v8 Christopher Smitlt

Oakle¡ 5.P.ry97-zoo5.A Comrnentary on Liøy Booþs W-X.4 volumes. Oxford. CHAPTER 8 Ogilvie, R.ry65.A Commentary on Liay Books z-5. Oxford. Pasqualini, A. (ed.) ryg6.Alba Longa: mito, storia archeologia. Rome. Peroni, R. 1988.'Comunità e insediamento in Italia fra età del bronzo e prima età del The Samnites' ferro'in A. Momigliano and A. Schiavone (eds) Storìa di Roma L Turin, pp.T-37. Qrilici, L.1978. Collatia. Rome. Edzuard Bispham Qrilici, L. ry78. An te mn ae. Rome. Qrilici, L.ry82. La Ciaità diArtena. Rome. Qrilici, L.ry86. Fidenae. Rome. L. tgg3. Ficulea. Rome. Qrilici, (for Susan Kane) Qrilici, L. and Qrilici Gigli, S. r98o. Crusturnerium.Rome. Qrilici Gigli, S. ry92. I Tolsci. Rome. Sallares, R. zooz. Malaria and Rome: A History of Malaria in Italy. Oxford. 'llncient Introduction Salmon, E.T r97o. Roman Colonization Under the Republic.Ithaca,NY. Shatzman, L tg75. Senatorial Wealth and Ronan Politics. Collection Latomus r4z. Brussels. From the fourth century sc Greeks began to write of a people whom they Sherwin-White, A.N. ry73. The Roman Citizenship. Oxford. Smith, CJ.ryg6. Earþ Rome and Latium: Econom! and SocieQ c.rooo-Soo ¡c. Oxford. called Saunitai; they were follou¡ed by the Romans, who called them Samnites; Smith, CJ.ryg7.'Sewius Tullius, Cleisthenes, and the Emergence of the Polis in Central the respective names for their territory are Saunia and Samnium (Fìgure 33). *safin Italy'in L. Mitchell and P. J. Rhodes (eds) The Deaelopnnent of the Polis in Archaic What they called themselves is not known; a case can be made for (only Gr e ec e. London, pp. zo8-16. oblique cases of the word are preserved-the asterisk indicates a nominative Smith, CJ. ,ggg.'Reviewing A¡chaic Latium: Settlement, Burials, and Religion at form hypothesized by philologists). Whether all the peoples whom we today Satricurri Jfu{ 12,pp. 453-15. call Samnites called themselves *safin throughout their history is disputed; Smith, CJ. zoo5. 'The Beginnings of Urbanization at Rome' R. Osborne and B. in the geographical application of the Greek and Latin ethnics varies over time, Cunliffe (eds) Medìterranean Urbanization 8oo-6oo ¡c. Proceedings of the British becoming progressively naffower (Musti :784: Tagl\amonte ry96, 4-6, 8). We Academy rz6. Oxford, pp. 9r-rrr. understand the roughly one hundred and thirty inscribed texts in their language Smith, CJ. zo o6.The Roman Clan:TheGensfromAncient Ideology to ModernAnthropology. Cambridge. (Rix zooz, Zg-%),but we do not know what that language was called; scholars Thomas, R. andWilson,A.,r994.'Water Supply for Roman Farms in Latium and South use the Latin-derived name, Oscan. Etruria' PBSR 49, pp. 139-96. From the fifth century onlvards we can speak properly of Samnites. Used of Thomsen, R. r98o. King Seroius Tullius:A Historical Syntltesei. Copenhagen. any earher period 'Samnite'is simply shorthand for 'the Iron Age inhabitants of Torelli, M. 1984. Lavinio e Roma: riti iniziatici e ntatrinonio tra archeologia e storia. the area later called Samnium' (in terms of modern regions: Molise, southern Rome. Abruzzo and eastern Campania). Graeco-Roman sources also mention Samnite Toubert, P.rgTS.Les structures du Latium rnedieval. Rome. 'tribes': the Pentri, Hirpini, Caricini and Caudini, and the only coastal group, \Miseman,T.P. zoo4. Tlte Mltths of Rone. Exeter. the Frentani. The latter are referred to as a 'Samnitic people'by Strabo (5.+.r), Zaccaria Ruggiu, A. zoo3. More regio viøere: Il banchetto aristoratico e lø casa romana di but were politically autonomous (Rutter 2oor,7+, no. 6zo, for their coinage). età arcaica. Quaderni di Eutopia 4. Rome. Zanker,P. (ed.) Hellenisrnus in Mittelitalien. Göttingen. ry76. r Emma Dench first aroused my interest in Samnium. Michael Crawford and Emmanuele Curti first took me there; over the last dozen years I have accrued further debts in workng in Molise and Abruzzc the chief of these are to Oliver Gilkes and Will Bowden, with whom I first turned over Samnite turf; to the late John Lloyd; to Gary Lock, Neil Christie and Andrew \Milson, with whom I began work in the Sangro Valley; to the past and cu¡rent members of the Sangro Valley Project, some of whose work I have drawn on in this chapter, and who discussed aspects of it with me (especially Bradley Sekedat, Elan Love, China Shelton and Keith Swift), and especially to Susan Kane, who has taught me far mo¡e than I think she suspects; to Guy Bradley and Oliva Menozzi. My thanks are also owed to collaborators in the Soprintendenza Archeologica delT'Abruzzo,whose support and open-handedness made ever¡hing possible, and continue to make it enjoyable: Sabatino Letta, Sandra Lapenna, Vincenzo D'Ercole, Silvano Agostini and especially Amalia Faustoferri; and to the people of Tornareccio. r8o Edzoard Bispbam Tbe Samnites r8r

0 50 100 km

:i-':F RE TANI N- rllarra''lre PALI-ANO Appiant accounts of the Samnites as o the Samnite Wars. The cultural stefeogpes, including the role the bther', were al¡eady entrenched by the time Romans began to write history. In terms of ideological outlooþ the surviving sorrrces could not help but see the or culturally IN GALDO Samnites refracted through the lenses of contemporary discourse, specific way ograPher FREGELI-AE o Sltrabo (Mu to make i.: sense of the '3'r)' Another important matrix for expressing such relationships does, however, have a claim tã be indigenous in origin: the myth of the úer søcruln or sacred

i-'i'-ì

33 Map of Samnium (drawn by Howard Mason with additions by Guy Bradley)

The Pentri, Hirpini and Frentani are the tribes of most historical importance culture have led scholars to take the Sacred Spring myth seriously-perhaps (Oakley rgg5,7-8). There were almost certainly other'sub-tribes'that attained ephemeral political autonomy within Samnium, but barely scratched the surface of the historical record. This historical record, or its literary, as opposed to epigraphic, component, is entirely Graeco-Roman. There may have been an indþnous Oscan literature, but effectively we know nothing about it. The Romans, their enemy in the 'Samnite \Mars'that decided the hegemony of Italy in the later fourth and early came to be different'as much as 'how we are related'. In any case, their creation third cen¡rries nc (Cornell ry89; zoo4),could not be expected to give impartial must postdate the emergence of separate historical state-entities (Pentri, Hirpini accounts.They did not: Roman writers variously present the Samnites as austere etc.), and thus cannot be coeval with supposed prehistoric migrations. mountain-dwelling pastoralists, wortþ foes, exotic barba¡ian magicians or as The evidence of literary sources, inscriptions and coins is supplemented the last bastion of traditional Italian virtues. Such categories, however, refused to annually by archaeological evidence. In his seminal Sannium and the Samnites, remain stable, and it seems that the Samnites,like other Italian peoples, engaged Salmon could write'investigation of Samnite sites has not been extensive' (1967, knowingly in the strategies others used to construct them, rather than allowing rz). Three major sites had been excavated at the ¡rn of the nineteenth and exogenous roles to be simply forced on them (Dench 1995; Curti et aJ. ry96, twentieth centuries: the cemetery at Alfedena, the nearby hilltop settlement at r8r-88). Curino (La Regina 1976, zrg-23) and the sacred complex at Pietrabbondante r82 Edzoard Bispham The Samnites r83

34 Pietrabbondante (photograph: Edward Bispham)

(Fìgure 34) (ongoing when Salmon wrote in 1967, see pl. 6 for the situarion The lronAge (r.rooo-5oo Bc) then; contrast Tagliamonte 1996, pls )CflII-)O(V. r; and Fìgure 34). Since then excavation has radically changed our picture of Samnite society (La Regina rssg). Much Samnite material culture has a'homespun quality and a smallness of scale' (Lloyd r9gr, r84; cf. Morel r99r), compared with that of contemporary Tyrrhenian Italy. Yet it also reveals a society more dynamic, sophisticated and open to outside influences than previously thought. Salmon, who, ironically, was period. well aware of the importance of archaeological evidence, had bought profoundly into the pictures of the Samnites propagated by Graeco-Roman sources: his Settlement Samnites were one-dimensional, austere highland warriors. A more sensitive examination of the agendas of the sources, and the ethnographic tropes and The region which this chapter is concerned passed,_like the rest of Ital¡ historical contingencies behind their accounts, has been provided by Dench with througÉ transformatiåns at the Bronze/Iron Age transition. These (1995). We now understand much better how Samnites were perceived, and how profound chang"es themselves in increased socio-economic complexity. Th:y they perceived others. manifested were-cataþsed, but not caused, by interaction both with other Italians (notably, In one particularrespect, archaeologyhas drasticallychanged ourunderstanding but not exclusively, the Etruscans) who were undergoing similar changes, and of Samnium: this is through intensive and extensive field survey (Dench zoo4 with Greek settlérs, who from the mid-eighth century ¡c had a profound for the contextualization of this work).This form of investigation, concentrating impact on southern and1yestern Italy (Barker rg95a,49-6o,r/7)' Nevertheless, on the broader settlement pattern across the whole ancient landscape, has the outcomes of these processes differed both between and within regions of redressed in part a bias in previous research towards the ornamental (Iron Age Itaþ as a function of differential permeability to outside influences, and uneven grave goods) and the monumental (Samnite sanctuaries, Roman towns). The natural resources. Thus Etruria went on to become a land of cities, with an vast majority of the inhabitants of the ancient world lived and worked in the aristocracy whose world was essentially urban; Samnium, by contrast, remained countryside; in Samnium this settlement pattern was especially marked, and a land of dispersed settlement, with a correspondingly different society. persisted for longer. Ancient writers on the central Italian peoples comment on Samnites r85 r84 Edzoard Bìspltam Tbe

