Women at the Indonesian Peace Table: Enhancing the Contributions of Women to Conflict Resolution

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Women at the Indonesian Peace Table: Enhancing the Contributions of Women to Conflict Resolution November 2010 Women at the Indonesian peace table: Enhancing the contributions of women to conflict resolution Report and policy recommendations with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences Women at the Peace Table Indonesia The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) “Mediation for peace” The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) is an independent mediation organisation dedicated to helping improve the global response to armed conflict. It attempts to achieve this by mediating between warring parties and providing support to the broader mediation community. The HD Centre is driven by humanitarian values and its ultimate goal to reduce the consequences of violent conflict, improve security, and contribute to the peaceful resolution of conflict. It maintains a neutral stance towards the warring parties that it mediates between and, in order to maintain its impartiality it is funded by a variety of governments, private foundations and philanthropists. Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, rue de Lausanne Geneva 1202 Switzerland t + 41 22 908 11 30 f +41 22 908 11 40 e [email protected] w www.hdcentre.org © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2010 Images (front cover) An activist from West Papua protests against violence in front of the vice presidential palace in Jakarta, Indonesia, 16 October 2000. © AP Photo/Dita Alangkara Globe showing Asia Pacific region. © iStockphoto Images (back cover) Internally displaced persons inside a refugee tent, Beto Timur, Timor-Leste, 3 July 2008. © UN Photo/Martine Perret A batik design from Indonesia. © iStockphoto November 2010 Women at the Indonesian peace table: Enhancing the contributions of women to conflict resolution Report and policy recommendations with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences Women at the Peace Table Indonesia Copyright Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, rue de Lausanne Geneva 1202 Switzerland t + 41 22 908 11 30 f +41 22 908 11 40 e [email protected] w www.hdcentre.org © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2010 Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be authorised only with written consent and acknowledgement of the source. Editor: Cate Buchanan ([email protected]) Design and layout: Rick Jones ([email protected]) 2 Women at the Peace Table Indonesia Contents Contributors to this report ............................................................................................................................... 5 Summary .............................................................................................................................................................................. 7 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................................... 8 Challenges to the greater participation of women in Indonesian peace processes 10 The role of Indonesian women during the New Order era ....................................... 13 ‘State Ibuism’ 15 Making and building peace in Indonesia .................................................................................... 17 The roles of women in conflict resolution .................................................................................. 21 Case Study One: Violent Conflict in Maluku 22 Case Study Two: Violent Conflict in Papua 28 Norm building .............................................................................................................................................................. 33 National action 33 International action 34 Recommendations ............................................................................................................................................... 37 Annex 1. Representation of men and women in the 2009 legislative elections, and percentage of women candidates ........................................................................................................................................ 42 Report and policy recommendations 3 A report by the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue and the Indonesian Institute of Sciences November 2010 4 Women at the Peace Table Indonesia Contributors to this report Rohaiza Ahmad Asi received a BA from the National University of Singapore where she majored in Political Science and Information and Communications Management. She went on to pursue an MSc in International Relations at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) in Nanyang Technological University. In 2004 Rohaiza joined RSIS as a research analyst focusing on con- flict and terrorism in Indonesia where she developed extensive practical research experience. Rohaiza joined HD Centre in mid-2007 and is currently holding the position of Project Officer. Cate Buchanan is a Senior Project Manager with the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue with whom she has worked since 2001 when appointed to establish the arms and violence reduction portfolio. Cate leads the work of the HD Centre on gender in Asia. Previously Cate worked in refuges for women escaping vio- lence; as an advocate for Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation; a legal researcher for the Community and Public Sector Union; and as an organiser for the Climate Action Network. In 2000, she was the programme associate for disarmament for the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom in Geneva, and then worked for the International Action Network on Small Arms as the New York liaison officer. In 2005 she was based in Brazil on secondment to Viva Rio as a human security adviser. Cate is a graduate of the Australian National University. Irine Hiraswari Gayatri