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Assemblages of Bird and Mammal Communities in Two Major Ecological Units of the Andean Highland Plateau of Southern Peru
Ecología Aplicada, 6(1,2), 2007 Presentado: 05/07/2007 ISSN 1726-2216 Aceptado: 08/12/2007 Depósito legal 2002-5474 © Departamento Académico de Biología, Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina, Lima – Perú. ASSEMBLAGES OF BIRD AND MAMMAL COMMUNITIES IN TWO MAJOR ECOLOGICAL UNITS OF THE ANDEAN HIGHLAND PLATEAU OF SOUTHERN PERU ESTRUCTURA DE LAS COMUNIDADES DE AVES Y MAMÍFEROS EN DOS UNIDADES ECOLÓGICAS DE LOS ANDES DEL SUR DEL PERÚ Oswaldo Ramirez1, Margarita Arana1, Enrique Bazán1, Angel Ramirez2 y Asunción Cano2 Abstract Grasslands in the Andean highlands plateau of southern Peru have been considered as a single and homogeneous dry habitat also known as Puna. However, in some regions, a highest rainfall regimen is found, and the name of wet puna has begun to be used by some authors. Since no studies have been carrying out specifically to test if dry and wet puna are different ecological units, we chose two representative localities of each one of these habitat to evaluate assemblages of bird and mammal communities and their continuity or independence between these apparently similar habitats. Our results suggest that wet puna has different mammal diversity than dry puna, and a heterogeneous bird community with species that have been previously reported exclusively in paramo or exclusively in puna. In spite of the apparent uniform flora in the Andean highlands of South Peru, data suggest that rainfall regimens produce a mosaic of habitats that will be determining ecological barriers for terrestrial mammals, in particular for small mammals. Key words: Andean grasslands, Andean plateau, Cuzco, Oriental Cordillera, paramo, puna, Puno. Resumen Los Pajonales de los Andes del sur del Perú, también conocidos como Puna, son considerados como hábitats homogéneos y secos. -
Robert Barker
Robert Barker An Analysis of the Creation of Chronology and Genealogy of the Inca Dynasty in a Selection of Early Peruvian Chronicles Robert Barker Department of Spanish and Latin American Studies University College London 1 Robert Barker Contents Acknowledgements 3 Abstract 4 Chapter 1: J.H. Rowe‘s Chronological Hypothesis and his Legacy 7 Chapter 2: Reviewing the Textual Evidence: A New Look at the Early Peruvian Chroniclers 44 Chapter 3: Alternative Methodologies: From Ethno-history to Archaeology 96 Chapter 4: The ‗Lost‘ Incas: A New Hypothesis 133 Summary Conclusion 174 Glossary 177 Bibliography 180 2 Robert Barker Acknowledgements I would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone who has helped and encouraged me to complete this thesis. In particular, I would like to specially mention my supervisors Professor Stephen Hart and Dr José Oliver who patiently and expectantly encouraged and guided me to the completion of this work. Professor Jason Wilson who from the very beginning encouraged me to do this PhD, as well as Dr David Henn without whose help and advice I would probably have been forced to leave this work unfinished. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank the Graduate School who organised many courses, which assisted me in the organisation, research, planning and writing of this thesis as well as providing financial help for a field trip to Peru. Furthermore, the time spent and advice given on how to tackle this difficult project by Professor Makowski of the La Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Fransisco Hernández of the same university and Dr Alfredo Valencia of the San Antonio de Abad Universidad del Cuzco, and César Astuhuaman from University College London, Simon Luff, Richard Slack, and Simon Williams, friends and colleagues who made several suggestions and comments which are included in this thesis. -
Ethnic Denomination and the Aymaran Language Family