direct impact on the landscape, in the As elsewhere in Ital¡ we see a dramatic rise in the number of settlement sites alles,Itahan trøtturi) that criss-cross the compared with the Brcnzæ, Age; for example the Biferno Valley Survey found a frfry per cent increase in sites between the Bronze and fron Ages (Barker and 'ffi*-,?ïïå'ff Suano 1995,16o).Afewsurface artefact scatterswith a'footprint'ofapproximately iä:iî::::Tüîiï e Dogana ofthe Kingdom ofNaPles in five hundred square metres in the ploughsoil suggested the existence of larger some cases even into the last century. settlements: S. Margherita, Colle Masilli and in the area of what later became tbe erÃymodern period, and in "'"ilg"-tt a highly profitable Larinum (Larino); we may add Arcora (known from excavation) and possibly Je, long-distance transhumance was evidently social costs. At the business end it Monte Vai¡ano.These village setdements are generally located on ridges or low- in historicll times, but not without """r.tå not afraid to use force in the execution of lying terraces, and form part of a network with dependent smaller sites (farms î"r ì" ,n. hands of slave shepherds other slave bands (Cicero, and hamlets) similar to those characteristic of the Bronze Age (Barker and ttã, *"*"ts'orders. This caused friction both with and with local populations' as a famous Suano ry95,úz-63; cf-ry6). Excavations at A¡cora suggest that these villages Cli,ør,illustrates this type of violence) (Sepino probably consisted of two to three dozæn habitations. inscription from Saepinum This growth in setdement numbers implies not only a filling-out of the there has been intense debate as to countryside, with more land being cleared for cultivation, but also a growth (as opposed to short (albeit unquantifiable) in population. This in tu¡n will have entailed socio- the boundaries ofa c transhumance economic change, and intensification of agricultural regimes. Storage and pasquinucci rg7g,87-gr;Barker rgqgb; f_or limited intra-Pentrian slig}tly more optimistic: redistribution, as well as consumption, were probably centred on the villages i' this period see: Lloyd et al. in Ll"yd rggsa,2c.3-4; lack of a strong central (where quernstones and amphorae have been found); craft specializatron, ifrø ,1. ,9g7, 4g)'. It has b :n argued that the "ttd "t especially metalworhng, became established. From the development of a clear authority comParable to that of settlement hierarchy we may infer societal stratification, and the control of the territories of different tribal groups smaller by larger setdements. This last marks a major development from the evidence from the Middle Ages s fragmentation (Menozzi Bronze Age, and is reflected in contemporary changes elsewhere in Italy (Barker function over long distances in contexts of geopolitical of Italy hardly eliminated violence, as we have seen. and Suano ryg5,ry6). zooz),and Romà control be taken seriously. These developments sowed the seeds of the landscape of classical Samnium Lo.rg:dirtu.rce transhumance at an eafly period should despite a deep- (5oo nc onwards), where we find suggestive levels of continuity from the Iron Iùs aho now recognized that pastoralism and agriculture, in both ancient and modern Age (e.g. around the later urban centres of Larinum and Fagifirlae: Barker and rooted ideological pt ;"ai." in favour of the latter to function (Horden and Purcell zooo, Sz-87, r9'7- Suano ry95,r59-63).There is also evidence for the frequentation of hilltops across societies, ,r..ã other "".L into the pen Samnium, as at Monte Vairano (and indeed throughout central Apennine Italy). zoo). our Iron Age farmers canfiot then be driven, will¡nilly, Although the nature, intensity and duration of such occupation are unclear of the primitive mountain pastoralist; (opportunist, seasonal or permanentì by shepherds or family groupsl), there shows for the region must be derive is litde doubt that the origins of the Samnite hill-fort are to be sought here roots of increasing agricultural speci (Barker Barker a (Gualtieri 1987; Barker and Suano ryg5,ú768; Lloyd ry95a,ß5-87;Oakleyry95; Bronze Age et al. in have been subjected to flotation see further below). r97os ä*: ä:";i i:iüî'": #;L'; Economy r in Iron Age Italy) and barley as main cereal crops; peas and beans were also grown. Fruit and nuts may have been gathered wild; The economy of this area was until recendy seen as fundamentally pastoral ih" uirr. may possibly h"i. b.".r cu¡ivated, although the evidence is slender (Salmon ry67,6768), manifesting itself most clearly in long-distance'horizontal' (Di Niro ,9áaj; ..op iotation, with fields left fallow, also seems likely. Similar transhumance, which moved large flocks of sheep from summer pastures high conclusions can be drawn for the site of Santa Margherita, also in the Biferno' in the Apennines to overwinter in the warmerApulian lowlands, closer to major Acquachiara, on the slopes of Samnium' has wool-worhng centres such as Taras (Taranto) (Gabba and Pasquinttcci 1979; proà.r..d widence of legirmes, nd barley) and data recovered Barker r995a,34-32). Certainly, such huge movements of livestock were a major *..dr, as well fragmeãts of grape s "s r86 Edzaard Bisphan 'Ihe Sarnnites r87 may represent processing debris (given the presence ofwheat chaff), rather than a broad assemblage of food refuse. Unlike the practice in the Biferno, lentils seem to have been cultivated in preference to broad beans, and, unusuall¡ bitter vetch was also abundant, whether as animal fodder or for human consumption (Shelton 2c,c,6). Peúote t993)' The possibility that the vine was being cultivated perhaps draws support from the nature of some of the ceramic finewares recovered: these are matt-painted \Mares generically known as Daunian and Etrusco-Corinthian. The presence of Religion drinking cups would fit a context of ri¡nhzed feasting (a version of the Greek sunposion), a social institution bywhich Italian elites sought at this period to Apart from the aspects of death ritual (see below), we know little about Iron distinguish themselves from the lower orders, adopting forms of behaviour Age religion. Warrior princes (see below) probabþ played a major role in that re-inforced their special status, and served as an appropriate context for mãdiating between the community and the gods. There are no monumental The one interaction at and beyond community level (Barker and Suano ry95,ry6; Barker structufes securely associated with religious activity-other than tombs' 1988 for Etruria and Magna Graecia; Barker et al. in Barker and Suano ry95,úg- form of religious expression to survive in the archaeological record in volume nc 7o). Another agricultural product associated with this type of social behaviour is consists in small bronze Hercules figurines, found from the sixth century olive oil: olives require investment and forward planning to cultivate, and thus onwards. They occur mainly in mountainous zones, their distribution reflecting presuppose a level of agricultural complexity. While there is no evidence of olive inpar mr cultivation at this period in the Biferno, Adriatic pollen cores have indicated origin in s olive growth for this period (Barker et al. in Barker and Suano rg9;,r7o; Barker taken his and Suano ry95,ry6); further north, on the edge of what was later Samnium, (oitulos in Greek, Oscan: vítelliú) it was said that 'Italy' took its name. He is the Bronze Age village at Fonte Tasca, near Archi on Monte Pallano, shows thus an apposite god for a society in which transhumance was so important. He evidence of olive cultivation (so too the Picene site ofTortoreto: Di Fraiary95 also has a military aspect, bringing order where there had been disorder; this is Coubray r99g,for a summary of Abruzzese evidence). clearly relevant to the security needed for transhumance, but it may also have Animal husbandry can also be reconstructed with some confidence, using legitimized a monopoly on legal violence among Iron Age warrior elites. The the assemblages of faunal skeletal remains. At Arcora (Di Niro 1984) and S. cult remained very popular, not just in Samnium, but among the ltalic peoples; Margherita in the Biferno we find ovicaprids (sheep and goats), cattle and pigs, it was probably indigenous, but subjected to influences from Magna Graecia as well as wild boar and even an equid. Some ovicaprid and cattle bones are brought by traders or returning mercenaries (Di Niro 1977;van Wonterghem those of adults, suggesting that they were kept alive for secondary products r99z;Barker and Suano ry9J,t/$Bradley zoo6). (wool-note spindle whorls and loom weights from Arcora-milk and cheese), rather than being simply killed for meat and hides when juveniles (Barker et al. in Barker and Suano rgg;,r7o-Tr,Barker and Suano ry95,q6).Preliminarywork Cem.eteries on newly recovered bone assemblages from Acquachiara (Monte Pallano) seems to suggest a dominance of ovicaprids, with significant amounts of cattle and pig, Excavation of rural habitation has been very limited for the Iron Age, with and horse and dog also represented (E. Love, personal comment). Arcora the only major site explored. The sites themselves are often fragile, and The crops farmed, the animals raised, and their mortality patterns as deduced survive mainly as floor surfaces or negative features (pits, hut foundations), from the ecofactual evidence, all suggest continuity with Late Bronze Age with few upstanding remains. They are easy to overlook, or if found, hard to practices. The main change, as far as the evidence from larger centres suggests, dig and interpret. Cemeteries, on the other hand, once located, are easy, if time is in intensifcøtion of production (intensification and abatement in agricultural consuming, to excavate; the grave goods are more impressive than wattle-and- regimes: Horden and Purcell zooo), especially in wine and wool. Such changes daub walls or post-holes. In short, Samnite mortuary archaeology is sexy; it in resource management are paralTeled elsewhere in Italy at this period, but have shares the cachet of the long pedigree of the study of cemeteries in Etrusco- been best studied in Etruria. There, however, the rise of the city-state was the Italic archaeology. As such, burials often get prioritized for rescue work (they critical context: concentrations of population much larger than those previously are attractive to tomb robbers, or clandestini, for obvious reasons), and scrub up known (and their sacrificial obligations) needed to be serviced, and new elite well for museum exhibition and catalogues.The many cemeteries excavated and 188 Eduard Bispltam The Samnites r8g

published from Samnium constitute the main source of data for the Iron Age. With due care and attention they can act as proxies by which we may try to learn something of those communities like Caudium, of which we know next to nothing of the setdement but a great deal about their dead (Gualtieri zoo4,44). cemetery archaeology comes with health warnings (Morris ry92). Earry excavations were concerned with recovering bronze objets d'art (bowls, r /'eapons, armour) from the tombs, in the tradition of the study of Etruscan cemeteries; not with learning how Iron Age populations buried their dead, and the inferences about society that could be drawn from such practices. Dating depended largely on these same objets d'art, but was often dãne more on th; fggo,ßi;Morelli et aJ.ry95,ro-r3). Excavations in the upper Sangro Valley have iáentified the residue of what were very probably funerary meals in the bronze basins often deposited in Iron Age graves: four different wheat species and a legume have been identified; they were used to make a polenta-like food that foimed an important part of the funerary ritual (Morelli et ú. ,gg5; Morelli zooo). objects buried with the dead were certainly heirlooms, and their manufacture In the regions north of Samnium important burials had large earth tumuli, was thus not at all contempor need ringed by stones raised over them, to which other inhumations might be added more thought). Fìnally, there rtain (as at Fossa).This practice is not yetknown in eastern and central Samnium. groups were often disposed trace Tumulus burials are, however, known from western Samnium, among the (Giampaola ln the archaeological record. Children, especially, tend to be under-represented Hirpini, for example at Beneventum (Benevento) zooo,37i8i (and their skeletal remains are less robust than those of adults). Rocca dei Rettori) and at Casalbore (Johannowsky tgqo) -the former covef single inhumations, the latter multiple depositions. These tumuli date from the mid-sixth to the mid-fourth cenflrry sc. This regSonalned distribution may reflect different funerary rituals and ideologies. The tumulus is a marker, but it also delimits the worlds of the living and the dead; it is the site of the often sumptuous, but permanent, leave-taking. On the other hand, the olla by the burial as found in eastern and central Samnium, if it allows for the repeated offering of food, implies continued contact with the dead. Early Iron Age high-status male burials contained a variety of metalwork. Most striking are the bronze weaPons. There are also razors, a sign of elite Iron Age cemeteries range in scale, from the burial grounds of a few d.ozen concern for the cultivation of the body at leisure; and bronze bowls probably individuals, to monsters like that at Alfedena, estimated to contain some twelve associated with a funerary meal (above); females were deposited with jewellery. thousand burials, of which fewer than two thousand have been excavated. As Sporadic finds of Iron Age metalwork, a major feature of private collections formed between the eighteenth and eadier twentieth centuries, are often from funerary contexts (Barker and Suano g95,frg.7o,t-6, all seventh century or earlier). Archaic burials extended the male repertoire to defensive armour, like kardiophytøkes (bronze discs protecting the sent not only a conqpicuous deposition of familywealth, nstruction of rulers and elites, seen most clearly in 'war to the social dynamics on which these epiphenomena rest. The evolution of cemeteries over time illustrates the growing social presence is attested through the fibulae used to fasten it; exceptionally traces of stratification that we have already noted (Barker and Suano r995,r7r-16)-The fabric remain (Faustoferri zoq). emergence of permanent elites is 'the most striking feature of social change r90 Eduard Bispltam The Samnites I9I

