of Aceh and Papua Ñ Osamu INOUE If in the future disintegration does happen in the Republic of Indonesia, the states most likely to separate from Indonesia are Aceh (the most western province) and Papua (the most eastern province). Such development has come under the calculation of the central government since the downfall of the Soeharto regime. The government for some time has been making preparations to formulate autonomy plans for the two states in an effort to prevent the disintegration from happening. But despite the governmentÕs endeavoer, the Aceh and Papua communities seem still discontented. This can be seen from the fact that they still keep on demanding a referendum. As a democratic country, the government cannot turn down such demands, and one day will have to accept the demand for a referendum to let the people of the two provinces vote for their futures. Certainly the way to referendums is not going to be smooth, as there are a number of politicians and security personnel who are worried that such a move will become a precedent for other provinces that might seek to ask for separation. The central government does not want to see Indonesia break up into many small countries. Nevertheless, according to my view, the possibility of such a national split is not high, as Aceh and Papua have a different historical background from that of the other provinces. Concerning Aceh, first, if we look back on history, the Aceh community never surrendered authority to the Dutch government. Therefore, it can be regarded that Aceh joined the Republic of Indonesia in 1945 when Indonesia proclaimed independence from the Dutch government. -
Pakistan's Army
Pakistan’s Army: New Chief, traditional institutional interests Introduction A year after speculation about the names of those in the race for selection as the new Army Chief of Pakistan began, General Qamar Bajwa eventually took charge as Pakistan's 16th Chief of Army Staff on 29th of November 2016, succeeding General Raheel Sharif. Ordinarily, such appointments in the defence services of countries do not generate much attention, but the opposite holds true for Pakistan. Why this is so is evident from the popular aphorism, "while every country has an army, the Pakistani Army has a country". In Pakistan, the army has a history of overshadowing political landscape - the democratically elected civilian government in reality has very limited authority or control over critical matters of national importance such as foreign policy and security. A historical background The military in Pakistan is not merely a human resource to guard the country against the enemy but has political wallop and opinions. To know more about the power that the army enjoys in Pakistan, it is necessary to examine the times when Pakistan came into existence in 1947. In 1947, both India and Pakistan were carved out of the British Empire. India became a democracy whereas Pakistan witnessed several military rulers and still continues to suffer from a severe civil- military imbalance even after 70 years of its birth. During India’s war of Independence, the British primarily recruited people from the Northwest of undivided India which post partition became Pakistan. It is noteworthy that the majority of the people recruited in the Pakistan Army during that period were from the Punjab martial races. -
A Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan
The Role of Geography in Human Security: A Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan PhD Thesis Submitted by Ehsan Mehmood Khan, PhD Scholar Regn. No. NDU-PCS/PhD-13/F-017 Supervisor Dr Muhammad Khan Department of Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) Faculties of Contemporary Studies (FCS) National Defence University (NDU) Islamabad 2017 ii The Role of Geography in Human Security: A Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan PhD Thesis Submitted by Ehsan Mehmood Khan, PhD Scholar Regn. No. NDU-PCS/PhD-13/F-017 Supervisor Dr Muhammad Khan This Dissertation is submitted to National Defence University, Islamabad in fulfilment for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Peace and Conflict Studies Department of Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) Faculties of Contemporary Studies (FCS) National Defence University (NDU) Islamabad 2017 iii Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for Doctor of Philosophy in Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) Department NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY Islamabad- Pakistan 2017 iv CERTIFICATE OF COMPLETION It is certified that the dissertation titled “The Role of Geography in Human Security: A Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan” written by Ehsan Mehmood Khan is based on original research and may be accepted towards the fulfilment of PhD Degree in Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS). ____________________ (Supervisor) ____________________ (External Examiner) Countersigned By ______________________ ____________________ (Controller of Examinations) (Head of the Department) v AUTHOR’S DECLARATION I hereby declare that this thesis titled “The Role of Geography in Human Security: A Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan” is based on my own research work. Sources of information have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. -
PAKISTAN: REGIONAL RIVALRIES, LOCAL IMPACTS Edited by Mona Kanwal Sheikh, Farzana Shaikh and Gareth Price DIIS REPORT 2012:12 DIIS REPORT