graduated with an MA in peace and conflict studies, from the Department of Peace and Conflict Studies of Uppsala Universitet, Sweden in August 2005. Prior to getting her MA, she worked as researcher at the Centre for Political Studies, Indonesian Institute of Sciences since 1997. In Report and policy recommendations 5 2006 to 2008 she wrote three chapters in different books on Aceh, namely on post-disaster reconstruction; village governance; and women’s political repre- sentation in Aceh politics. In 2006 and early 2007, she was also with the United Nations Recovery Coordinator (UNORC) as a field officer in West Coast Aceh, Bener Meriah and Central Aceh. In 2008 she supervised a joint survey of the Center for Political Studies, LIPI and Oxford University on Horizontal Inequality in Bireuen, Aceh. Irine’s other public engagement is in a Jakarta based NGO, INTERSEKSI Foundation which focuses on minority issues and multiculturalism. Akiko Horiba graduated in Master of Theological Studies in Weston Jesuit School of Theology, Cambridge, USA. After conducting extensive field research in Indo- nesia, she was awarded a PhD in Area Studies from Sophia University, Tokyo, Japan in 2009. She was the research coordinator at the Institut Titian Perdamaian, joining in 2007. Since 2010, she is a staff member of Current Asia in Indonesia. Verification of information and additional contributions were made by Shienny Angelita, HD Centre, Lidya Christin Sinaga and Septi Satriani, LIPI. The report was reviewed in August–September 2010 by Shadia Marhaban from Aceh Women’s League (LINA) and Latifah Anum Siregar from Alliance of Democracy for Papua (ALDP). 6 Women at the Peace Table Indonesia Summary Over the last decade, the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (the HD Centre) has highlighted the low level of women’s participation in peacemaking, regardless of the region or type of conflict. Through the ‘Women at the Indonesian Peace Table’ project, the HD Centre seeks to contribute to strengthening the contribu- tions of women to conflict management. It is part of the larger project, “Women at the Peace Table – Asia Pacific” which includes a wider regional focus.1 The Indonesian project is undertaken in partnership with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and with the co-operation of the Indonesian State Ministry for Women Empowerment and Child Protection. It is funded by SERASI, an Indonesian affiliate of the United States Agency for International Development. The HD Centre believes that sustainable peace can only be achieved when there is robust and holistic participation in peace processes. Particularly this means more women need to be included in peace negotiations. ‘Women at the Indonesian Peace Table’ aims to document the experiences of women directly involved in Indonesian conflict resolution from various spheres (including the government, NGOs and rebel groups). It also seeks to identify women who can be considered for facilitation or mediation roles in the future, in Indonesia and elsewhere. While women have played an extensive part in managing violent con- flict at the community level, they have been virtually absent from involvement in conflict resolution and decision-making at higher political levels. Thus, the prin- ciple goal of the project is to elevate women’s involvement in conflict resolution by ensuring that those with experience at the community level are identified and given opportunities to use their skills and develop new ones, as needed, and utilised as resources for peacemaking. 1 For more on this work, see www.hdcentre.org/projects/gender-mediation Report and policy recommendations 7 Introduction In all areas of a peace process — cessation of hostilities, sustainability and credibility of peace on the ground, security and violence reduction dimensions, power-sharing, justice and truth-seeking processes, redressing the impacts of violent conflict — the participation of women is vital for ensuring that any
Recommended publications
  • The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
    Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Another Look at the Jakarta Charter Controversy of 1945
    Another Look at the Jakarta Charter Controversy of 1945 R. E. Elson* On the morning of August 18, 1945, three days after the Japanese surrender and just a day after Indonesia's proclamation of independence, Mohammad Hatta, soon to be elected as vice-president of the infant republic, prevailed upon delegates at the first meeting of the Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI, Committee for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence) to adjust key aspects of the republic's draft constitution, notably its preamble. The changes enjoined by Hatta on members of the Preparation Committee, charged with finalizing and promulgating the constitution, were made quickly and with little dispute. Their effect, however, particularly the removal of seven words stipulating that all Muslims should observe Islamic law, was significantly to reduce the proposed formal role of Islam in Indonesian political and social life. Episodically thereafter, the actions of the PPKI that day came to be castigated by some Muslims as catastrophic for Islam in Indonesia—indeed, as an act of treason* 1—and efforts were put in train to restore the seven words to the constitution.2 In retracing the history of the drafting of the Jakarta Charter in June 1945, * This research was supported under the Australian Research Council's Discovery Projects funding scheme. I am grateful for the helpful comments on and assistance with an earlier draft of this article that I received from John Butcher, Ananda B. Kusuma, Gerry van Klinken, Tomoko Aoyama, Akh Muzakki, and especially an anonymous reviewer. 1 Anonymous, "Naskah Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945: Pengkhianatan Pertama terhadap Piagam Jakarta?," Suara Hidayatullah 13,5 (2000): 13-14.