in the Italian lron Age'(Barker and suano ry95,ry6).Again, the wider Italian AbbeY at eem to have phenomenon is best understood in Etruria, ¡rlew but cemeteães across central and dental car southern Italy been too allow its character (and regional differences) to be grasped for and Etruria (Principi Parallels clearly etrusclti: cianfarani 1969; Bãttini and, Guzzo tgg6a; rgaeb; elites' (Barker suggest a 'quasi-Homeric world of competitive and aggrandärns nd validate their standing in urã'Srr"tto 1995, r77i cf. Frederiksen rg1g,293). Similar behaviour manifests of resources and patronage. itself across Samnium, but at different intensities. Thus, in northern Samnium, cter traits ofthe dead leader fragrnents (the Atessa torso and a lower leg) of Archaic funerary statues have had been transmitted to his heirs was provided in part by the funerary ritual. been found at Colle Archiano and Acquachiara on the slopes of Monte Pallano The gentilicial organization already encountered inìome Iron Age ..m.teri.s in the Sangro valley (D'Ercole 1993). These are the southernmost attestations of is assumed to be one of patrilocal family groups; the bias towards adult males the Capestrano-fype princely memorial. Further south, howeve¡ in the Biferno in the mortuary populations supports this. Eliie female graves serve to display Valley, there is less wealth on display, suggesting that these social transformations the wealth of the male line-as in the case of the þrinceJs' of Loreto Aprutìná, were happening in a less thorough-going fashion, perhaps with smaller lvarrior in northern Abnvzo (Barker and suano ryg5, ry617 and fig. zr; some skeletal bands organized around a less differentiated or less stable hierarchical structure remains bear our this hypothesis: Bondioli et al. 1986). simiìáriy infants buried (Suano r99r, noting the lack of child burials). with valuable, sometimes imported, ornaments , crearry ,.pr.r.rr, an attempt Variations in social complexity are also reflected in the nature and intensity of to advertise the stability of descent groups, and the iãe4 ir not the fact, of contacts with Greeks.These had the most profound impact in Etruria. Elsewhere transmiss the distribution of Greek artefacts (especially drinking sets, amphorae, vessels Fondillo for unguents and perfumes, and metalwork) in cemeteries suggests a primary buried wi trade radiating fifty to sixty kilmetres from the Greek colonies of the south as impasto pottery (local hand-made w Italian coasts (Whitehouse and Wilkins 1985; 1989). Beyond this zone of and the attribution ofgendered grave goods to a child, are both exceptional at intense commercial exchange objects became transvalued as they moved by gift Val Fondillo (Morelli 2ooo, 33, 37-+o). exchange into the hands of the elites of central ltaly. Gift exchange' and access striking examples of how central Itarian Iron Age elites saw themselves, to prestigious obects fuelled struggles for wealth and status between individuals ours of the Iron Age and families (gift exchange: Hering r99r); and this competition in turn further hy corredi, a few very stimulated the emergence of local elites. Within Samnium, the elites of the Abruzzowere further Biferno Valley seem to have been the most distant from external influences e markers. The most famous example (Barker and Suano ryg5,r79-8o). Some scholars have argued that a lack of raw Capestrano (and his much-mutilaied materials or key trade routes, control of which local elites could exploit, hindered the kind of centralization and nucleation we witness in Etruria (Whitehouse ;:;ïLî:lï1î:îÏ"iî'"1;:'#; and Wilkins 1985, 1989). staruesth,enerf orþrinces'referredto,"J':lin'$.1*Xn:åÏÏi.î:T::: above). c.arefully carved, the capestrano 'warrior'is heavily armed (axe, sword ATime ofTiansition (5oo 35o nc) and spear), and carries the characte ristic kardiopbylax (colonna rggz;Barker and Suano rygs, rZZ, cf. frg. 7). Having spent half a millennium establishing themselves, the competitive The construction ofthe ideal power structures of the living community and the warrior societies of Samnium seem to have undergone a series of profound reflection ofits dominant ideologies, via funerary ritual, wereädopted moie widely changes in the two centuries that followed the close of the Iron Age (c.5oo nc). than the burials of these paramount chiefs. wé ha,n noted aboie the frequency The area of the 'Central Adriatic cultures' of the Iron Age was now split along of Iron Age elite males buriedwith weapons. skeretal remains also suggest a life unprecedentedly divergent trajectories, after increasing regional differentiation wlicl physical injury in and death in war were likely eventualities: Ããny adult throughout the sixth century. One function of this change was the emergence burials show traumatic lesions on skulls and post-crurrial bones probably caused of new, broader state identities to replace smaller gentilicial groups (the former by weapons (Macchiarelli et al. r9gr, Barker and suano rygs, izg; but contrast may also have coexisted with a broader shared identity-*safin-stretching from the osteological picture from the sample of a samnit. ..-áí""1eícavated at the Picene to Samnite territory in the fifth century, Dench rgg¡,2o4-ro). These are 192 Edtaard Bispham The Samnites r93 the tribes who populate the historical record: Marsi, Vestini, Picentes and so on, a bronze ram's head (D'Ercole et al. 1998, z6-28, schede nos. g-r2, 22a, plus a each probably referring to itself as a touto or people (Salmon 1967,77-tor; La sporadic find from Monte Pallano, cf. Copersino and D'Ercole zoo3, 357-59,359 Regina r98g,3o4-62; Rix zooo). It thus makes sense, from this point, to talk of î.3r,376).The attractive suggestion had been made that the ram was originally Samnites or Saunitai. the totemic animal of the Frentani, recalling their Sacred Spring (a m¡h, as As well as the rise of smaller polities, such as the Pentri and Hirpini,Iarger argaed above, belonging precisely to this period of state formation). The fibulae federated entities also emerged, linking them together. The Lucani are first would then show the transvaluation of the totem to a secondary use in the recorded as acting as a corporate unit in the second halfofthe fifth centur¡ and femøJe sphere. More widespread are amber pendents in the form of a female the Samnites, although not mentioned in the historical record until354 nc (Livy face, especially in the coastal areas of southern Abruzzo (for example at Frentane 7.r9.4, first contact with the Romans), may be a fifth-century formation as well Villalfonsina), perhaps reflecting a preponderance of seaborne cabotage in the (Purcell ry94,385-9r; we have akeady noted the broad application given to the distribution of these objects (Copersino and D'Ercole zoo3,35g). name Saunitai by earlier Greek writers). This period also sees the emergence of What is most striking, however, reviewing Samnite cemeteries over this the central Apennine dialects and the eadiest Oscan texts. Rome must be the century and a half, is their decline. The fifth century is the last in which we catalyst for some of the fourth-century developments (Dench ry95, zq); l:ut see great numbers of rich 'warrior' burials; in the fourth it is their rarity, not for the fifth to third centuries the nature of increased contacts with the cities their wealth, that stands out. This phenomenon recurs elsewhere in fifth-century of Magna Graecia, the influence of Punic Sicily, and the presence of Greek central Italy (and at roughly the same time we witness a similar collapse in condottieri in the south, all contributed to the melting pot from which radical the phenomenon of the richly equipped burials of the paramount chieftains of change emerged. temperate Europe, at the HallstattJLaTène transition). At Alfedena, and more Funerary evidence reflects the new developments, just as it illustrated earlier noticeably atYal Fondillo (and at Porticone: Di Niro rggre),we see a marked changes.These seem to have taken place over several generations, in some cases decline in terms of frequency and the wealth of the burials by the end of the fifth lasting into the Hellenistic period, and are not unambiguous. Beside continuity century. By the end of the fourth cenfirry, the life of the cemeteries at Gildone (seen in the increasing popularity of cist tombs) must be set increasing local in the Biferno, Campochiaro below Monte Matese in Pentrian territor¡ and variation in construction (D'Ercole et al. rygï, zz). Further south an interesting the cemeteries at Rocca dei Rettori and Palazzo de Simone at Benevento, is development is the adoption in some contexts of cremation (see below), and, effectively over. Where cemeteries survive into the Hellenistic period, they are perhaps reflecting an increasingly Hellenic conception of the afterlife, the poorer and smaller. placing of coins in the mouth of the deceased (Gildone, fourth century; cf. Is this a social and demographic crisis being played out over five or six Tagliamonte :1996,2o9). Fìfth- and fourth-century male grave goods still display generations, leaving an impoverished and empty Samniumì This cannot be theidealization of martial prowess predominant earlier. Nevertheless, the modes the case, as other indices (like rural settlement revealed by survey, or sanctuary of expression change. Emphasis is now placed not only on offensive weaponry, building) show both health and wealth; and from the late fourth century the but also on helmets (hitherto rare; Copersino and D'Ercole 2oo3,354) and other Samnites fielded large armies against Rome for more than two generations. defensive armour. The distribution of the latter seems regionally patterned. The Poþius tells us that they sent seventy thousand infantry and seven thousand 'Samnite'cuirass, three discs, joined over the shoulders ard at the sides, famously cavalry to face the Gallic invasion of zz5 nc (z.z4.zo, cf. z.z4.rz1 on Samnite depicted on the statuette known as the'Louvre Mars'(below), has been found levies, see Brunt r97r,443-44; Lloyd ryg5a,ßz).Two principal explanations can in northern Samnium: Alfedena (Tomb 169), Bagnoli del tigno in northern be explored. One has akeady been discussed: archaeological visibility. Just as Molise, and so on (Agostini et al. rg92,36,ñ5.++).In southern Samnium, by we cannot accept that the Iron Age mortuary population implies a population contrast,we find the short'anatomical'cuirass, cut offat navel height, reproducing predominantly made up of adult elite males (no population could have such a the physiology of the male chest, at Allifae (on the edge of Campania) and structure), we need not think that fewer classical graves necessarily mean fewer Campobasso (Biferno Valley). This formation of the 'new warrior'is associated classical people (although some scholars have claimed precisely this). From the with the increasing deposition of a classic element of Samnite male grave goods, late fifth century even wealthy Samnites began to be buried in less ostentatious the cinturone (abroadbronze belt, originally selvn onto a leather backing, and and monumental ways: in smaller groups, and often in new locations. This fastened with elaborate clasps). This may be a marker of the transition through suggests new social attitudes to death, and to the disposal of wealth; the puberty to warrior status (Rebuffat Emmanuel 1966). abandonment of some burial grounds may also imply that there were now fewer, Female corredi do not show novel or specifically local features in this period. though better defined, centres of population (Copersino and D'Ercole zoo3,34r One interesting feature exclusive to the Frentane area is a fibula decorated with n. ro). 194 Edtuard Bispham Zhe Sannites f95

