2

The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest

Andrew I. Duff Arizona State University

Abstract

Greater understanding of migration behavior can provide southwestern archaeologists with new insights into pre­ historic social dynamics. However, this requires reorienting the way in which archaeologists approach the study of migration. Migration is a process, not an event. Examination of migration studies in a number of related disciplines highlights several concepts crucial to understanding prehistoric migration behavior. Drawing on conceptions of scale, decisions involved in destination selection, and factors influencing the unit of migration, I argue that migra­ tion behavior has both a predictable structure and identifiable stages. Examination of the process of migration also requires that archaeologists broaden their temporal and regional frameworks. An initial attempt to do so is pro­ vided. Consideration of the southwestern archaeological record at a macro-regional scale between A.D. 1000-1400 in 50-year intervals permits an assessment of the scale and influence of migration in different archaeological dis­ tricts. This analysis reveals the household as the primary unit of migration and suggests that long-distance migra­ tion is rare. Contending that the migration history of a district influences processes of community formation, population aggregation and nucleation, propositions regarding these social dynamics are discussed.

Migration and abandonment are topics that have in­ The chapter is divided into three sections. I begin terested archaeologists working in the Southwest since the with a review ofliterature concerned with population move­ late 1880s. Early efforts attempted to create direct histori­ ments derived from geography, demography, and sociol­ cal reconstructions using a combination of archaeological ogy, each of which have developed concepts for under­ sites and oral tradition (Cameron 1995; Ford et al. 1972; standing migration behavior at a variety of different scales. Longacre 1970:2-3). Interest in migration today remains Drawing on discussions from these related fields, several focused on much the same issues: the identification of re­ observations regarding migration behavior and its underly­ lationships between sites and groups of people through time ing structure prove helpful for understanding the prehistoric and across the landscape. However, one distinct differ­ Southwest. The critical variables appear to be the size of the ence distinguishes early approaches to migration; earlier migrating group (scale), the distance of the move, and the archaeologists viewed migration as a process that shaped demographic history of both the departure and destination the peoples whom they were trying to understand in the areas. Drawing on these variables, I propose an expected present. In contrast, more recent archaeologists have gen­ sequence of interrelationships among migration, demographic erally viewed migration as an event that occurred at differ­ stability, and the formation of cohesive community identity. ent times in many places, and have not viewed migration The second section provides a review of demographic as a formative process influencing local populations and trends and population restructuring events across the South­ social dynamics. They tend to focus on a narrow range of west from A.D. 1000-1400. Relying on both regional over­ migration events, attempting to document "site-unit intru­ views and case studies, I have attempted to determine rela­ sions" or detrimental environmental conditions in an aban­ tive population densities and trajectories of change for 28 doned area and more "attractive" conditions elsewhere. districts in the Mogollon Mountains, Colorado Plateau, and This chapter considers migration (and abandonment) Rio Grande areas (Figure 2.1 ). This builds upon the recent as a process rather than an event. Fortunately, interest in attempt by Dean et al. (1994) to consider demographic fluc­ migration has re-emerged as the process of abandonment tuations in relation to environmental factors. In discussing has become a research focus. Cameron (1995) notes that these patterns, concepts derived from the migration litera­ migration is the logical "flip-side" of abandonment, and I ture prove useful. The chapter concludes with an exami­ argue that it can benefit from a similar processual appre­ nation of the migration process, and how it has influenced ciation. southwestern developments.