    [Show full text]
  • INDO 89 0 1273069454 1 36.Pdf (733.6Kb)
    Imagining an Islamic State in Indonesia: From Darul Islam TO JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH Sometime in September 1962, S. M. Kartosoewirjo,* 1 the leader of a once formidable insurgency that had proclaimed an Islamic State of Indonesia (Negara Islam Indonesia, Nil), was executed by a firing squad of the Indonesian Republic. This act has been recorded as the beginning of the end of the Islamic State and its so-called Darul Islam (Abode of Islam) rebellion.2 Forty years later, however, a young man called Iqbal wrote the following before he blew himself up along with hundreds of others at the Sari Club in Bali on October 12, 2002: Today I say: that I am a child of DI/NII [Darul Islam/Negara Islam Indonesia] who is ready to sacrifice myself for Islam. Remember, o mujahideen of Malingping,3 how our imam, S. M. Kartosuwirjo, built and upheld and proclaimed the independence of the Islamic State of Indonesia with the blood and lives of martyrs, not by relaxing and fooling around the way we do today. If you are serious about seeing the glory of the buried Islamic State of Indonesia rise My thanks to Greg Fealy, Sidney Jones, Kit Collier, Ken Ward, Solahudin, Ed Aspinall, Robert Cribb, Ahmad Muhajir, Martin van Bruinessen, David Jenkins, Marcus Mietzner, Jajat Burhanudin, and Sita Dewi 11 have spelled Indonesian names in accordance with the preference of the individual concerned except for direct quotations from published sources, in which the original has been preserved. 2 See, for example, B. J. Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971), p.
    [Show full text]
  • Language Development and Development of Language: the Case of Indonesia
    PACIFIC LINGUISTICS Series D - 86 LANGUAGE OF DEVELOPMENT AND DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE: THE CASE OF INDONESIA Ariel Heryanto Department of Linguistics Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Heryanto, A. Language development and development of language: The case of Indonesia. D-86, v + 60 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1995. DOI:10.15144/PL-D86.cover ©1995 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. Pacific Linguistics specialises in publishing linguistic material relating to languages of East Asia, Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Linguistic and anthropological manuscripts related to other areas, and to general theoretical issues, are also considered on a case by case basis. Manuscripts are published in one of four series: SERIES A: Occasional Papers SERIES c: Books SERIES B: Monographs SERIES D: Special Publications FOUNDING EDITOR: S.A. Wurm EDITORIAL BOARD: T.E. Dutton (Managing Editor), A.K. Pawley, M.D. Ross, D.T. Tryon EDITORIAL ADVISERS: B.W. Bender K.A. McElhanon University of Hawaii Summer Institute of Linguistics David Bradley H.P. McKaughan La Trobe University University of Hawaii Michael G. Clyne P. Miihlhausler Monash University University of Adelaide S.H. Elbert G.N. O'Grady University of Hawaii University of Victoria, B.C. KJ. Franklin K.L. Pike Summer Institute of Linguistics Summer Institute of Linguistics W.W. Glover E.C. Polome Summer Institute of Linguistics University of Texas G.W. Grace Gillian Sankoff University of Hawaii University of Pennsylvania M.A.K.
    [Show full text]
  • Dialogue Between Jakarta and Papua
    Internationales Katholisches Missionswerk e.V. Fachstelle Menschenrechte Pontifical Mission Society Human Rights Office Oeuvre Pontificale Missionnaire Secteur « Droits de l’Homme » 35 Dr. Otmar Oehring (Hrsg./editor/éditeur) Postfach 10 12 48 D-52012 Aachen Tel.: 0049-241-7507-00 FAX: 0049-241-7507-61-253 E-mail: [email protected] missio Order No. 600 301 Menschenrechte [email protected] [email protected] Droits de l’Homme © missio 2009 ISSN 1618-6222 Human Rights Neles Tebay Dialogue between Jakarta and Papua A perspective from Papua The Human Rights Office aims to promote awareness of the human rights situation in Africa, 30 Defamation of Religions and Human Rights in German/in English/in French (2008) – Asia and Oceania. In pursuit of this objective we are actively involved in human rights networ- Order No. 600 293 king and foster exchanges between missio’s church partners in Africa, Asia and Oceania and church and political decision-makers in the Federal Republic of Germany. This Human Rights 31 Asylum for Iraqi Refugees – Background Information The situation of non-Muslim refugees in countries series comprises country-by-country studies, thematic studies and the proceedings of specialist bordering on Iraq in German (2005) – Order No. 600 294 conferences. in English (2005) – Order No. 600 295 in French (2005) – Order No. 600 296 Papua Conflict began when Indonesia took control of Papua on 1 May 1963, and it continues to 32 Violence against Christians in India – A response this day. The conflict involves two parties, namely the Government of Indonesia and the Papuan Democracy, Secularism und Pluralism in India people.