State formation is strongly implicated in both answers. It must be that the Sett/en'tent growing strength of the touto is linked to the decline of gentilician structures. As at an eadier period in Greece, as the emerging polities grew in confidence, (or The few literary sources that discuss Samnite indeed central ltalic) settlement they asserted their authority over the clans. This effectively restricted the clans' prejudices eofúay a landscape articulated by villages. We have noted the cultural opportunities for the kinds of display that had underlined their leaders' status, ilehind such views. Nevertheless, the literary depictions afe not worthless: and harnessed their energies and wealth for the community. The descendants inscriptions from the (third-century,Izrgely Latin-speaking) central Apennine of the Iron Age nerf remained in power, in most cases (especially those who areas commonly refer both to villages (vici) and to wider districts, within which adapted to the new situations more willingl¡ or even led the changes), but as the the villages were grouped (pøgi). Drawing on this evidence, as well as the state elected magistrates of the (Oscan: villages and polities meddíss) and the touto of archaeological knowledge in the r97os, scholars, led by Adriano La Regina, (the meddíss trívtiks; among other third-/second-century magistrates note the elaborated the þagano-vicanic' model for ltalic settlement in the Hellenistic kenszur, corresponding to the Latin censor: Vetter 1953, no. 168 = Rix zooz, P 46-zoz)'This model 79 no. Frr). These magisterial dynasties of the Hellenistic era included familes p ^wider,hierarchicallY such as the Pentrian Staii/Statii, Decitii, Papii, Pomponii and Egnatii, a stable o hill-forts, sanctuaries elite who maintained power dynastically across the generations (La Regina and villages. Sanctuaries, and the magistrates who administered them and their 1989, r995a, Lloyd zo7-8).Th.y provided the leaders in the wars with Rome and finances, played an important role as foci for the wider entities formed by the others, and, we must assume, paid for some of the expenditure on monumental pøgus districts. The model has held up well (see now Rainini zooo; Gualtieri sanctuaries that began, not coincidentally, to appear in the fourth centur¡ and zoo4)rand the results of field survey, to which we now turn, have borne out its for which they must have filled the priesthoods. So the ideologies of military main findings. For example, from c.35o nc through into the second century we success and conspicuous expenditure remain, but transformed. Purcell uptþ see a remarkable intensification of settlement in Pentrian territory in the upper writes of 'a competitive, hierarchical, image-conscious, aggressive, militaristic Biferno Valle¡ creating a highly structured landscape, articulated into major and elite' ft9g4,396). minor hill-forts; rural sanctuaries; and villas and farmsteads (Lloyd rg95a, ß8 (Lloyd and fig. 7z)JIhis development is also seen in other areas of Samnium et al. ry97, 47 for the Sangro Valley). Furthermore, recent work on southern Italy Hellenistic Samnium, c.35o-5o Bc in this period shows the distinctiveness of Samnite settlement patterns, which seem more aligned with developments in the central Apennine area. We do not Hellenistic is the name customarily given to Mediterranean history between see across Samnium the systematic destruction or abandonment of settlements the death of Alexander the Great nc) and the suppression Q4 of the Ptolemaic that is so prominent in the south of Italy in the late fourth and early third kingdom of Egypt in nc, as well as to cultural 3o the koiné that characterized century (Purcell Íg94,4o2i Curti et aL.ryg6,r78-8r)' that period. Nevertheless, in Italian contexts the chronological boundaries of the Hellenistic, its cultural content and its relation to the Roman conquest of the fourth and third centuries are often obscure. Copersino and D'Ercol e (zoo3, Countryside 335), for example, divide the period into 'Italo-Hellenistic' (c35o-275 nc) and 'Hellenistico-Roman' (c.27 5-ro o s c). Surface survey relies for dating upon the inexact diagnostic properties of We noted above the Iron Age roots of settlement and society in Samnium. finewares, datable, at best, to within a centufy. The principal fineware from this Yet the situation in the Hellenistic period-increasing filling-out of the period, black gloss ware, appeaLrs from about 4oo nc, and lasts almost until the countryside in a fully hierarchical settlement pattern (below); growing end of the Hellenistic period, Since it is rarely possible, and not desirable, to complexity of social and political structures; and ever more sophisticated distinguish earlier fourth-century black gloss from Hellenistic productions, we responses to increased exposure to Greek cultural models-is also markedly will, in dealing with the results of survey, take the years 4oo-5o nc, i.e. the black different from the Iron Age. Indeed it has much less in common with the gloss period, as the unit of study (but note that the Biferno survey found that period of transition just considered, than that period in turn has with the Iron most datable black gloss pieces were from the third or second centuries (Lloyd Age (Lloyd ry95a,2o8). ry95a,ß3-84). Biferno sites (i.e. spreads of archaeological debris in the ploughsoil) for this periodwere classified into three categories, the biggestwith a surface areàSrezter ry6 Edtoard Bispltam The Samnites r97

than 75oom', the smallest below r,soom'z, and the third for intermediate sizes In the lower Biferno Valley too, the later fourth and third centuries saw a (Lloyd ry952,r84-8S). Here we witness the persistence of the village-dominated crucial change in the exploitation of the landscape, where agricultural activity settlement pattern of the Iron Age, with ninety per cent of Iron Age sites also seerns to have been more intense than in the uPPer valley. A more significant producing black gloss sherds (but some impasto wares, although classed as difference is the precocious emergence of Larinum as a leading centre. Its rise sites diagnostic of the Iron Age, might be coeval with earlier black gloss production). seems to have been coterminous with the decline of some probable village The upper valley produced fewer sites than the lower valley, a distribution that had been prominent in the Iron Age (Di Niro ry9rd;r99re).The territory of perhaps explicable through a preference for nucleated settlement in the former; Larinum was not, however, devoid of village sites, which were necessary for the continuity is also harder to establish there (Lloyd ry95a,ß5-87). Villages remain articulation of its increasingly densely settled rural territo.y (Lloyd rgg¡L, rg7, poorly understood, as in the preceding period (Salmon ry67,79-Bo La Regina fr'.26).In the lower valley eighty-three certain villa or farm sites were found, tg9o,37i Patterson 1988, rr5-ró; Ll"yd 1995^, r9o-9r). Probable village sites in with almost a hundred more probable or possible candidates; many of these the Biferno include: San Martino, Saepinum, Colle Sparanise; Fagifrrlae; San seem to be quite substantial, and showed signs of continuity from the Iron Age Martino, San Giacomo, Santa Maria Casalpiano and Olivoli. All of these are and into the Roman Period. large sites (at San Giacomo, a scatter ofsome sixteen hectares ofdebris produced Evidence exacavated at some of these uPPer valley sites (Barker r995b, ch' 3) material dating as early as the fourth century), and were inhabited into the suggests domestic occupation and agricultural activities beginning in the third late Roman period. Some of them produced traces of substantial Samnite/ or second centuries. Besides fine- and coarsewares, there were lamps, storage Roman Republican buildings, and Santa Maria Casalpiano and Saepinum even jars, coins and animal bones and carbonized boast late republic mosaic pavements. Yet the identification of these sites as vegetal m ough damage' traces of a beaten- either villas, or as parts of larger village units, remains controversial (Ceglia, in earth floo a shallow mortar-lined tank, and Alborella et aI.ry93,r57-62; De Benedittis et al. 1993,19) Lloyd rgg5 ,rgr,rg7- perhaps a treading floor (for evidence ofagricultural activityin the upper Sangro zo4 frg. 76, Sù.Important new light has recently been shed on the evolution Valley: Ll"yd et aI.ry97,48). Some of these sites may have qualified as modest of the Samnite vicusby the excavations at the sixth- to first-century nc site of villae rusticøe (Lloyd rgg1a,rg4; for contemporary Italian comparanda: Rossiter Fonte Romito near Agnone, between the Sangro and Tiigno valleys (Rainini ry78; Gadd in Ward-Perkins et aJ.ry86, ro9-r8; Volpe r99o; A¡thur r99rb). The rys6). appeafance and organization of a Samnite farmstead may best be surmised from Better known are farmsteads and villas, which archaeology shows to have the Biferno sites of Cercemaggiore and Matrice, and from the site of Fonte been an important element of the setdement pattern (Patterson ry85; r987;Di Romito near Capracotta; Matrice perhaps represents the greatest Pretensions to Niro r99rb; Lloyd r99r,r8o-g3; Di Niro and Petrone 1993,7-3ù. Of these, the lnxury, with its terracotta gutterspout in the form of a male head (Lloyd r995a, twenty certain, twenty-five probable, and nine possible sites recovered in the Í94-96). upper Biferno Valley must be a bare minimum (a cluster of site-scatters nezrr In the lower valley Santa Maria Casalpiano (classed as a villa by the excavators) Colle Sparanise was interpreted as a single nucleated site). Most parts of the yielded four mosaics from the ptttztle pars is et al. 1993). countryside in this area were probably exploited in some way, although farm As for the pars rustica of a Samnite villa, th ples are from sites tend to concentrate near major centres (Lloyd rggsa,, rg2-g4). Few sites the Tiigno Valley; here a number of villas in the valley were found on the Sepino or Boiano plains, suggesting, as today, expoitation bottom, notably the partly excavated example adjacent to the church of S. Maria from communities on their edges; sporadic finds were, however, common, di Canneto (Di Niro r98z;rggrc l,loyd ry95a,frg. s8).The villa,whose active life possibly derived from manuring. Geomorphological evidence suggests that continued into the Roman period, was engaged in the production of wine and post-classical alluviation in these basins uras not a major factor distorting the oil, and-uniquely for Adriatic Samnium-can rival some of the Campanian survey evidence. Major centres like Bovianum (Boiano) and Monte Vairano villas in terms of the scale of production.In general Samnite villas seem to be have been interpreted as 'agro-setdements', with most putative farm sites not located some way from large centres, with smaller and medium-sized scatters very distant from them; elsewhere in the upper valley isolated farmsteads were (probable farms) occupying the immediate and middle hinterland of such sites, fairly common, especially on the low hills north of the Boiano basin, where soil especially round Larinum (Ll"yd r99 5a, zoo-r). and hydrolowwerc suited to cereaculture. Similarl¡ the few sites in the area Little is known of structures at the bottom of the setdement hierarch¡ in round Fagifirlae (where again geomorphological distortion is not suspected) which the poorest peasants would have lived, or of outbuildings and stalls, were some distance from it. These dispersed farmsteads were probably farmed which might have been thatched structures with mud-brick walls (for early allyear round (Lloyd ryg52,ry4). modern Italian comparanda: Sardella and Sardella 1989; Barket rgg¡a,, fig. 6o). æ