chapter 1 Ethnic Denomination and the Aymaran Language Family The ethnonym “Aymara” may be ultimately derived from the name of some group occupying the southern part of what is now the Quechua speaking area of Apurimac (Adelaar with Muysken, 2004:259). Nonetheless, the usage of the word “Aymara” as a label for this people was standard practice as early as 1567, as evident from Garci Diez de San Miguel’s report of his inspection of the province of Chucuito (1567, 14; cited in Lafaye 1964). In this document, he uses the term aymaraes to refer to the people. The language was then called Colla. It is widely believed that Colla was the name of an Aymara nation at the time of conquest, and later was the southernmost region of the Inca empire Collasuyu. However, Cerrón-Palomino disputes this claim and asserts that Colla were in fact Pukina speakers, who were the rulers of the Tiwanaku kingdom in the first and third centuries (2008:246). This hypothesis suggests that the linguistically-diverse area ruled by the Pukina came to adopt Aymara languages in their southern region. In any case, the use of “Aymara” to refer to the language may have first occurred in the writings of the lawyer, magistrate and tax collector in Potosi and Cuzco, Juan Polo de Ondegardo. This man, who later assisted Viceroy Toledo in creating a system under which the indigenous population would be ruled for the following two centuries, was very interested in Inca civilization and, in 1559, wrote a report entitled ‘On the lineage of the Yncas and how they extended their conquests’ in which he discusses land and taxation issues of the Aymara under the Inca empire.1 It took over another century for this usage of “Aymara” in reference to the language spoken by the Aymara people to become general use (Briggs, 1976:14). -
In the Realm of the Four Quarters 8
In the Realm of the Four Quarters 8 ALAN KOLAT A IN THE FALL oF I 4 9 2, as the fleet of Christopher Columbus approached landfall in the Caribbean, far to the southwest a native lord of the Andes was preparing to take dominion over the largest empire ever forged in the Ameri cas. In that year, the Inca Huayna Capac, the last independent heir to are markable Andean social tradition grounded in aggressive religious and cultural proselytism, found himself on the verge of coronation as the supreme lord of a domain of startling proportions. The Incas' name for their empire reflected their own belief that they had conquered the Andean world: Tawantinsuyu, the Realm of the Four Quarters. The lands of this realm incorporated a dazzling and sharply juxtaposed se ries of physical landscapes that ranged over the territories of five modern An dean republics: Peru, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, and Ecuador. The world of the Inca contained an astonishing array of radically different environmental zones, replete with brusque contrasts in climate, vegetation, topography, soil, and other more subtle biological and physical associations. The wild diversity of terrain, and therefore of ecological potential, repre sented a significant impediment to the achievement of regional political inte gration. Nevertheless, lncan armies were able to extend the power of their lords On New Year's Day, r613, an elderly Peruvian Christian named Don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ay;1la completed "A First New Chronicle on Good Government," and sent it off to the King of Spain. A large portion of this plea for imperial reform described life in the Andes prior to the Spanish conquest in 1532. -
Human Body Modification and Diversity in Tiwanaku Society
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/236335974 Embodying Borders: Human Body Modification and Diversity in Tiwanaku Society Article in Journal of Anthropological Archaeology · March 2005 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2004.10.001 CITATIONS READS 86 504 1 author: Deborah E Blom University of Vermont 26 PUBLICATIONS 560 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Tiwanaku Childhoods View project All content following this page was uploaded by Deborah E Blom on 07 June 2018. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 24 (2005) 1–24 www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa Embodying borders: human body modification and diversity in Tiwanaku society Deborah E. Blom* Department of Anthropology, University of Vermont, Williams Hall 508, Burlington, VT 05405-0168, USA Received 4 March 2003; revision received 11 March 2004 Available online 1 February 2005 Abstract Building upon recent studies of settlement patterns and material cultural, this paper focuses on human body modifi- cation preserved in human bone as a complementary means of studying diversity in ancient societies. A review of ethno- historical sources in conjunction with a human osteological study of cranial shape modification offers original data regarding diversity in Tiwanaku society, which was situated in the southern Andes from ca. AD 500–1100. The study sam- ple includes 412 individuals from the site of Tiwanaku, surrounding sites in the Tiwanaku and Katari valleys, and Tiwa- naku-affiliated sites in the Moquegua valley of southern Peru. A distinct regional pattern is clear in the ways in which head form was modified. -