31 32 Duff MIGRATION IN ARCHAEOLOGY AND From an archaeological perspective, these movements tend OTHER SOCIAL SCIENCES to be short-distance, frequent, and are not associated with major changes in material culture. Internal migration, also Archaeology has contributed little to the study of termed residential mobility, is a process that can be reflected mi!ITation recently. Thus, terminological and theoretical in intra-regional settlement patterns involving short-lived co~tributions from other fields are used here to create a habitations with overlapping components, creating gradual framework for better understanding and more accurately transitions in space through time. Archaeologists have discussing migration. This approach continues a trend viewed this type of migration processually for some time, found in other recent archaeological treatments (Anthony attempting to understand the specific factors that influenced 1990; Cameron 1995; Clark 1994). Archaeological ap­ population stability or residential mobility during differ­ proaches, concepts, and potential misunderstandings are ent periods (e.g., droughts, aggregation). I suggest this discussed as appropriate. results from a focus on local areas, creating an artificial Although migration research has concentrated on impression of migration as an "event" when it occurs be­ modern populations, researchers in other disciplines are tween two districts. interested in determining why some individuals or groups External migration is a more complex process char­ opt to migrate and others do not. Cadwallader (1992:4) acterized by movement across a boundary, usually involv­ notes that " ... an understanding of interregional migration ing greater distances (Anthony 1990; Cadwallader 1992:4). is mandatory for anyone attempting to analyze the general Long-distance migration is a major decision that involves process of regional change." The development of intellec­ a series of stages prior to action (or inaction). There are tual approaches in other disciplines parallels those of an­ two critical phases in migration: the decision to migrate and thropology (Cadwallader 1992). There has been a shift in the selection of a destination (DeJong and Gardner 1981 :2; interest from causes to consequences (Berliner 1977:446), Kershaw 1978). Several factors that influence the struc­ increased attention to the individual's role in the decision ture of long-distance migrations provide concepts that can to migrate (DeJong and Gardner 1981), and a synthesis of be profitably employed by archaeologists. These can be di­ approaches (Cadwallader 1992). vided into factors influencing the decision to migrate, selec­ The applicability of modern studies to prehistoric tion of a destination, the structure of the migrating group, situations may be questioned. Many would argue that and processes associated with identity maintenance upon modern migrations are the product of state-level organiza­ arrival at the destination. Among the latter, powerful insights tion and a capitalist world system having little or no rel­ may be gained through the study of migration as a process. evance to pre-state conditions. In cases where migrations are the direct result of modern political hostilities or in­ Deciding to Migrate volve mass migrations (e.g., to the United States in the Traditionally, disciplines have approached migration 1800s), parallels are clearly tenuous. Clark (1994; Clark from one of two levels. Macrolevel studies evaluate mi­ and Lindly 1991) has rightfully questioned the applicabil­ gration as aggregate behavior related to a causal variable, ity of modern analogs of massive population movements while microlevel analyses concentrate on the decision­ from European history to Pleistocene prehistory. I argue, making process at the level of individuals (Cadwallader however, that the sequence of decisions made by house­ 1992:4). Cadwallader (1992) suggests that each approach hold groups considering migration, regardless of the stimu­ informs on different aspects of migration, and that both are lus, has a place in archaeological thought, although we must important in its study. "Push/pull" models operate at the be cognizant of differences between modern motivations macrolevel, attempting to identify favorable conditions at and those in the past. a destination and deteriorating or unfavorable conditions at a source. Macrolevel processes identified as influenc­ Scale ing individual decisions to migrate are subsistence organi­ The distinction between internal and external migra­ zation and environment (Gardner 1981:69, 71). Archaeo­ tion (Cadwallader 1992:4; Kershaw 1978 :9) is useful for logical considerations of macro level processes have focused archaeological consideration. Internal migration refers to on changes in environmental parameters (Ahlstrom et al. movement within a boundary, while external migration re­ 1995; Dean et al. 1985, 1994; Euler et al. 1979; Orcutt fers to movement across a boundary (Clarke 1972:130). 1991, 1993; Schlanger 1988). Boundaries can be social, political, or physical. Internal While the initial decision to migrate is often related and external migrations are conditioned by different pro­ to macrolevel processes, these conditions are filtered cesses and have different properties. Internal migration through community and family dynamics (Dean et al. 1994; occurs among "habitually interacting" social groups located Harbison 1981; Hugo 1981 ). Those who opt to migrate do within a region (Anthony 1990:901). This more-or-less not represent a random cross section of the population. constant process is frequently associated with life cycle Younger members of a community are more likely to mi­ changes conditioned by cultural norms (e.g., marriage rules) grate (Harbison 1981:234), while elders have more estab­ and demographic factors (Harbison 1981:231; Hugo 1981). lished community responsibilities (DeJong and Fawcett