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Domestic Political Culture and US-Italian Relations in The View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository DOMESTIC POLITICAL CULTURE AND US-ITALIAN RELATIONS IN THE EARLY COLD WAR. By CHIARA MORBI 1 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of American and Canadian Studies School of English, Drama and American and Canadian Studies College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham 2 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on US-Italian relations and cultural diplomacy in the early Cold War. Particular attention is devoted to the scholarship on the Congress for Cultural Freedom, an organization of left-wing anti-Communist intellectuals established in 1950 and financed by the CIA. Instead of looking at this organization from a transnational perspective, this work has as the starting point the local dimension of it. In particular, the Italian branch of the CCF: Associazione Italiana per la Libertà della Cultura and the journal Tempo Presente. Differently from other European context, the Italian cultural experiment failed in promoting a transnational anti-Communist culture due to domestic factors such as: the political establishment, non-governmental groups with a socialising function and the political culture of the country. This analysis fosters a process of rethinking of US-Italian relations arguing against the theory of Washington as the pivotal actor. Instead, this work analyse the domestic structure of the country with its own political establishment, its political culture and its set of values and norms that represented the determinant factors for resisting, modifying and adapting the deployment of US Soft Power in the country. A lack of understanding of the complexity of the context led the US to plan controversial and ineffective interventions in the early Cold War. Despite Washington’s short-term success, long- term initiatives to transform the Italian political culture and Americanize the public opinion proved ineffective. This is a contribution taking further the investigation of the Cold War by emphasizing the importance of going “local” for a thorough understanding of transnational relations. 3 To My Grandpa. 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, W. S. Lucas, for his continuous support and his precious suggestions. His immense knowledge, and motivation have truly inspired me. Undoubtedly, without him I would not have made it. I am also grateful to the Department of American and Canadian Studies at the University of Birmingham for the opportunity I was given. Special thanks to my parents for their constant support and immense love; I owe you everything. Thanks to my dear sisters for encouraging me. Thanks to my friends and colleagues, all of them. Thanks to Ilaria, Camille and Manfredi for believing in me, it means a lot. And thanks to Will for making every day the most incredible day of my life. 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. 9 -CH. I- THE CULTURAL COLD WAR: TRANSNATIONAL VERSUS NATIONAL DIMENSION. 18 The Cultural Cold War: A New Historical Perspective. 22 US Cultural Diplomacy and the State Private Network. 29 Cultural Cold War Studies and the Congress for Cultural Freedom. 34 The Problematic Aspects of Cultural Transmission and Hegemony. 43 The Italian Political Culture and Context. 50 Conclusion. 54 -CH. II- THE ITALIAN DOMESTIC STRUCTURE. 57 The Political Reconstruction of the Country. 60 Transition towards Democracy and the Challenge of the State-Society Relation. 65 Anti-Fascism and the Politics of Memory. 71 Consensus Building and the Demise of Anti-Fascism. 78 6 The Illusion of the “Ethical” and the Political Establishment. 81 Conclusion. 86 -CH. III- ITALIAN SUB-NATIONAL NETWORKS. 88 The Italian Power Structure and the Socializing Agencies. 90 The Catholic Church and Its Socialising Function. 93 The Catholic Networks. 98 The PCI and its Socialising Actors 102 The Intellectuals and the Post-War Engagement. 108 The Intellectuals and the Italian Political System. 115 Conclusion. 123 -CH IV- RETHINKING US-ITALIAN RELATIONS AND THE ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION. 125 The Economic Question in the Early Post-War. 129 The United States and the Christian Democracy Party in the Early Cold War. 139 The Evolution of US-Italian Relations in the post-1947. 146 Conclusion. 151 7 -CH. V-THE US SOFT POWER AND THE ITALIAN POLITICAL CULTURE. 155 Selling the American Way of Life in Italy. 158 US Cultural Diplomacy and the Challenges of the Italian Way of Life. 167 The April 1948 Election and the US Short-Term Intervention. 173 The US and the Italian Working Class After the 1948 Election. 181 Conclusion. 188 -CH. VI-THE ASSOCIAZIONE ITALIANA PER LA LIBERTÀ DELLA CULTURA AND TEMPO PRESENTE. 