The Ruins at Tiahuanaco
218 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., THE RUINS AT TIAHUANACO. BY ADOLPH FEANCIS BANDELIER. I cannot pretend to offer anything approximately comparable to the learned and elaborate works published on Tiahuanaco by Dr. Stuebel and Dr. Max Uhle^, or in any way analogous to E. J. Squier's brilliant descriptions.* Our stay at Tiahuanaco was limited to nineteen days, dur- ing which time I found myself sorely tried by the effects of altitude' and of the not over-salubrious climate. The prohibition, by the Bolivian Government, to exca- vate in or about the ruins, rendered all subsoil investi- gation impossible and our limited collections were obtained ahnost by way of contraband; through pur- chase from Indians, who mostly came at night to avoid the vigilance of the authorities. Hehce surveying of the ruins, observations on the nature of the country and on Indian customs, fragments of folk-tales, and some data from ancient church-books, constituted the fruits of our activity there. A provisional Museum, destined to preserve the antiquities of Tiahuanaco, had been recently opened at that village, and we saw in the rudi- mentary collection a number of specimens illustrating the type of artefacts. The larger carved blocks which this little Museima contained, displayed the uncouth and angular style of sculpture peculiar to the well-known monoliths. The pottery found at Tiahuanaco shows three distinct types. One seems to be peculiar to the site, as nowhere else, as far as known, is it met with, except as intrusive specimens. It is supposed to be the work of the unknown people who built the edifices now in a condition of lamentable ruin, and who carved the 1911.] The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. -
Style Architecture of Cusco, Peru
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: Slithering Serpents and the Afterlives of Stones: The Role of Ornament in Inka- Style Architecture of Cusco, Peru Lisa Senchyshyn Trever, Master of Arts, 2005 Directed By: Professor Joanne Pillsbury Department of Art History and Archaeology Serpent reliefs and other pre-Hispanic motifs occasionally appear on the façades of early colonial Inka-style masonry buildings in Cusco, the former capital of the Inka empire, although similar carvings are only rarely seen on earlier Inka architecture. This research demonstrates that while some ashlars were reused from pre-Hispanic Inka walls, the reliefs were likely carved during the colonial era. Central to this analysis is the premise that the breakdown of Inka state iconoclasm allowed native masons greater decorative license. The appearance of Andean motifs on houses built for the city’s Spanish inhabitants reveals the complexity of early colonial attitudes toward indigenous culture. The carvings provide an opportunity to investigate the shifting meanings of Andean symbols during the early years of the Spanish presence in Peru. Indeed, these motifs, carved after the Inka imperial collapse, have since become iconic of “Inka-ness” and are replicated in Cusco’s twentieth-century municipal architecture. SLITHERING SERPENTS AND THE AFTERLIVES OF STONES: THE ROLE OF ORNAMENT IN INKA-STYLE ARCHITECTURE OF CUSCO, PERU By Lisa Senchyshyn Trever Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 2005 Advisory Committee: Professor Joanne Pillsbury, Chair Professor Sally M. Promey Professor Marjorie S. -
Resistance to the Expansion of Pachakutiq's Inca Empire and Its Effects on the Spanish