rg8 E&oard Bispltøm 1he Sannites î99

Such structures would leave a very weak archaeological signature, lacking tile on the small, unfortified summit, v/ith evidence for metalworking, as well as roofs (Barker et al. 1986; Perkins and Attolini ry92; Lloyd rgg5a,'.96 for black goftery for the storage and cooking of food (O.Menozzi, personal comment). gloss sherds from the Neolithic rock shelter at Ponte Reggio). The dating of hill-forts is also debated; we have seen that some fortified sites showed evidence of frequentation from the sixth century, and many scholars have argued from the þrimitive' aspect of their poþonal fortifications for an Hill-Forts fuchaic date. Yet the (very limited) stratigraphic data available suggest a later date (chronological arguments based on apparentþ distinct 'styles' of wall- More than (variously one hundred hill-forts calTed urbes, oppidø or cøstella in building are baseless). Evidence from the Biferno Valle¡ at the sites of Monte ancient and modern sources) have been identified across Samnium (and more throughout the centralApennines), and others still await discoveryon remote and thickl¡wooded peaks (oakley1995).More than a dozenare in the upper Biferno Valley, perhaps reflecting its central position within Pentrian territory; the larger o and Sepino plains, to which they clearly have a strategic ry95a, ß8; coordinated territorial defence: La Regina 1975; Conta Haller ry7ï;La Regina ryïo,3718;Di Niro r99rb). By contrast, fewer hill-forts are known from Frentane territory (La Regina r9g4, 3oo; De Benedittis et aL.ry93; Lloyd ry95a,rgg),perhaps unsurprising in view of its more rolling, heavily eroded topography. Samnite hill-forts were in nanrrally defensible locations on or near the summits of hills or mountains. These natural locations are encircled (or simply reinforced where the natural defences were inadequate, as at Monte Pallano, Frgure:s) by polygonal fortifications of greater or lesser sophistication, enclosing areas of widely varying sizes. Major hillforts might have clusters of satellite fortifications, as at Monte Vairano in the Biferno Valley (Lloyd ry95a, ß9); or we may find a group of adjacent hills and ridges forming an intedinked series of fortifications, as at Montenerodomo-Colle della Guardia-Monte di Maio, above luyanum. Many of the hill-forts explored in the Biferno produced surface finds of pottery and tile and other finds (the same is true of rhe luvanum hill-fort network). This raises a hotly disputed question: what were hill-forts used for? There is no single answer. Sometimes, as at Monte Vairano and Monte Pallano, a very large area was enclosed by the defences, some-but not all-ofwhich was terraced and used to build kilns, houses or temples (De Benedittis 1988; oakley ry95).Large centres like these surelyhad stable populations. other, smaller,'hi11- forts'will have been little more than refuges for people and flocks in times of crisis (large open areas within major hill-forts may also have served a similar function). Between these two extremes minor sites are often thought to have been occupied only seasonalTy,in connection with transhumance (Frederiksen 1968; De Benedittis 1977; Salmon ry82,4) or to watch and control communication routes (La Regina ry75;r984,2o8-9;Di Niro rygrb;Christie in Lloyd etal.ry97); they have also been seen as marking tribal boundaries (Faustorerri r998,r4). Yet very few have been studied through large-scale excavation, and generalizations on such limited evidence are dangerous. Work by the University of Chieti on Monte Pidocchio near Iuvanum has revealed a small number of hut platforms 35 Monte Pallano walls (photograph by permission of Keith Swift) 200 Edward Bispham Tbe Samnites 20r

Vairano and La Rocca di Oratino, suggests that the fortifications belong to the late fourth century (De Benedettis r98o, p6tr.); atTerravecchia, above the later town of Saepinum, the late fourth century is a terninus ønte gaem.Much remains to be done (Lloyd rg95^, rgo a cautious overyiew at Lloyd et al. ryg1, 4-5,28).As for the longevity of such sites, Monte Vairano seems to be occupied between the third and first centuries nc, and Monte Pallano from the third nc wofld never was, a difference obscured by our adoption of the ancient equation to the second Ro, but perhaps not continuously; at Monte Pidocchio the latest of civiTnation with urban living; we, by and large,live in cities, and thus associate occupation may be as late as the second century nc. The larger hill-forts were home to rich, powerfirl individuals, as the'house of LN'testifies for Monte Vairano (De Benedittis 1988), as well as being centres of consumption and redistribution (note the one hundred-plus Rhodian amphora handles from Monte Vairano: Lloyd ryg5a, zo6).1hey probably also operated as pøgus centres for the surrounding territorywith monumental buildings (Curino, above Alfedena:La Regina 1976, zro-23, with pl. r and z-the captions ought to be reversed), elite housing (Monte Vairano) and religious buildings (Curino; Monte Pallano: Kane zoo6). The earþ Hellenistic Lucanian fortified centre of Roccagloriosa has been suggested as a model for understanding the relationship between oppidun and territory at Monte Pallano (Oakley ry95,r6; Faustoferri for much of Samnium. and Lloyd 1998; for Roccagloriosa itself see Gualtieri ry87 Gualtieri and Fracchia r99o; Fracchia zoo4; Gualtieri zoo4). A similar, if less marked, relationship, in terms of density and hierarchy of setdement, between the territorial centre and farms and villages exploiting the surrounding countryside is found at Monte Vairano. The major Samnite centres, whether oppidø (and pøgus centres), or,like Larinum, a city,were the bases of those elites upon whom the Romans relied for control after the conquest from the third century ¡c onwards (see for example of a recognizable urban centre at Larinum, and of places that show some of the La Regina t98o,4r; Lloyd et al.ryg7,4T-49). characteristics of urban form, for example at Bovianum (the Pentrian 'capital' The emergence of oppida, if essentially a fourth-century phenomenon, may according to Livy g.3r.4) and Saepinum. We are woefirlly ill-informed about be related not only to the appearance in southern Italy of both Greek condottieri other centres that should have developed in similar ways from an early date, emergence of urban and Roman armies, but also to a growing sense of self-definition among the especially Caudium; on the other hand, the _Hellenistic dlfferent pagzr polities and the various touto, which together made the Samnite ..ntr., ut c.nt al Apennine sites like Teate (Chieti) and Sulmo (Sulmona) in Samnium tribes; in a word, to state formation (cf. Lloyd et a). ry97,4-5). Subsequent offers us comparative materialwithwhich to approach the situation developments may reflect the continuing accommodation of Rome with Samnite aristocracies.

TheUrbanProblem it as a city; lateç after the So (autonomous towns) in this Strabo, a principal source for central Italic'village'settlement patterns, also tells much of its wealth came fro us that the Samnites once had great cities, but that they had dwindled into is reflected in the issue of coinage in the third villages (s.+.rt). The question of whether the Samnites were urbanized or not with the attainment of autonomy from the rest of has excited some debate (Lloyd r9g5a, zo8-9, drawing on Arthur r99ra). The the inhibiting effect that its growth had on some laudable desire to rehabilitate the Samnites, to rescue them from the ideological of the larger rural sites in its orbit; the small number of known hill-forts in its and historical prison into which Graeco-Roman writers had cast them, and environs may also be a function of its growing importance. I

202 Edward Bispham The Samnites 203

The same explanation may perhaps apply to the relative paucity of rural with the surrounding countryside, needs to be adopted. Pøgus centtes might have sanctuaries in the Larinate hinterland: the sole known example (as of 1995), public and religious monumental buildings, host fairs, act as political centres, or near the later Roman vil1a at Arcora, dates to the third and second centuries ¿11 of these, without a stable population living on site. Not all, perhaps not very (La Regina ry84, 3o7); even the distribution of Hercules statuettes is limited rnuch, of the vast plateau of Pallano, was occupied permanently, or indeed at all. compared with that encountered in the uplands (Di Niro ry77).There are hints, This, and the Curino acropolis at Alfedena (Mariani rgor;rgo2;LaReg\nary76, based on the distribution of archaic terracotta statues, that places of worship 2rg-23 1984, z6o-67), need to be understood as particular types of pagus ceître, may have been more widely dispersed across the countryside in eadier times not as towns (despite Lloydryg5a,2o9). (Stelluti 1988, fig. zzz;Lloyd ry95a,frg.77;Barker r99¡b,ch.+). It seems probable In fact, political activity of a high order, with complex structures active over that the centralizing force of the growing city had religious as well as political a wide area, is hard to trace in the Pentrian settlements other than Bovianum and agricultural implications (Lloyd rgg¡a, rgg-2oo, zo9-ro). Many religious (but note a 'censor' in a probably pan-Pentrian context at Pietrabbondante: functions will have been subsumed by the urban centre, whose elites will have Vetter 1953, no. r49 = Rix zooz,Sa4).Much of the weight of administration and provided the priests, and who will have been anxious to reduce the proliferation organization must have been carried by the magistrates of the various shrines of alternative loci of authority. The situation elsewhere in Samnium, including and pagi, dispersed settlements with a diffusion of power struchres. Pentrian Frentane territory is, as we shall see, strikingly different (Campanelli and communities like Monte Vairano and Saepinum were too small to need the Faustoferri 1998,pI.I: distribution of Frentane rural sanctuaries; add now Monte kind of complex tiered administration we find at 'Samnite'Pompeii in the same Pallano). period, and the caution of Lloyd was in the final analysis characteristically That Larinum, near the coast, and long open to external influences, became a shrewd (rgg5^, zog:'argaably a more homespun process'; Lloyd, however, argued ciry is not surprising. What of the leading Pentrian settlementsì The key sites, for a greater role for urbanization, or something very like it, than I do here: whose development is potentially closer to the city-state model than others', r995a, nz). Larinum had more in common with Pompeii than with Monte are Bovianum, Monte Vairano and Saepinum. These fulfilled the role of tentral Vairano; but Monte Vairano is more typical of the top end of Samnite nucleated places', and certainly had significant stable populations and monumental public settlement. buildings. Saepinum and Monte Vairano certainly had important economic Nevertheless, we might see hill-forts and cities as two points on a spectrum' roles, and surely Bovianum too. At Saepinum and Monte Vairano we also clearly rather than antitheses. Purcell has linked the growth of both cities and fortified have elite private houses: for example the'House of the Boar Hunt'at Saepinum enceintes in southern ltaly in the fourth century to the influence of Hellenic (Gaggiotti r99r), and the 'House of LN' at Monte Vairano. political, social and cultural models (rg9+,lgs-gZ). Vg" have noted that in some Yet it is stretching a point to argue, on the basis of the evidence available, parts of Samnium, not coincidentally those closer to the more deeply Hellenized that such hierarchies could manifest themselves only in nucleated physical parts of ltaly, the city did Larinum and Caudium we have mentioned, ^ppeaf; contexts; or that had some Pentrian elites not lived at Monte Vairano theywould but Beneventum in the last generation before the Latin colony merits notice never have imported Rhodian wine, and consumed it in their own version of in two very important respects. One is the creation of an extra-urban artisan Hellenistic luxury dining. Of course such patterns of behaviour had a particular quarter at Cellarulo (red-figure finewares were possibly produced here; see resonance in aggregate in a fixed nucleated environment; evidence for import further below). The second is the discovery at two sites within the later urban and consumption of Greek prestige wines at, for example, Samnite villa sites, is area (Rocca dei Rettori, Palazzo di Simone) of a complex series of substantial so far non-existent. It was not the elites alone who lived at these centres: some terracing interventions. These overlay, and thus terminated, a sequence of burials houses were less grand than others, and some of the artisans and traders whose at both sites, which had run from the eighth to the late fourth centuries. This activites we shall trace below may have lived in these central places; at Monte landscaping seems to be designed to create artificial terraces to compensate for the Vairano, a hintedand for which the settlement would have acted as a market uneven slope of the hillside. Both sites give the impression of careful planning to centre, may be hypothesized. For other centres urban form, or proto-urban create a monumental effect, and that at Rocca dei Rettori was associated with an form, has been claimed: for example Monte Pallano (Faustoferri and Riccitelli earthen rampart and a stone wall-circuit (Giampaola zooo,3ï,figs 14, 16).These zoo5), on the model of Roccagloriosa. Yet it seems to me that, apart from the developments (specialized craft production, the monumentalization of space misdirection of inquir¡ the parallels have been overplayed, ar,'d that in the and the ending of burial within an now dedicated to the living communiry ^rea. Hellenistic period we are dealing with a variety of central places that acquired impþing in turn greater communal control over descent lines) belong on many different, overlapping sets of fearures which we might elsewhere call urban. A classic'checklists' for rrbanization. It is hard to resist the idea that, catalysed by more nuanced approach to the realities of occupation, and to the relationship Caudium, and by the highly urban Campania, Beneventum in the late fourth 204 Edu:ard Bispharn The Sarnnites 205 and early third centuries was undergoing major social and cultural changes, and. prime po thin the sacral econom¡ and the sacred stood on the verge of becoming an urban settlement comparable with Lãrinum, 'hi.rurchy how the elites of Hellenistic Samnium when Roman (Barker history overtook it. used sanc their place in the social hierarchy ry89a).- The evidence from all the sanctuaries considered suggests that the animals Sanctuaries ønd Religion sacrificed were tailored to the ritual regime as well as the prestige of the