192 The Transnational Cultural Intervention and the Anti-systemic Italian Intellectuals. 196 Ignazio Silone 200 The Congress for Cultural Freedom 204 The Associazione Italiana per la Libertà della Cultura 209 Tempo Presente and the Challenges of Transnational anti-Communism. 213 The Italian Anti-systemic Intellectuals and America. 219 The End of Tempo Presente 225 Conclusion. 230 CONCLUSION. 233 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 239 8 INTRODUCTION My doctoral research was initially conceived as a thorough investigation of the US deployment of Soft Power techniques in Italy in the early Cold War. In particular, the core interest of my analysis was on the Associazione Italiana per la Libertà della Cultura (AILC), the Italian branch of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), and the journal Tempo Presente as part of a broad US strategy of cultural warfare. The CCF was created in 1950 as a transnational organization of left-wing anti-Communist intellectuals covertly funded by the CIA via a series of philanthropic organizations. From 1950 to 1967 it established branches in thirty-five countries and its global reach was impressive. Part of its activities consisted in organizing cultural events, international conferences, and publishing important journals in those areas the Americans liked to refer to as the Free World. The primary aim of this organization was to detach the neutralist intelligentsia from the appeal of Communism through the promotion of an alternative that better reconciled with the American Way of Life. Experts of the CCF have defined it as one of the most effective CIA’s psychological operations that, together with other covert-overt interventions, successfully led to the establishment of a transnational anti- Communist cultural hegemony in the West. Even though since the cultural turn of Cold War studies in the late 1990s the CCF and its national affiliates have become a field of research of increasing interest among scholars, the Italian branch has not received adequate attention. To fill this academic gap, I decided to further the investigation of this organization by specifically looking at 9 the Italian case. As my research was progressing, however, I began questioning the largely accepted theory of the CCF as a successful organization. Undoubtedly, it had the merit of creating a transnational space for a cultural debate fostered by a network of interconnection among influential personalities beyond national boundaries. However, on the local front, the peculiar outcome of the Italian organization seemed to contradict the theory of an achieved success. The Italian project struggled to fit within the framework of the Cold War. In the end, it did not bring forth an alternative cultural hegemony and these intellectuals remained at the margin of the national cultural landscape. This led me to question the real nature of the CCF not simply as a transnational organization but also as a national product with its local characterization and limits. First of all, I sought to understand on which basis previous scholars have argued in favour of a CCF’s hegemonic position. I soon realized how, in most of the cases, scholars have the tendency to look at this organization simply from a mere transnational perspective. This, unfortunately, leads to underestimate the importance of the local and the series of complex negotiations taking place within the nation itself. Furthermore, the concept of a transnational cultural hegemony, which seems to be a central theme of many books and academic articles, is often presented as an ambiguous and vague concept. No explanations whatsoever have been offered to explain what kind of hegemony the CCF was able to create. Even though the CCF was created as a transnational project, it was in the local context that the abstraction of a transatlantic anti-Communist culture found its concrete dimension. 10 The more my research was progressing, the more I realized that both the AILC and Tempo Presente could not be conceived as mere micro-reproductions of ideological conflicts on the macro level. Therefore, I decided to investigate what factors could determine the success or failure of transnational relations in a specific country. I was finally convinced that the reasons why this cultural project had a different impact in Italy was mainly linked to domestic variants. In particular, the political culture of the country, its political and social system and the forms of collective identities represented determinant factors for the final outcome of this transnational intervention. Saying that, to understand the complexity of the Italian project and the dynamics of US- Italian relations as a mere transatlantic approach to the Cold War is not enough.
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