RESISTANCE TO THE EXPANSION OF PACHAKUTIQ'S INCA EMPIRE AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE SPANISH CONQUEST A Senior Scholars Thesis by MIGUEL ALBERTO NOVOA Submitted to the Office of Undergraduate Research Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the designation as HONORS RESEARCH FELLOW May 2012 Major: History Economics RESISTANCE TO THE EXPANSION OF PACHAKUTIQ'S INCA EMPIRE AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE SPANISH CONQUEST A Senior Scholars Thesis by MIGUEL ALBERTO NOVOA Submitted to the Office of Undergraduate Research Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for designation as HONORS RESEARCH FELLOW Approved by: Research Advisor: Glenn Chambers Director for Honors and Undergraduate Research: Duncan Mackenzie May 2012 Major: History Economics iii ABSTRACT Resistance to the Expansion of Pachakutiq's Inca Empire and its Effects on the Spanish Conquest. (May 2012) Miguel Alberto Novoa Department of History Department of Economics Texas A&M University Research Advisor: Dr. Glenn Chambers Department of History This endeavor focuses on the formation and expansion of the Inca Empire and its effects on western South American societies in the fifteenth century. The research examines the Incan cultural, economic, and administrative methods of expansion under Pachakutiq, the founder of the empire, and its impact on the empire’s demise in the sixteenth century. Mainstream historical literature attributes the fall of the Incas to immediate causes such as superior Spanish technology, the Inca civil war, and a devastating smallpox epidemic; however, little is mentioned about the causes within the society itself. An increased focus on the social reactions towards Inca imperialism not only expands current information on Andean civilization, but also enhances scholarly understanding for the abrupt end of the Inca Empire. -
Principales Sitios Arqueológicos De Interés Turístico
PRINCIPALESSITIOSARQUEOLÓGICOSDEINTERÉSTURÍSTICO GESTIÓN DEL SITIO SITIO REGIÓN LOCALIZACIÓN ACCESO Tipo de Horario de Estado de Museo y DESCRIPCIÓN ARQUEOLÓGICO Ingreso Atencion Conservación otros Complejo arqueológico Inca, cuya construcción Provincia: Cañete Distancia (km) Tiempo está asociada a la campaña que se emprendió contra el Señorío de los Guarco (1450 d.C.), en la Diversas actual provincia de Cañete. El lugar fue construído operadorasde para ser cuartel general de Túpac Yupanqui y el 15 km desde el Lunahuaná la 1.Complejo material utilizado fue la piedra. Se pueden Distrito: Lunahuaná distrito de 20 minutos Boleto AdultoS/ incluyen en sus Arqueológicode regular reconocer tres sectores o barrios en su distribución: Lunahuaná 1.00 circuitos. Pero no Barrio Incaico (de los oficiales del ejército), Barrio Incahuasi cuenta con Religioso (posiblemente habitados por la tropa) y el equipamien-to ni Palacio del Inca, edificio de forma trapezoidal km. 29.5 - 60 km desde San servicios Localidad o ubicado en la parte más elevada. Está asociada a vía Cañete a Vicente de 45 minutos referencia: los sitios arqueológicos de Cerro Azul, Huacones y Lunahuaná Cañete Cerro del Oro (cultura Guarco). Es considerado como uno de los más importantes Niños y cuenta con Provincia: Lima Distancia (km) Tiempo centros ceremoniales de la Costa Central escolares: S/.1 museo de sitio prehispánica. A lo largo de dos mil años fue L-D 9:00-17:00 que forma parte ocupado por culturas andinas como Lima, Wari, Estudiantes, hrs del Sistema 2.Zona Ichma e Inca. Está conformado por un conjunto de Distrito: Lurín profesores, Nacional de Arqueológicade muy bueno monumentales pirámides (Templo del Sol, Templo jubilados: S/.2 Museos-INC 31 km desde la Pintado, Templo de las Mamaconas, Pirámides Pachacámac 45 minutos ciudad de Lima con Rampas entre otras) y ocupa un área Antigua Otros: guías, Localidad o Feriados: previa aproximada de 492 hectáreas. -
X7-CURVAS REVISTA LA VIDA & LA HISTORIA 07.Cdr
La Vida & la Historia, Vol. 5,7 (I) 2018 ISSN 2312-9115 Versión impresa Depósito legal N° 2017-13891 © Fondo Editorial - Universidad Nacional Jorge Basadre Grohmann, Tacna - Perú ALEGORÍAS REPUBLICANAS EN EL ÁREA LUPACA POR EL RECIBIMIENTO DE SIMÓN BOLÍVAR (1825) REPUBLICAN ALLEGORIES IN THE LUPACA AREA FOR THE RECEPTION OF SIMÓN BOLÍVAR (1825) Elard Vladimir Chaíñ a Flores1 RESUMEN: Esta investigación se centra en la comprensión iconográfica de la decoración realizada para la visita de Simón Bolívar por tierras aimaras, por tanto, explora las alegorías de la naciente república peruana en el área Lupaca, en el actual departamento de Puno - Perú, específicamente en los pueblos de Chucuito, Acora, llave, Juli, Pomata y Zepita. Como el objetivo principal del presente trabajo fue la identificación, análisis e interpretación de la iconografía de las alegorías, se enmarca en la metodología de la investigación