The Hellenistic age is the age of sanctuaries in Samnium.Theywere, in a sense, its cities. They performed aggregative functions across Samnite territories, serving as economic, religious and political meeting points; theywere crucibles in which the identity of both polities and elites was forged. They were the arenas for the euergetic monumentality of Samnite (La elites Regina 1976, zz9; cf. Torelli r9g3, pig profile recalls but th mals, 246, drawing a contrast with contemporary Tyrrhenian Italy, Lloyd ry95a, zo9). iia thus repr form local Stamped roof tiles from Campochiaro suggest the ^^y that communities also took stock resources as ftheir arker a role in panng for and maintaining the sancruaries (Lloyd rggla, rgr-gz); we r995b, ch.7; Lloyd et al. in Lloyd ry95a, zo3). The more ordinary the stock have little information on priests, but we do have evidence for boards of oficials sacrificed, the smaller the drain on the farming resources' the lower the prestige (magistriin Latin) who were responsible for running the sanctuaries (Buonocore of the sanctuary. This evidence not only illuminates a sacred landscape of some zooz),in conjunction with the officials of the villages and the pøgi. complexity, but also gives texture and density to Samnite interaction with that The sanctuaries form a hierarchy, ranging in size from small shrines (or even landscape (Lloyd ry95a, ryz). natural features at which deposition of statuettes-like those of Hercules- Therã is some evidence of activity at Pietrabbondante in the late Iron Age, but or terracotta figurines took place) the mother to of all Italic sanctuaries at it is not easy to interpret; other than this, as we have seen, there is little evidence Pietrabbondante in the Trigno YalTey, probably rightþ seen as a pan-pentrian for any monumental aspects to pre-Hellenistic cult. In the eighteenth century central place (Vettet 1953, îo. r49 La Regina ,gg5a., ry76; LIoyd ,g). Major a near life-size fifth-century terracotta statue of Athena, probably of Greek sanctuaries (like Vastogiradi, Pietrabbondante, Campochiaro; perhaps also origin, was found at Roccaspramonte in Molise, in what seems to be a sanctuary Monte Pallano: Bell et ú. zooz on its communications) are oit.tr ritrut.d (on the basis of mainly Hellenistic evidence). It might be a commission from close to tratturi or communications routes, indeed often at nodal points in a Greek craftsman, impþing Samnite receptiveness to Greek conceptions and the communications network, although in some cases apparentþ distànt from plastic expressions of deities; but it might equally be a piece of plunder from important settlements: Schiavi d'Abruzzo; I Casali (upper Sangro Valley); San Mug." Graecia (Mirone ry24;LIoydry95a,ß5-87;Torelli rg9g,95-97 and pl. z8; Giovanni in Galdo and Vastogiradi (Lloyd ar. rgg7,3z). et Smaller sancuaries, for the context: Vetter 1953, no. r58 = Rix zooz,SazTl Cianfarani et aI' ry78,3o5- like that at Colle Sparanise, tend to be found in association with villages. In their 6; Paribeni 1984; De Benedittis 1988). The great age of monumental sanctuary proximity to trøtturi some (e.g. sanctuaries Schiavi, Pietrabbondante) recall Iron building, however, began in the fourth century nc, and grew through the third Age cemeteries. Most sanctuaries are thus integrated into the various reflexes of (see Torelli 1983, z4rfor a similar pattern across Italy). It reached a climax in the Samnite mobility. late second century, as the full force of the Samnite elites'engagement with, and hierarchy A of sanctuaries can be seen in sacrificial waste deposits too. At mics of the Hellenistic east was seconded by Pietrabbondaîte a sacrificial refuse midden between temples A and B produced profits that had accrued from exploiting the sheep and goat bones, domestic and wild fowl, fish and shellfish. In some to win (Salmon 1967, r43-Bt; La Regina ry7 6; respects the assemblage is similar to those at Campochiaro and Colle Sparanise; Morelry76). what seems unique to this site is the frequency with which male cattle in the Apart from Hercules, both Jupiter and Mars seem to have been popular prime of life can be identified. Given the value of cattle, their high maintenance Sa-nite deities, as well as Kerres (Ceres), the water goddess Mefitis (in Hirpinia), as worhng animals (see below) and the tendency to let them live to the end of and Vibia (an underworld goddess) (see generally Campanile I99I); but we do their working lives, the killing of (which prime stock might otherwise be used not know to whom many sanctuaries were dedicated. Indigenous religious ideas, for breeding), represents a significant turning over of resources to the divine as we have seen with Hercules,were permeated by Greek infuences,which were sphere; in other words, the top end of investment in sacrifice. It underlines the recast for Samnite consumption (note also the case of the Dioscuri: Tagliamonte )F

207 206 Edzuard Bispham 'Ihe Samnites

Samnite zoo+);but how far Greek ideas changed native religion remains unclear.The most the main context producing constitue over a interesting evidence for Samnite ritual practice is the Agnone tablet, found near ed pig remains to at just under Capracotta befween the Sangro and Tïigno valleys, and perhaps dating ro the a third and ovicaprids third century (for an exhaustive review of the interpretation of this, the longest during collection. OccasionallY the farm (e.g. Samnite text-Vetter 1953, no. r47 = Rix zooz, Sat-.see now Del Tutto Palma ductive regimes of butcherY of ry96;it seems to detail the administration of a garden sacred to Ceres). is 1988). At Matrice ,.';:i:îf*ffi ':;"',Ïï;iiÏ-'f'ii; a means of producing protein Economy, Trade and Cornmerce This is not surprising: cattle are uneconomical as decent l^^"ur,since they Ãquire large amounts of fodder, and antiquity lacked (White t97o, z9z-83; In the middle of the first century nc Cicero's speech pro Cluentio,for aLarinate fåJa., ,rop"; ofoitlori'they are expensive draught animals defendant and concerned mainly with Larinum and its hinterland, evokes an Lloyd et al. in LloYd ry95a,zoz-3)' from the agrarian economy, where a wealthy elite own large estates and have substantial Su-rrit" animi h"rúá"dty seems to show, all in all,little advance interests in stock-raising (Clu.9s). It is unlikely that this represents a very Iron Age situation; the main develop recent development, and we may project Cicero's picture back at least into the also now built in the idea of a surplus second century nc (note Poþius 3.ror,ro4, on the productivity of the territory Another stimulus to the production of of Larinum; Lloyd ry95a, zo8). Certainly two scatter sites found by the Biferno its importance in Samnium-may have t - The growth of survey in the territory of Larinum, and identified as medium-sized farms (sites Mediterranean economies, faciliiated by the Roman conquest. and the Latin A ng and z7o), produced only black gloss finewares; these cannot be the only Rome and other urban centres, both those in Tyrrhenian Italy of market for medium-to-large farms with probable early Hellenistic phases. That we can colonies such as Beneventum and Aesernia, offered one tyPe large generalize from favoured environments like that of Larinum to the whole of meat and other secondary products. Rome's large armies, which needed entfePfeneurs Samnium is, however, debatable; some scholars (e.g. Morel r99r) have argued amounts of textiles and leatheq formed another, in which Samnite the scePtical that we should make a distinction between lowland and upland economonic could huv. competed for contracts (Lloyd rggsa,2o7,in contrast to spheres within Samnium. position of Morel 199r). in the lower Mixed farming seems, as in the Iron Age, to be the norm across much of Intensification of wool production, noted for the later Iron Age common find Samnium. For Samnite animal husbandry we can draw on faunal assemblages Biferno Valley seems to Le maintained, with loom weights a (Stelluti 1988, frg'"5+; from across the settlement hierarchy. We have noted above the sacrifical waste from survey (as in the Sangro Valley) and excavation present deposits from the sanctuaries, and to these we can add afarm assemblage from De Benediitis 1988; Barker tggSb, ch. a; Lloyd ry95a, frg' 78)' It is at Matrice, and domestic waste from Monte Vairano. It should be noted that very hard to say whether these some of these are rather small samples: fewer than three thousand identifiable production, or as Part a wider P fragments were available for consideration by the Biferno specialists (many but the latter cannot be ruled more fragments were unattributable, adding another layer of uncertainty to loom weights impressed with the head may imply state control), Larinum's all the figures: Lloyd ry95a, frg. 79; Lloyd et al. in Lloyd rgg¡a, 2or-z); from motifs are found on Larinate coinage and the Samnite layers at Monte Pallano there are perhaps a dozen identifiable longstanding cultural and economic connections with Apulia make large-scale for fragments-as against over one thousand for the Roman period (Love zoo5); Larînate *oã1tr^d. in that direction more plausible (note also later evidence Lloyd t995a' zo6: caution is requisite (Barker ry95b,ch.7). stock raising: Cicero, Ctu. 98;Barker et al' in Lloyd rg95a,2o+; frg. All these samples are dominated by the three main domesticated species stylistic [nf,s between Larinate and Apulian terracottas; Lloyd ry95a, 78.' (cattle, pig and ovicaprids); there is also some horse and dog. Matrice provides Bárk.r rgg.b,ch.4, Larinate and Lucerian loom weights). Besides wool, sheep the best evidence for domestic consumption, and this allows some indirect and goats (and cattle) were exPlo insights into husbandry regimes: ovicaprids accounted for just over half the 199rb, possible cheese production a identified fragments, with pig coming in at over a third, and cattle at twelve In constructing an ideologicallY per cent. This compares to a ratio of roughly r:r:r for the 'big three' each at focused on Samnite pastoralism (Salmo Monte Vairano (where, however, different collection methodologies may have that farms and villas, not always of m 208 Edtoard Bispbøm Zbe Samnites 209