The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 33 1981:30) and favorable social roles (Harbison 1981:234, munities offer information (Cameron 1995; Hugo 1981 :200), 240-241). Upon evaluation, established community mem­ and an attractive destination for additional migrants (Clarke bers may choose to delay migration, or not to migrate 1972: 133-134; Neuberger 1977:470). With the exception (DeJong and Fawcett 1981). Access to critical subsistence of complete source area depopulation, "migration streams" resources, land tenure arrangements (Gardner 1981 ), and frequently result. factional splits (Hugo 1981 :204) differentially influence Long-distance trade relationships probably served as community members, generally inhibiting migration of the a primary source of information about distant areas. Thus, community as a whole. zones of stylistic similarity may represent regions within which information circulated, permitting evaluation of Destination Selection migration destinations. The directional linkages reflected Micro-level approaches have identified sources of in material exchange during periods immediately prior to information, personal linkages, the structure of the deci­ apparent population influxes attributed to migration may sion making group, and group size as critical variables in help identify source populations. understanding individual decisions to migrate. The selec­ tion of a destination is the nexus of the interplay between Structure of the Migrating Group macro- and micro-level processes. Information about po­ The size and organizational structure of migrant tential destinations is collected and evaluated in a process groups is of critical importance to reconstructions of mi­ Wolpert (1965) has termed "place utility." Information is gration behavior. Of particular import is the relationship critical: People simply do not migrate to a place about which between the structure of decision making and the unit of they possess no information (Brown and Sanders 1981:150- movement. Neuberger (1977:467) suggests that a migrant 151). The information collection and evaluation process group unit is synonymous with the decision making unit. is culturally and socially circumscribed. Construction of a If the decision making structure is highly decentralized, cognitive map of potential destinations (Cadwallader 1992:9; households both make the decision to migrate and act on it Wolpert 1965) creates an evaluation dynamic that, in turn, (Harbison 1981; Neuberger 1977:467). If decisions are prompts reevaluation of the conditions at the existing loca­ centralized, migrant group size should be larger and re­ tion (Kershaw 1978:10; White and Woods 1980:11-12). flect planning. In instances where the relative size of the Decisions and information sources reflect subjective immigrant or emigrant group can be identified, this prob­ perceptions, and thus may not operate as models of eco­ ably represents an accurate reflection of the decision mak­ nomic rationality or physical principles (e.g., gravity mod­ ing structure and integration of the community in which it els) might predict. Physical distance may constrain move­ was a part. Here, migration theory may assist archaeologi­ ment (Clarke 1972:134; Gardner 1981:81-82), but it also cal identification of decision making structure in prehis­ influences access to information. The effects of absolute toric settings. distance are distorted by patterns of long distance contacts Migration can be a major source of social change and information exchange (White and Woods 1980:8; (Berliner 1977). Migration causes turnover in social roles Wolpert 1965:164). as those holding important positions or knowledge may The manner in which information about potential leave, potentially making their replacement difficult. There destinations is collected provides clues to the structure we may be rates of migration that can be absorbed or lost with­ might expect migrations to take. Linkages are critical be­ out major changes, but once exceeded, systemic change is cause "information about prospects must somehow com­ required or unavoidable (Berliner 1977:452). pensate for the absence of personal experience" (Wolpert Certain other aspects of group structure condition 1965: 162). The information-gathering capacity of a po­ migration behavior. Berliner's observation that "[m]igrating tential migrant combines the direct experiences of the in­ is like sinning, after you have done it once it is easier to do it dividual or group deciding to move with the cumulative again" (1977:459) is relevant. Those in the least favorable experiences of all other parties from whom information position with regard to land or other subsistence require­ can be acquired (Clark 1994:313). Kin relations and per­ ments are the most likely to migrate (Harbison 1981:234, sonal contacts are the most frequent and accessible informa­ 240-241). If migrant groups enter an occupied area with tion sources (Cadwallader 1992:206-207; Clarke 1972:133; permission, they may have been allotted less desirable Neuberger 1977:470). lands, as at Hopi (James 1974; Schlegel1992), and may be Migrants living within the community and former more likely to move again. This creates a dynamic process community members who have relocated, constitute of movement within the same group, that may have occurred sources with detailed information about circumscribed ar­ repeatedly until a suitable and stable location was reached. eas, introducing information/distance distortions (Hugo 1981 :200). Initial migrants may be similar to what An­ Identity Maintenance thony (1990:902) refers to as scouts, or may represent those Traditionally, documenting migration has required with greater motivations for leaving. Once present, migrant satisfaction of a stringent set of material requirements in­ connections within either newly founded or existing com- dicative of a "site-unit" intrusion (Haury 1958; Rouse 34 Duff 1958), though Reed (1958) commented