    [Show full text]
  • Youth Language, Gaul Sociability, and the New Indonesian Middle Class *
    Nancy J. Smith-Hefner Department of Anthropology, Boston University Youth Language, Gaul Sociability, and the New Indonesian Middle Class * ABSTRACT This article examines the linguistic form and social functions of bahasa gaul, the informal Indonesian “language of sociability,” as it is used among Indonesian university students and in various publications aimed at middle-class Indonesian youth. Bahasa gaul registers youth modernity in both its positive and more contested aspects. It expresses not only young people’s aspirations for social and economic mobility, but also an increasingly cosmopolitan, national youth culture. Perhaps most signifi cantly, bahasa gaul articulates the desire of Indonesian youth for new types of social belonging through the formulation of relationships that are more egalitarian and interactionally fl uid as well as more personally expressive and psychologically individualized. Keywords: Indonesia, slang, youth culture, the new middle class, bahasa gaul ABSTRAK Artikel ini mengkaji bentuk linguistik dan fungsi-fungsi sosial bahasa gaul sebagaimana digunakan oleh para mahasiswa dan dalam berbagai publikasi yang ditujukan untuk anak kelas menengah di Indonesia. Bahasa gaul meregistrasi modernitas anak muda baik dalam aspek-aspek positif maupun yang diperselisihkan. Selain mengekspresikan aspirasi anak muda dalam mobilitas ekonomi dan sosial, bahasa gaul juga mencerminkan budaya anak muda nasional yang semakin bercorak kosmopolitan. Selain itu, mungkin yang terpenting, bahasa gaul mengartikulasikan hasrat anak muda Indonesia mengenai bentuk-bentuk baru identitas sosial melalui formulasi hubungan yang lebih egaliter, cair dan interaktif serta lebih ekspresif secara personal dan lebih mempribadi secara psikologis. Katakunci: Indonesia, bahasa anak muda, budaya anak muda, kelas menengah baru, bahasa gaul. * Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, Vol, 17, Issue 2, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelijen, Sensor, Dan Kebebasan
    Lahirnya Kopkamtib dan Legitimasi Kebijakan Represif Terhadap Kelompok Pendukung Sukarno dan Mereka yang Dituduh Terlibat G30S Sepanjang periode kehidupan Orde Baru sejumlah organisasi sipil dan militer khusus dibentuk dan dikembangkan untuk tujuan-tujuan pengawasan dan pengendalian penduduk Indonesia. Salah satu institusi pusat yang langsung berada di bawah komando Presiden adalah Komando Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (KOPKAMTIB).1 Di bawah lembaga ini terdapat serangkaian organisasi militer atau non-militer yang melaksanakan tugas dan program lembaga ini. Lembaga intelijen seperti Bakin yang telah ada sebelumnya kalah pamor dengan Kopkamtib yang notabene kendalinya berada di tangan Soeharto sendiri. Kopkamtib dibentuk segera setelah terjadinya Peristiwa G30S, tepatnya pada 10 Oktober 1965.2 Di dalam Kopkamtib terdapat satgas intel yang terdiri dari dapur para ahli dalam bidang komunisme dan dapur para ahli dalam bidang agama Islam. Dari dapur ini pihak intelijen mengetahui mana kekuatan yang terlalu ekstrem dan apa konsep dari kelompok ekstrem yang ada.3 Badan Pelaksana Intelijen (BPI) yang merupakan lembaga inteleijen negara dibekukan oleh Soeharto karena dianggap banyak di antara orang-orangnya 1 Tak seberapa lama kemudian, Soeharto juga membentuk dinas khusus yang disebut sebagai Operasi Khusus (Opsus) di bawah pimpinan Ali Murtopo. Dinas khusus ini bekerja dengan kewenangan luar biasa termasuk melakukan aksi-aksi intelijen “hitam”. Banyak orang tak lagi bisa membedakan mana yang merupakan sebuah operasi di bawah komando Kopkamtib dan mana yang berada di bawah Opsus. Terjadi pertentangan di antara dua lembaga yang memiliki kewenangan melaksanakan aksi intelijen ini yang kemudian berpuncak dengan meletusnya Peristiwa Malari pada 15 Januari 1974. Operasi intelijen menjelang Peristiwa Malari yang dinamai sebagai Operasi Bunglon dilakukan BAKIN dengan menggerakkan intel-intel lapangan untuk berbaur dengan para mahasiswa dan menyadap telepon di kantor rektor UI.