and upland Samnium. One burning question affecting Italy as a whole in the oriented economy in Samnium before the Roman period outside the areas of second and centuries concerns first the introduction of large slave-run estates, Rornan or Latin settlement. and the possible contribution of the 'slave mode of production' to the agrarian The evidence for the Samnite agricultural economy is consistent with and recruitment crisis depicted in Italy by hterary sources in the latter part of dependence on the labour of the free poor. What were they growing? Again, the second century ec (classic expositions: Toynbee 1965; Hopkins ry78;evidence Matrice in the Biferno Valley provides some of the best evidence. Flotation for slave-run estates and their impact, mainly in Tyrrhenian Italy: Rathbone indicates an agricultural regime based on cereals and legumes; evidence for 1983; Attolini et al. r99r; Arthur r99rb). What part did the broader changes that the wheat consumption was also found at Monte Vairano (De Benedittis affected Italy play in Samnite agriculture? 1988), and slight evidence of viticulture from elsewhere in the Biferno. Sadl¡ Among the many ltalic traders attested during the second century rc in beside a carbonized grape pip and abundant charcoal, no plant remains were the inscriptions of the Aegean trading hub of Delos, and thus very probably recovered from sacrificial refuse. The lowland areas of Samnium (and, as today, the slave trade, we find Staii. These are almost certainly members of one of some upland plateaux such as the Altipiano di Rochetta above the source of the the leading Pentrian familes (and perhaps exploiting their loyalty to Rome in Volturno) must have been largely turned over to grain growing; the area around the Hannibalic War to gain privileged access to lucrative eastern markets: La Larinum was especially productive. Regina 1976, zz9-3oi t989,335; Lloyd ryg5a, zo6). The emergence of Samnite From analysis of the limited pollen samples available, we may add the vine villas cannot be independent of broader Italian trends, and the suitability of and the olive to the repertoire, despite the limited ecofactual evidence for Samnite upland ecosystems for pastoral economies probably encouraged large- their cultivation (Bottema ry74). The cultivation of olives should have been scale ranching on the model familiar from other parts of Italy in Roman literary concentrated in the lower valleys, since more inland areas were mainly too high sources. The villas were, as noted, smaller than their Tyrrhenian counterparts, for their extensive cultivation; the same problem does not affect viticulture, and but, as we shall see, this does not rule out production of surplus for market. This there is evidence of possible treading floors for wine production in the upper difference in size does not exclude (nor does it make more likeþ) some impact Biferno (see above). As with wool working,large-scale liquid production, aimed on smallholders similar to that hypothesized for areas where medium-to-large at an exportable surplus, is hard to demonstrate anywhere: no local amphora- villa estates \Mere present. production sites are known, and the odds must be against any substantial Nevertheless, the evidence for slavery in Samnium is thin. In the 'industrial' production for export. On the contrary, Hellenistic amphorae from Monte sector we can cite a charming piece of evidence from Pietrabbondante: a tile Vairano, Campochiaro and Larinum show that imports were supplementing signed by two women, Delftri and Amica, both slaves of a man called Herreneis local production, probably for elite consumption; as well as the Rhodian Sattius, who scratched messages in the wet clay (and accompanied them with amphorae found at Monte Vairano, small numbers of Knidian, Black Sea, Punic two sets of dainty hobnail-boot prints, and, one hopes, much giggling) 'while and south Italian examples are also known from the Biferno. Other evidence we were luyt"g out the tiles to dry'. Herreneis is a Samnite (as his name shows), for the operation of a mixed agricultural regime comes in the form of tools and evidentþ the proprietor of a commercial tile-factory; it has been thought, and millstones, as for example at Monte Vairano (De Benedittis r99ra; ry9rb; on the basis of Cato the Elder's reference (Agr. 45) to tiles made at Venafrum Lloyd et al. in Lloyd rgg¡a,2o4-S). The evidence from elsewhere in Samnium (Venafro), that this example might have been made there too (Macchiarolarggr, is variable: we have aheady noted the relative abundance of villas in the Tïigno 46-57,Tav. 3d). Venaf¡um lay in the Volturno Valley, and had been annexed by Valley, at least one engaged in wine-production beyond domestic requirements Rome after the Samnite Wars of the early third century nc, with an influx of (Canneto); in the Sangro Valley, however, survey found little evidence for villas, Roman settlers. Amica is a Latin name, and her graffto is in Latin, whereas or indeed for major surplus production,leading to speculation that stock raising Delftri's is in Oscan cleady - this interesting document must have originated may have been relatively more important here (Lloyd et ú,. ry97,48). in a biJingual area. If there were slaves in the commercial sector, then there must There is a marked lack of interest in literary sources in trade and commerce have been slaves working the land too; but this does not amount to large slave- in antiquiry a situation accentuated for Samnium by the primitivist discourse run estates, or the presence of the 'slave mode of production'in Samnium. Such surrounding the Samnites (Salmon ry67,651).By contrast, archaeology reveals slaves might be identified with the very poorest or lowest status individuals considerable variety and scale in Samnite manufacture. We have already noted visible in the archaeological record (in the Biferno: Di Niro r99ra; Petrone in Di (above) the artisan aÍe at Cellarulo at Bevenentum, active from the second half Niro and Petrone ryy;Lloydr9g5a,2ro-u), but these might jusr as plausibly be of the fourth century sc into the Roman imperial era, despite the implantation the free poor. In the final analysis there is no good evidence for a heavily slave- of a Latin colony in 263 øc,and the urban restructuring of that quarter of the city. In addition to possible red-figure production, coarsewares, black gloss vessels, 2IO Edzoard Bisphant Tlte Samnites 2tr kiln-furniture and wasters were also found (Cipriano and De Fabrizio 1996). power (Lloyd rgg¡a,2o7;Di Niro r98oc for aLarinate hoard; cf. Howgego r99z) Three kilns have been found at Monte Vairano, providing important evidence than with a random assemblage composed of losses and discards by returnees about local black gloss production (De Benedittis r98o; 1988; De Benedittis from overseas (Crawford 1985, r78). We have noted the probable involvement of and Lucarelli r99o). Pre-Roman production is also known from Bovianum and Samnite elites in the economic opportunities opened up by the Roman Empire; Saepinum (Matteini Chiari :'982, z5),from Larinum from the early Hellenistic these will not have been limited to the slave trade (Gabba ry76,76; Crar,vford period, imitating'Gnathian'wares among others (Di Niro r98ob, discussing also ry85, 17819; Lloyd rg gra, zto-t). local terracotta production), and from a site near Termoli (Di Niro r98r, rr- Indeed, the striking euergetic activity represented by the sanctuaries of r3). Fìnally, wasters and kiln-furniture from surveys of the Biferno and Sangro Hellenistic Samnium must be taken as a proxy indicator of extensive wealth valleys, and perhaps Iuvanum, may be relevant to this period (Barker r995b, ch. that Samnite elites were able to deploy in the third and second centuries. The 4;Lloyd et al. in Lloyd ryg5a, zo5). As noted above,local amphora-production upsurge in building activities in the decades before the Social War suggests both has proved more elusive, although sherds of amphorae in Adriatic fabrics are growing assertiveness and competition within the elite (as in the same period abundant. Much tile was produced locally: a bilingually stamped tile from Monte at Rome), and enhanced resources with which to compete (La Regina ry76, Vairano seems to indicate interaction between Greek and Oscan craftsmen in z2g-3o; Lloyd rgg¡a,2ro:. Aquilano ry98,q). Sanctaries were, in turn, used for a workshop context (De Benedittis 1988, 47-48). Activities as diverse as metal- the display of wealth and power by the elites; we have already noted the case of working (not yet in bronze, however), fulling, sculpture and other artisan activity animal sacrifice, and will discuss military ideologies below. The elites themselves are attested from various contexts, urban, village and religious (from Saepinum, may have been on display at their sanctuaries-this is one interpretation of the Larinum, Colle Sparanise, Monte Vairano), although who made the weapons marvellous third-century btonze statue head showing a young mále, found in that the Samnites took to war with, and then for, the Romans, remains unknown. a stream-bed at San Giovanni Lipioni in the Tiigno Valley. It has long been If manufacturing was widespread in the Biferno Valley (there is less evidence wondered whether this might be a portrait of a Samnite aristocrat (Cianfarani from other regions), its scale, and importance within the local economy, is still eta7.ry78,552-¡¡;Lloydrgg¡a,,2og-ro;Strazzri7ar998); now an ingenious review hard to assess. of the evidence by Faustoferri suggests that its original location was in a rural Broad trading networks, encompassing a lively trans-Apennine trade, can be sanctuary at Mandrile (Faustoferri 1998). Other interpretations are possible, for shown for pottery and metal objects from the lron Age, and may be assumed for instance that it was war booty: Jean-Louis Ferrary points out to me the markedly other objects in later periods. The catillus from alarge grain mill at Monte Vairano Hellenic character of the piece, and how different it is from the contemporary is made from a leucitic lava similar to that from Pompeian examples (D'Agostino 'Capitoline Brutus' from Rome. r98o; Lloyd r995a, zo6), and it is probable that many other quernstones found Lower down the social scale, Samnium was a major recruitment reservoir for in excavated contexts and in survey came from this area, or from further north Roman armies down to the SocialWar (see below).That this demand for troops on the Tyrhenian coast, from south Italy or Sicily (Barker r995b,ch. 6; Ltoyd et was met, apparently without difficuþ and despite indications of substantial al. in Lloyd rgg¡b,z4);the same goes for coarsewares, amphorae and even doliø, emigration (for example, to Fregellae early in the second century sc:.Livy 4r.8.6- whose petrology betrays the volcanic inclusions of the \^¡est coast (Capini 1982, rz, g.9-rz), suggests a healtþ demographic situation in Samnium, and a degree rr; Barker rgg¡b, ch.+).Contacts with the eastern Mediterranean may often be of prosperity for the small farmers who will have formed the backbone of the indirect rather than direct (the coasts of Molise and Abruzzo north ofTermoli Samnite levy (something the settlement pattern, as revealed by survey, implies were notoriously short of good ports), although imported amphorae do point in any case). Those on whom the costs of war fell most heavily-the elites- to long-distance trade. This interpretation, while not the only one (Crawford may have found in its demands an indirect stimulus to further agriculnrral r985,r781g), is supported by the distribution of fourth- to first-century nc coins diversification. across Samnium, which show wide connections: we find represented the mints For all the dynamism of Samnite elites in acquiring and expending their of Rome (increasingly predominant during the second century) and Campania; wealth, it remains unclear whether we can speak, with Aquilano (1998, ry) of Apulia, Lucania, the eastern Adriatic, fhasos and Balearic Ebusus (Mariani a hew economic aristocracy'with its wealth partly based in transhumance. It rgor; Catalli r98oa; r98ob; Capini ry84; Cravr,ford 1985; Cantilena rgg1ll4cnozzi would, however, seem foolish to insist that all economic opportunities remained zooz,r5715).In view of the evidence for production and trade thatwe have been in the hands of the traditional landed elites. Overall, we cannot class Samnium reviewing, it seems more likely that we are dealing with the international side of as a commercial hub, either within Italy (of the great consular roads only the a'complex monetary economy'that extended even to rural sites such as Matrice, Appia, as extended from Capua to Brundisium, traversed it, and only through and which sought to turn agricultural surpluses into monetary purchasing the territory of the Hiryini) or the Mediterranean. Traditional emphasis on 2I2 Edward Bisphøm Tbe Samnites 2r3