on its rarity. Is siding extended family. There may be some indices of ori­ such an expectation realistic? A key issue in the identifi­ gin encoded in material culture, but "site-unit" type signa­ cation of migrant groups is what we should expect them to tures are not expected. The scale and tempo of migration look like archaeologically. may enhance stability or prompt systemic social change. Migrant group size and the composition of the sur­ Stable social formations organized at the community level rounding community (migrant or indigenous) influence the are not expected in areas characterized by demographic extent to which a migrant group will maintain its original flux. identity (Giles et al. 1977). If small family or extended family groups join existing communities, they are unlikely DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS AND to express their identity in language (Anderson 1979:68; MIGRATION IN THE PREHISTORIC Giles et al. 1977; Williams 1979:57), let alone overt mate­ SOUTHWEST rial culture. In most instances, assimilation or accommo­ dation to the established group would be expected. Iden­ Within the Southwest, our understanding of dynam­ tity or ethnicity may be expressed in other forums (Giles et ics within different regions, or districts, has progressed to al. 1977; Kroskrity 1993). a point that regional assessments are now possible (Adler For larger-scale group migration, the Hopi-Tewa case [editor] 1996; Dean et al. 1994; Kintigh 1990; Schlanger is instructive. The Tewa community moved to Hopi as a 1988; cf. Nelson et al. 1994). To evaluate migration as a large group, yet they would be virtually indistinguishable process, it is necessary to examine long-term demographic archaeologically from the surrounding Hopi population. trends across the Southwest rather than concentrating on a Only in language, history, and ceremony does this large specific location or time frame. Assessment of population migrant group preserve its identity; overt material culture dynamics at this scale permits consideration of relation­ does not differ (Kroskrity 1993). Language, technological ships among districts and illustrates differences in the scale, style (isochrestism), and ritual performance are the most timing, and by implication, the impacts of migration. likely indicators of origin, but these are expected to be dif­ ferentially continued depending on the size of the migrat­ Data Sources ing unit. Material culture is likely to undergo substantial To create an overview of population trends at a scale changes with migration (Beal 1987; Cordell 1979, 1989; encompassing most of the prehistoric Southwest, synthetic Cordell et al. 1994). Perhaps colonization of an unoccu­ chapters, monographs, and case studies were consulted. To pied area by a large, homogeneous group is the only situa­ facilitate such an analysis, I have divided the Southwest tion in which we might expect visible overt material cul­ into 28 districts (Figure 2.1, Table 2.1) and obtained infor­ ture continuity. Instances where large groups joined exist­ mation about basic population trends for each. District ing populations may initially contain "intrusive" archaeo­ boundaries were created with reference to more-or-less logical signatures, but they are expected to diminish with internally coherent material culture inventories and defini­ time, perhaps being archaeologically undetectable within tions based on research histories and previous treatments. a generation. Consequently, emphasis on "site-unit" intru­ A greater diversity of sources was employed in construct­ sions will continue to divert archaeological understanding ing the demographic trajectories of the western and central and identification of migration. districts because it is a literature with which I am more familiar, and it has seen more sustained research, permit­ A Temporal Model of the Migration Process ting precise chronological subdivision and evaluation of This review suggests a regular process associated suggestive migration trends. with migration that can be used to deduce a series of ex­ The southern districts encompass much of the Mog­ pected events. An initial stimulus or complex of stimuli to ollon area, and extend into the lower Rio Grande. Parts of migration is expected. Density-dependent factors includ­ this area are also characterized by well-developed chro­ ing inadequate integrative capacity, factionalism, hostili­ nologies, but are hampered by a lack of research or report­ ties, resource access inequities or environmental deterio­ ing. Concentration on excavation has hindered regional ration are likely to contribute to this decision. Destination assessments. The Point of Pines locality (Haury 1989; selection results from evaluation of information about po­ Lowell 1991), the Grasshopper area (Reid 1989), and the tential locations heavily influenced by preexisting internal Forestdale Valley (Haury 1985) have been extensively re­ and external relationships and conditions. Locations un­ searched, while other areas have received limited atten­ represented in the search phase do not become destinations. tion. Similarly, the Reserve-Tularosa district has seen rela­ The presence of related groups in potential destinations tively little research given its size (Danson 1957; McGimsey (former members or trade partners) biases information col­ 1980). This is especially evident to the east of the well­ lection, and frequently results in a move to that area. The known Mimbres Valley (e.g., Blake et al. 1986), where both unit of movement reflects the decision making structure of chronological precision and research coverage diminish. the source population. In ethnographic and historic cases, Recent research and overviews are beginning to provide a this is most frequently a household consisting of a co-re- better understanding of this large area (Lekson 1989a, 1992a, The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 35