DIIS REPORT 2012:12 DIIS REPORT PAKISTAN: REGIONAL RIVALRIES, LOCAL IMPACTS Edited by Mona Kanwal Sheikh, Farzana Shaikh and Gareth Price DIIS REPORT 2012:12 DIIS REPORT This report is published in collaboration with DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2012:12 © Copenhagen 2012, the author and DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover photo: Protesting Hazara Killings, Press Club, Islamabad, Pakistan, April 2012 © Mahvish Ahmad Layout and maps: Allan Lind Jørgensen, ALJ Design Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-517-2 (pdf ) ISBN 978-87-7605-518-9 (print) Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk Mona Kanwal Sheikh, ph.d., postdoc [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2012:12 Contents Abstract 4 Acknowledgements 5 Pakistan – a stage for regional rivalry 7 The Baloch insurgency and geopolitics 25 Militant groups in FATA and regional rivalries 31 Domestic politics and regional tensions in Pakistan-administered Kashmir 39 Gilgit–Baltistan: sovereignty and territory 47 Punjab and Sindh: expanding frontiers of Jihadism 53 Urban Sindh: region, state and locality 61 3 DIIS REPORT 2012:12 Abstract What connects China to the challenges of separatism in Balochistan? Why is India important when it comes to water shortages in Pakistan? How does jihadism in Punjab and Sindh differ from religious militancy in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)? Why do Iran and Saudi Arabia matter for the challenges faced by Pakistan in Gilgit–Baltistan? These are some of the questions that are raised and discussed in the analytical contributions of this report. -
Brief Description of the Northern Areas
he designation of geographical entities in this book, and the presentation of the material, do T not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IUCN concerning the legal status of any country, territory, or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of IUCN. Published by: IUCN Pakistan. Copyright: ©2003 Government of Pakistan, Northern Areas Administration and IUCN–The World Conservation Union. Reproduction of this publication for educational and other non-commercial purposes is authorised without prior permission from the copyright holders, providing the source is fully acknowledged. Reproduction of the publication for resale or for other commercial purposes is prohibited without prior written permission from the copyright holders. Citation: Government of Pakistan and IUCN, 2003. Northern Areas State of Environment and Development. IUCN Pakistan, Karachi. xlvii+301 pp. Compiled by: Scott Perkin Resource person: Hamid Sarfraz ISBN: 969-8141-60-X Cover & layout design: Creative Unit (Pvt.) Ltd. Cover photographs: Gilgit Colour Lab, Hamid Sarfraz, Khushal Habibi, Serendip and WWF-Pakistan. Printed by: Yaqeen Art Press Available from: IUCN–The World Conservation Union 1 Bath Island Road, Karachi Tel.: 92 21 - 5861540/41/42 Fax: 92 21 - 5861448, 5835760 Website: www.northernareas.gov.pk/nassd N O RT H E R N A R E A S State of Environment & Development Co n t e n t s Acronyms and Abbreviations vi Glossary -
UNPO UPR Submission 13Th Philippines
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) Individual Stakeholder Submission to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights regarding the Universal Periodic Review of the Republic of Pakistan during the 14th Session, 22 October- 5 November 2012 Background of Ethnic Minorities of Pakistan 1. Sindh: The Sindhi people are mostly located in Sindh in southeastern Pakistan. This province has historically been recognized as a separate political territory, and it practiced territorial autonomy under British colonial rule. During the Pakistan-Indian separation, the Sindhi agreed to join Pakistan in exchange for the promise of autonomy. Since that time, Sindh has seen a loss of provincial autonomy, endangering the distinct culture and language of the Sindh. 2. Gilgit-Baltistan: Gilgit-Baltistan is an area located in the north of Pakistan disputed by India and Pakistan. Because of its isolated position between the Karakoram Mountains, the area has developed and preserved its unique history, cultural values, and traditional political identity. The area where an estimated 1.8 million people reside is governed directly by Islamabad, despite a landmark verdict in 1999 which ordered Pakistan to extend fundamental freedoms to the Northern Areas. 3. Balochistan: The region of Balochistan stretches out over parts of Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. After the British occupation of the region, and the subsequent independence of Pakistan, the land of the Baloch was partitioned. According to official estimates, 7, 9 million people are currently living in the Pakistani part of the Balochistan. Many Baloch live in a climate of fear characterized by rising rates of enforced disappearances , extrajudicial killings, and arbitrary detention. -
Escalation Control and the Nuclear Option in South Asia
Escalation Control and the Nuclear Option in South Asia Michael Krepon, Rodney W. Jones, and Ziad Haider, editors Copyright © 2004 The Henry L. Stimson Center All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior permission in writing from the Henry L. Stimson Center. Cover design by Design Army. ISBN 0-9747255-8-7 The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street NW Twelfth Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone 202.223.5956 fax 202.238.9604 www.stimson.org Table of Contents Preface ................................................................................................................. v Abbreviations..................................................................................................... vii Introduction......................................................................................................... ix 1. The Stability-Instability Paradox, Misperception, and Escalation Control in South Asia Michael Krepon ............................................................................................ 1 2. Nuclear Stability and Escalation Control in South Asia: Structural Factors Rodney W. Jones......................................................................................... 25 3. India’s Escalation-Resistant Nuclear Posture Rajesh M. Basrur ........................................................................................ 56 4. Nuclear Signaling, Missiles, and Escalation Control in South Asia Feroz Hassan Khan ...................................................................................