the Tyrrhenian is not misplaced, although indifference to Samnite trade and igno valley; Purcell g94,398i Tagliamonte 2oo4: commerce ls f cavalrymen). warriors, both leaders and foot soldiers, appear in the material record. From a Roman perspective we have the third-century War frescos from a tomb on the EsquiJine (currently in the Montemartini Museum in Rome), probably from a tomb of the patrician Fabii, depicting the negotiation For students of Roman history the Samnites are the quintessence of resistance of a truce by a Fabius and a Samnite respresentative. The latter is characterized to Rome in the course of its conquest of ltaly, a role given heroic status by by his extravagantly plumed helmet, an item that recurs in tomb paintings from salmon (1967; re-assessment of salmon's attitude: Freáeriftsen 1968; Dencir 'Samnite'Nola in Campania from the late fourth century sc, and on the cheek zoo4). Samnite hostilities with Rome began, in obscure circumstances, in 343 nc, piece of a fourth-century helmet dedicated at Pietrabbondante. These feathered and continued with little intermission to the final defeat of Pyrrhus at the battle helmets might be the prerogative of leaders (very few known Samnite helmets of Beneventum in 275; the Hirpini joined Hannibal in the Second Punic War, could be fitted with plumes). Alternatively they may denote individuals of arry and all the Samnite tribes rebelled from Rome in the SocialWar. For all of them rank rewarded for valour (Salmon t967,n3,r3o and pl. rra for the Louvre Mars; seccession seems to have been a more important goal than the citizenship, the and note a f,Êth-century(?) bronze statuette from Roccaspinalveti in north concession of which seems to have made little difference to them in the short Samnium, which seems to represent an ordinary soldier, wearing a helmet with term (Pobjoy zooo). holes in it, presumably for attaching model plumes: see D'Ercole et al. 1998, zz, The fourth- and third-century conflicts are usually referred to collectively as 25, scheda 4 cf. schedø z). the Samnite Wars, although Cornell has recently made a cogent argument for not seeing these conflicts as part of a coherent long-term struggle, except in so far as they relate to the Roman conquest (Cornell zoo4).The narrative of Deøth ønd Burial these conflicts can be traced in Diodorus and Livy, and has received exhaustive comment (Salmon ry67; oahey r9g8-zoo5 on rhe Livian material). For our What was the mortuary situation after the decline of the great Iron Age systematic purposes it is important to note that Rome consistendy fights 'the Samnites'as a cemeteriesì It must be admitted that our information is thin, and an agreed methodology for Hellenistic mortuary studies, are unified entity (note the separate treaty with the Frentani in 3o4 nc), the duration research, and even section draws of the conflict(s), and the high levels of manpower commirted on both sides largely lacking (Copersino and D'Er cole 2oo3,335,375,376 n. 50; this over that period. heavily on their account: 2c,c,3,335-18). Regional variation is marked. Among the The scale and duration ofthe hostilities contributed to one Roman construction Caricini the preference is apparently for cist tombs,lined and covered with stone of the Samnites, that of their courage and pugnacity (the pressure of Italic slabs; among the Frentani the dominant custom is one of simple trench burials populations on the colonies of Magna Graecia will have led to similar Greek (Copersino and D'Ercole zoo3,355-56,359). Although inhumation remains the practised depictions). \Me noted the self-representation of Iron Age elites as warriors in dominant rite, some elite groups in the area of Termoli and Larinum the mortuary archaeology; this same self-representation, broadly speaking, can cfemation, and in the female burials of these groups the ashes were deposited, still be traced in fourth-century graves, but must be followed subsequentþ in unusually, in bronze starnnoi.'Ihe influence of south Italian/Greek practices here other contexts. Chief among these are sanctuaries (see above), in which war is clear (D'Ercole et al. 1998, zr; Di Niro forthcoming). booty was displayed, offered to the gods in recognition of their support. The Of the cemeteries that do survive into this period (e.g. Lama dei Peligni have burials goddess victory appears in a dedication at Pietrabbondante (Rix zooz, Saz4), in Caricinian territory: Copersino and D'Ercole 2oo3,355), some where very large quantities of weapons were uncovered by Bourbon excavators displaying valuable grave goods. Elements of the military ideology of the earlier in the nineteenth century. Many of these were probably won in the conflicts periods also survive, with cintaroni persisting into the third century Bc. In with Täras and the Greek condottieri whom she summoned (Purcell 1994,39g, northern Samnium they seem by and large to be accompanied only by spear cf. 4or). Not all of them need derive from wars fought on behalf of the pentrian points-the iron knives also found in male burials may have a ri¡ral and not south, touto or the Samnite federation; mercenary activiÍ/ is also a key element in the a miJitary significance (Copersino and D'ErcoIe 2oo3,355-59); further found in Pentrian graves. military portfolio of the Samnites (Tagliamonte ryg4).Despite rhe mountainous at least at the start of this period, helmets are still territory of Samnium, its Hellenistic elites seem to have pictured themselves, Vases forming part of the corredo seem to come from an ever-mofe-standardized and oinochoail among other things, as a cavalry elite (De Benedittis and Di Niro r99g, zo: repertoire; they include the black gloss sþphos, as well as lekythoi 214 Efuoard Bispham Zhe Sømnites 2r5

and commonly an o//ø Qar) in impasto, with a miniature dipping vessel, often Alborella, U., Ceglia, V. and Roberts, P.C. 1993.'S. Giaocomo degli Schiavoni: A Iìfth an olpe, also of impasto, inside the ollø; occasionally Apulian or south Italian Century ao Deposit of Pottery and Fauna'PBSR 6r, pp. 157-225. imported vessels are found (copersino and D'Ercole zoo3,:ss-6o). Female Aquilano, D. 1998.'Le colonne di Casteþidone e i capitelli ellenistici dell'Abruzzo ornament among the Frentani is, apart from the odd gold item, principally meridionale'in A. Campanelli and A. Faustoferri (eds) I luoghi degli dei. Sacro e represented by fibulae, although some cemeteries are much richer, with mor! nøtura nellAbruzzo antico. Pescara, pp. r7-r8. Arthur, P. rg9:.r,. 'Naples: ,4. Case Study of Urban Survival in the Eady Middle Ages' varied female corredi. Villalfonsina is a case in point, yielding iron spits; and MEFR l ro3, pp. unique so far is the funerary bed, remains of which were recovered irom the TSg-84. Arthur, P. r99rb. Romans in Nortltern Canpania. London. cemetery of Coste di Serre at Atessa (Tagliamonte :,996, zrz; Copersino and Attema, P., Nijboer, A. and Zifferero, A. (eds) zoo5. Papers in ltalian Archaeology W. D'Ercole 2oo3,356-59). very striking also is the complete absence of samnite Community and Settlementsfrom tlte Neolithic to the Earþ Medieaal Period. Proceedings funerary inscriptions. of the 6th Conþence of Italian Á.rcltaeologlt, Groeningen, '{pri/ r5-r7th zooj. BAR International Series r45z (I). OÃord. Attolini, I., Cambi, F., Castagna, M.rCeIuzza, F., Fentress, E., Perkins, P. and Regoli, The End ofthe Samnites E. rygr. 'Political Geography and Productive Geography Between the Valleys of the Albegna and the Fïora in Northern Etruria'in G. Barker and J. A' Lloyd (eds) Roman Landscapes. .Archaeological Suraey in the Mediterranean Region. London, pp. 142-52. Barker, G. 1988. 'Archaeology and the Etruscan Countryside' Åntiguity 6z,pp.77z-85. Barker, G. r989a.'Animals, Ritual and Power in Ancient Samniurri in P. Meniel (ed.) .Anitnal et pratiques religieuses: les mønifestations materielles. Anthropozoologica troisième numéro speciale. Paris, pp. rrr-r7. Barker, G. r989b.'The Archaeology of the Italian Shepherd'PCP/S zr5, pp. r-r9. Barker, G. (ed.) ryg5a.tl Mediterranean Valley. Landscape Archaeology and AnnøJes History in tlte Biferno Valley.Le\cester. Barker, G. (ed.) ryg5b. The Bìferno Valley Suraey: tlte Archaeological and Geomorpbological Record. Leicester. Barker, G., Coccia, S.,Jones, D.A. and Sitzía',J. 1986.'The Montarrenti Survey, 1985: Problems of Integrating Archaeological, Environmental and Historical Data' Árclteo logiø M edieaale t3, pp. 29ri2o. Barker, G. and Lloyd, J.A. (eds) rg9r. Roman Landscapes. Árchaeological Suraey in the M e diterrøn e an Region. London. Barker, G. and Suano, M. (with contributions from G. Clark,J. Giorgi and D. Webley) 1995. 'Iron Age Chiefdoms, t. rooo-5oo Bc'in G. Barker (ed.) A Mediterranean Valtey. Landscape Árcltøeologlt ønd /lnnales History in the Biferno Valley. Leícester, pp. 159-8o. Bell, T, W'ilson, A. and \Mickham, A. zooz. 'Tiacking the Samnites: Landscape and Communications Routes in the Sangeo YøJley' AJA rc6, pp. ú 9-86. Bietti-Sestieri, A.-M. rg9z. The lron Age Cornmunity of Osteria dell'Osa. A Study of Socio- Political Deaelopment in Central Tyrrbenian ltaly. Cambridge. Bietti-Sestieri, A.-M. (ed.) zooo. Piceni. Popolo d'Europa. Exhibition Catalogue. Pescara. Bondioli, L., Comrcini, R.S. and Macchiarelli, R. 1986.'Familial Segregation in the Iron BIBLIOGRAPHY Age Community ofAJfedena,Abruzzq Italy, Based on OsteodontalTrait Analysis' Anericøn Journal of Physical Ántltropology 7r, pp. 393-4oo. Bonnet, C. and Jowdain-Annequin, C. (edÐ rygz Héraclès. D'une riae à I'autre de la Agostini, S., D'Ercole, v., Pellegrini, \M, Rossi, M.A. and staffa, A. r9gz. L'archeologia Méditerranée. Bilan et perspectiøes. Brussels and Rome. nel Museo delle genti d'Abruzzo.Teramo. Á

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