~-, ....~.,j; ; ! ( i Pajarijo Plateau ']

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Figure 2.1. Names and locations of districts used in Figures 2.2 - 2.9.

1992b; Nelson 1984, 1989, 1993). Disputes over chro­ considered when assigning densities. Thus, while the popu­ nology, adaptation, sedentism, population reconstructions lation densities among regions are not directly comparable, and poor chronological resolution (e.g., Classic Mimbres they were not constructed entirely independently of each 1000-1150) caution against absolute faith in the precise tim­ other. Specific references to documented or probable in­ ing of trends (Carmichael 1985, 1990; Lekson 1989b; stances of migration, either within or between districts, were Whalen 1981, 1994). recorded to determine if they accord with population tra­ The Rio Grande data lack the precision of many west­ jectories in adjacent regions. ern districts. The low population densities between A.D. Population density and settlement changes were re­ 900-1200 (Cordell 1979; Cordell et al. 1994; Crown et al. corded for each district beginning with A.D. 1000-1100 as 1996) influence available information. Research on these a baseline, and then by 50-year intervals from A.D. 1100 earlier periods and systematic survey are lacking for much to 1400. A shading density scale is used to illustrate popu­ of the Rio Grande. Imprecise chronologies result from the lation trends through time for each district, with darker use of non-local ceramic cross-dating (Cordell1979). The shading indicating higherrelative population densities. The trends discussed below assume that the relative dearth of scale includes: empty, low, moderate, medium-high, and early sites reflects an archaeological reality rather than a high categories. "Empty" is used when a district has been problem of pitstructure visibility. My lack of familiarity abandoned or is effectively uninhabited. "Low" represents with the eastern data is undoubtedly evident in the discus­ a situation where population is present and detectable, but sion, and has resulted in reliance on overviews. The ex­ is sparse relative to later developments or adjacent districts tremely rich Rio Grande record after A.D. 1300 also suf­ (e.g., Virgin Anasazi). "Moderate" is used for districts with fers from a lack of reporting and poor temporal resolution. a growing or declining population, and for regions that never achieved high populations even during their peaks. Methodology "Medium-high" is employed for districts containing abun­ Using information available for each district, a five­ dant populations, either not at their peak or where peak popu­ tiered ordinal scale of relative population density was con­ lations were substantially lower than adjacent districts. "High" structed. As districts differ in absolute size and population represents the district-specific periods of greatest density. density, the scale was applied to each independently, re­ Using vague categories is a subjective enterprise, with flecting trends within the district. However, both the rela­ imprecision related to both the source data and my evalua­ tive and absolute populations of adjacent districts were tion of them. I have attempted to apply them consistently, 36 Duff Table 2.1. Sources Consulted for District Population Density Constructions