cualitativa y se concluye en que se idearon 7 escenas alegóricas inspiradas en la naturaleza; las cuales reflej an la idealización de la naciente república. Palabras clave: Alegoría, iconografía, iconología, Lupaca, república. ABSTRACT: This investigation explores the allegories of the nascent Peruvian republic in the Lupaca area, in the current department of Puno - Perú; the iconography present in the decoration for the reception of Simón Bolívar in the towns of Chucuito, Acora, llave, Juli, Pomata and Zepita; The main objective was the identification, analysis and interpretation of the iconography of the allegories. This study focuses on the iconographic understanding of the decoration made for Simón Bolívar's visit to the Aymara lands; In this sense, it is part of the methodology of qualitative research and it is concluded that 7 allegorical scenes inspired by nature that reflect the idealization of the nascent republic were devised. -
Spanish Use of Inca Textile Standards
Catherine J. Julien Spanish Use of Inca Textile Standards Resumen: En la colonia temprana la administración española de la región andina requería la producción de tributo en tejidos, especi- ficando los tamaños de prendas de vestir para ambos hombres y mujeres. Cada “pieza de ropa” comprendía dos prendas de hombre y dos de mujer. En este trabajo se revisa la documentación tributaria para referencias a los tejidos tributarios y, en el caso de la camiseta del hombre, se comparan las medidas de los ejemplares que se con- servan en colecciones de museo con las medidas especificadas en la documentación. En base a esta semejanza, además de otras razones, se concluye que la exacción española se basaba en otra semejante que se exigía durante el incanato. También se rebuscan referencias a la producción textilaria en la documentación para establecer una posible antecedente incaica para la exacción española. Summary: In the early colonial period, Spanish administration in the Andes required native groups to produce garments in standard sizes for both men and women. Each “piece of clothing” was actually a pair of garments for a man and a pair for a woman. In this paper the Spanish requirement is discussed and, in the case of the men’s shirt, measurements given in the documents are compared with known examples of Inca shirts in museum collections. Because of the similarities in the measurements and for other reasons, it is probable that the Spanish exaction was based on Inca practice. References to Inca textile production are reviewed in a search for a precedent for the Spanish requirement. -
© UNIVERSITY PRESS of FLORIDA Several Ethnic and Political Groups, the Largest and Most Powerful of Which, Reportedly, Was the Colla
1 Warfare and the Built Environment This is a study of a society at war. Its people, like any people at war, were not engaged in active conflict most of the time, but the prospect of violence was threatening enough that it did much to structure their world and affect their choices. It accomplished this partly by shaping a physical landscape—one that had been inhabited and modified by humans for thousands of years but now became marked permanently with fear made manifest: the massive de- fensive walls and windy hilltop settlements of southern Peru’s Lake Titicaca basin. These durable traces of fear and hostility on the landscape nudged the wall builders and their descendants toward certain kinds of possible futures © andUNIVERSITY away from others. PRESS OF FLORIDA The Lake Titicaca basin formed a major locus of pre-Columbian political development, hosting a series of early complex societies that culminated in the state of Tiwanaku. After Tiwanaku’s collapse in about AD 1000 came a turbulent interlude called the Late Intermediate period or Altiplano period (ca. AD 1000 to 1450). It was a time of extended drought, political fragmen- tation, and intense inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. People moved away from rich farmlands to settle on defensible ridges and hilltops, sometimes gath- ering in large fortified towns. Hilltop forts and refuges, known as pukaras in Quechua and Aymara, are visible across great stretches of the Andean highlands in this era, suggesting that a wave of conflict extended far beyond the Titicaca basin. But pukaras of the Titicaca basin rank among the largest, their coverage among the densest and most extensive.