    [Show full text]
  • CURRENT DATA on the INDONESIAN MILITARY ELITE Ben Anderson in Issues No. 36 and 37 (October 1983 and April 1984) of Indonesia, R
    CURRENT DATA ON THE INDONESIAN MILITARY ELITE Ben Anderson In issues No. 36 and 37 (October 1983 and April 1984) of Indonesia, readers were offered a tentative, preliminary analysis of the drastic, interrelated changes in the structure and leadership of the Armed Forces which began in March 1983. Issue No. 36 was devoted largely to the political coming of age of the "men of AMN," or the postrevolutionary officers who started to graduate from the Military Academy (located at Magelang, Central Java) in 1960. Issue No. 37, on the other hand, focused on the consequences of implementing Law 20/1982, which separated the functions of Minister of Defense and Commander-in- Chief of the Armed Forces, and created distinct bureaucracies under each (far the more powerful being the pyramid under Commander-in-Chief General L. "Benny" Murdani). The present text is intended to complete the series by looking at the "reorganization" set in motion in the spring of 1985 and scheduled for completion by April 1, 1986. Though a few personnel decisions remain to be taken, the general character of this reorganization is clear and its political implications at least partially decipherable. In any event, it is apparent that by next spring not only will the reorganization be complete, but all three armed forces, as well as the police, will be fully in the hands of the postrevolutionary generation of officers, leaving only a few key positions in the Armed Forces’ Headquarters (Mabes ABRI) still held by an inner coterie of Murdani old-timers. In this sense the year 1985-86 will be as historic a turning point for the military in Indonesian politics as were 1945-46 and 1965-66.
    [Show full text]
  • Pembredelan Pers Di Masa Orde Baru (1966-1998)
    PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PEMBREDELAN PERS DI MASA ORDE BARU (1966-1998) SKRIPSI Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Salah Satu Syarat Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Pendidikan Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah Oleh : Olyvie Bintang Haritajaya NIM: 121314020 PROGRAM STUDI PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH JURUSAN PENDIDIKAN ILMU PENGETAHUAN SOSIAL FAKULTAS KEGURUAN DAN ILMU PENDIDIKAN UNIVERSITAS SANATA DHARMA YOGYAKARTA 2017 i PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI HALAMAN PERSEMBAHAN Sebagai ungkapan kasih, skripsi ini saya persembahkan kepada: 1. Kepada orangtua tercinta, kedua saudara saya, Fernandus Lucky dan Bastianus Zaevie dan motivasi saya Vinsen dan Fabian. 2. Teman-teman angkatan 2012 yang telah berjuang bersama selama kuliah di Sanata Dharma. 3. Teman-teman asrama putri II Pemda Kutai Barat. 4. Semua pihak yang telah membantu dalam penyelesaian skripsi ini. iv PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI MOTTO Kebanggaan kita yang terbesar adalah bukan tidak pernah gagal, tetapi bangkit kembali setiap kali kita jatuh. (Confusius) Learn from yesterday Life for today Hope for tomorrow (Albert Einstein) Ada resiko dan harga yang dibayar untuk bertindak tapi semuanya jauh lebih sedikit dibanding resiko jangka panjang jika hanya berdiam. (Jhon F. Kennedy) v PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI ABSTRAK PEMBREDELAN PERS DI MASA ORDE BARU (1966-1998) Oleh: Olyvie Bintang Haritajaya Universitas Sanata Dharma 2017 Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis tiga permasalahan pokok, yaitu: (1) latar belakang pembredelan pers di masa Orde Baru, (2) bentuk dan alasan pembredelan pers di masa Orde Baru, (3) dampak pembredelan pers di masa Orde Baru. Penelitian ini disusun berdasarkan metode penelitian historis faktual dengan tahapan: pemilihan topik, pengumpulan sumber, verifikasi, interpretasi dan historiografi.
    [Show full text]
  • It's the Military, Stupid!