Acoma Mesa Verde (Northern San Juan) RioAbajo Dittert 1959 Adler and Varien 1994 Lekson 1989a, 1992a, 1992b Roney 1995, 1996 Hayes 1964 Marshall and Walt 1984 Ruppe 1990 Lipe 1992, 1995 Matson et al. 1988 Salinas Albuquerque Rohn 1977, 1989 Caperton 1981 Cordell1979, 1989 Schlanger 1988 Spielmann 1996 Oakes 1979 Varien et al. 1996 Spielmann 1996 San Juan Basin Middle Little Colorado Judge 1989, 1991 Chama Adams 1996 Powers et al. 1983 Crown et al. 1996 Burton 1990 Beal 1987 Kintigh 1990 Santa Fe Cordell 1979, 1989 Cimarron Mimbres Crown et al. 1996 Glassow 1980 Blake et al. 1986 Habicht-Mauche 1993 LeBlanc 1989b Galisteo Basin Lekson 1984, 1989a, 1992a, 1992b Silver Creek (Hay Hollow Valley) Cordell 1979 Nelson 1989, 1993 Haury and Hargrave 1931 Spielmann 1996 Stuart and Gauthier 1984 Kintigh 1990, 1996 Lightfoot 1984 Gallina Mogollon Longacre(Martinetal.) 1961,1962,1964 Beal1987 Breternitz 1959 Plog 1974, 1978 Cordell 1979, 1989 Danson 1957 Crown et al. 1996 Graves et al. 1982 Taos Haury 1958, 1985, 1989 Cordell1979 Grasshopper Vicinity Lowell1991 Crown 1991 Graves et al. 1982 Reid 1989 Crown et al. 1996 Reid 1989 Stuart and Gauthier 1984 Glassow 1980 Zedefio 1994 Green 1976 Pajarito Plateau Hopi Cordell 1979 Upper Little Colorado Adams 1996 Crown et al. 1996 Beeson 1966 Gumerman and Dean 1989 Orcutt 1991, 1993 Danson 1957 Kintigh 1990 Danson and Malde 1956 Pecos Duff 1995 Jemez Cordell 1989 Duff and Kintigh 1993 Crown et al. 1996 Kidder 1958 Kintigh 1990, 1996 Spielmann 1996 Jornada Mogollon Virgin Branch Carmichael1985, 1990 Puerco River of the West Dean et al. 1994 Lekson 1984, 1989a, 1992a, 1992b Fletcher 1994 Larson and Michaelson 1990 O'Laughlin 1985 Gumerman and Olson 1968 Rafferty 1989 Spoerl1985 Peckham 1958 Stuart and Gauthier 1984 Wasley 1960 Zuni Whalen 1981, 1994 Weaver 1978 Beeson 1966 Kintigh 1985, 1996 Kayenta Reserve-Thlarosa Kintigh and Duff 1993 Adams 1996 Danson 1957 LeBlanc 1978, 1989a Dean 1969, 1970 Marshall and Walt 1984 Watson et al. 1980 Dean et al. 1978 McGimsey 1980 Dean et al. 1994 Roney 1995 Gumerman and Dean 1989 Stuart and Gauthier 1984 The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 37 Table 2.2. Summary Population Densities by District District 1000-1100 1100-1150 1150-1200 1200-1250 1250-1300 1300-1350 1350-1400 post-1400