    It's the military, stupid! TAPOL paper. Presented at the International workshop Violence in Indonesia: Its historical roots and its contemporary manifestations Universiteit Leiden, 13-15 December 2000 The collapse of an authoritarian regime and the period of transition towards a more stable and formal democratic system can often take years and is often characterised with periods of much tension, turmoil and bloodshed. It is argued that countries with a relatively high GDP per capita will have a smoother road towards democracy while countries with a low GDP per capita will face a long and winding road. Examples on both ends of the spectrum: Portugal and Spain in contrast with the Democratic Republic of Congo (previously Zaire) and Nigeria. This paper is about the dominant role of the military in Indonesia in all aspects of life. The theme of the workshop: ‘Violence in Indonesia’, is quite a topical one and TNI, the Indonesian armed forces, play a central role around this theme. The paper is limited to the period of 1965 till the present day, or more precise the role of the TNI since the establishment of the Orde Baru (Orba), the New Order. Violence is one of the main and consistent features of Orba. The very foundation of Orba started with violence: the gruesome mass killings in 1965/66. The end of the New Order in May 1998 occurred also in a frenzy of violence.(1) Dominant role of TNI since the birth of the Indonesian Republic All the major bloody events since the Indonesian independence had a major military involvement and the innocent civilians became the prime victims.(2) Practically all the regional rebellions of the fifties:, the RMS proclamation of 1950, the PRRI and Permesta rebellion in 1958 and the various Darul Islam rebellions in Java and Sulawesi, the on-going problems in Aceh, all can be interpreted as conflicts between local and central government troops or sometimes conflicts between regular army and local laskars (militia units).
    [Show full text]
  • Dewi Fortuna Anwar and Bridget Welsh, Eds. Democracy Take-Off: the B. J. Habibie Period. Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 2013.594 Pp. Ad
    Dewi Fortuna Anwar and Bridget Welsh, eds. Democracy Take-Off: The B. J. Habibie Period. Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 2013.594 pp. Adi wan Fahlan Aritenang The fall of Suharto and the New Order regime led to a shift in Indonesia's socio­ political and economic arrangements. The immediate years of transition were a critical and crucial period that shaped the future of Indonesian development under B. J. Habibie's presidency, which lasted for less than a year and a half (May 1998-October 1999). This book, which documents Habibie's presidency through a variety of experts' writings, is divided into three parts: the man himself, his domestic political achievements, and the world's perspective. The first chapter provides an interesting analysis of Habibie's background and thinking. This essay argues that Indonesia was lucky to have Habibie—a trained engineer with scientific and managerial capacity—manage the country in transition because he lacked political ambition. Habibie helped Indonesia start the post­ authoritarian period with an intellectual outlook that reengineered and reformed the country's politics and economy. The second chapter describes Habibie's leadership style: his relaxation process, approximation approach, and redundancy strategy. The paper highlights Habibie's' personal and mutual-dependence relationship with the military, and his goals for Indonesia's democracy, such as introducing a free press, protecting human rights, and establishing an independent judiciary. In his chapter, Marcus Mietzner provides an interesting report about the political and economic underpinnings of regime change in Indonesia. The paper suggests that Habibie's weak legitimation was due to his involvement with the New Order regime (109).
    [Show full text]
  • Emergence of Human Rights Activities in Authoritarian Indonesia: the Rise of Civil Society
    EMERGENCE OF HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVITIES IN AUTHORITARIAN INDONESIA: THE RISE OF CIVIL SOCIETY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Takeshi Kohno, B.A., M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Marcus Kurtz ____________________________ Professor Craig Jenkins Adviser Political Science Graduate Program ABSTRACT My dissertation focuses on the activities of the human rights organization LBH (Lembaga Bantuan Hukum, the Legal Aid Institute) in Indonesia as a case study to assess its role in the rise of civil society, and possibly democratization. I argue that the academic foci on democratization so far have been upon, in general, the importance of large macro-structures and political elites. In particular, socioeconomic, cultural, and structural variables are treated as critical determinants of democracy. As for the micro-level approach, the political elites are the major players, at least for the short-run “transition” and “consolidation.” Although the macro-level variables and political elites are important, there are critical links between the macro- level variables and micro-level variables, which have been left unexamined. The existing literature on civil society fails to specify possible formation processes of a civil society in different political settings, and merely provides an ideal typology. In this dissertation, I propose a new approach to understanding the property and the dynamic workings of civil society by examining the state-society relations in authoritarian Indonesia between 1990 and 1998. I describe the interaction between the state and the society, as well as how social actors in their relationship to the state find ways not only to survive in an authoritarian regime but also to actively influence the state.
    [Show full text]