Acoma M MH MH H H MH MH M Albuquerque L L L L MH H H H Chama E E E E L MH H H Cimarron L M MH MH MH E E E Galisteo E E E L M MH H H Gallina L L M MH MH E E E Grasshopper E E E L M MH H E Hopi L M M MH H H H H Jemez E E E E E MH MH MH Jornada L M M M M L L L Kayenta M M MH MH H E E E Mesa Verde H H H H H E E E Middle Little Colorado L L L L MH H H E Mimbres H H MH M M L L L Mogollon M M MH MH MH H H E Pajarito Plateau E E L MH MH H MH M Pecos E E E M MH H H H Puerco H H M M M L L E Reserve-Tularosa M MH MH H MH E E E RioAbajo L L L M MH H H H Salinas L L L M M H H H San Juan Basin H H MH MH MH E E E Santa Fe E L L M MH H H H Silver Creek MH H H MH MH MH MH E Taos E E L M MH H H H Upper Little Colorado L M M MH MH MH MH E Virgin Branch L L L E E E E E Zuni MH MH H H H H H H

DENSITY KEY: E=Empty, L=Low, M=Moderate, MH=Medium-High, H=High however, and the resulting figures are meant to display Those with personal knowledge of specific districts might general trends. The figures produce a visual record of trends modify my classification for any one period, but the rela­ in population movement, but also project an impression tive trajectory for each should be a fair representation based that densities were comparable in different districts. North­ on available information. ern Rio Grande districts never achieved the density of some The timing of critical events in some districts is western districts even though both are coded as "high" masked by the use of 50-year periods. Events in many during some intervals. Absolute population estimates for western and central districts are dated to within a decade, many of the areas discussed here are presented by Dean et while in others, they are assigned to periods lasting up to al. (1994) for comparison. 200 years. At the scale of this presentation, the overall The references consulted in constructing densities for trends should be accurate. With additional research and each district are presented in Table 2.1, while Table 2.2 reporting, corrections and refinements to this reconstruc­ summarizes this information by period for all districts. tion are expected. 38 Duff

0 EMPTY 0 LOW Iii MODERATE II MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

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Figure 2.2. Population densities by district, A.D. 1000-1100.

0 EMPTY 0 LOW flj MODERATE II MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

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Figure 2.3. Population densities by district, A.D. 1100-1150. 38 Duff

D EMPTY D LOW Ill MODERATE II MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

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Figure 2.2. Population densities by district, A.D. 1000-1100.

D EMPTY D LOW Ill MODERATE II MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

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Figure 2.3. Population densities by district, A.D. 1100-1150. The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 39

D EMPTY D LOW [@J MODERATE II MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

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Figure 2.4. Population densities by district, A.D. 1150-1200.

A.D.1000-1100 A.D.l150-1200 Population density is evenly distributed over much This period witnesses the "collapse" of the Mimbres of the southern and western districts during this period (Fig­ and Chacoan systems and population restructuring (Figure ure 2.2), primarily in dispersed roomblocks. High popula­ 2.4). The Mimbres and Central Chaco districts are both tion densities characterize the Mimbres and the San Juan characterized by population reductions with noticeable in­ districts associated with development of the Classic Mimbres creases in adjacent districts such as the Puerco (of the West). and Chacoan systems. Settlement densities are somewhat These increases appear to result from migration. This trend higher in the Zuni and Silver Creek (Hay Hollow Valley) is much more restricted in the north, with increases direc­ districts, with intermediate densities in districts adjacent tional to the Mesa Verde (Northern San Juan) district. A to the Mimbres and Chacoan developments. The northern more diffuse dispersion of population appears to occur in Rio Grande contains little evidence of occupation except the areas around the Mimbres district, probably represent­ in the Cimarron area (Glassow 1980). ing both migrants and in situ population increases (Nelson 1993). The Kayenta district, apparently never incorporated A.D. 1100-1150 into the Chacoan sphere (Adams 1996), experiences mi­ Substantial continuity is reflected in this period (Fig­ nor increases that probably result from both declines in the ure 2.3), but apparent in situ population increases are evi­ Virgin Branch area and a ripple effect of some Mesa Verde dent in a number of districts. Again, densities in the (Northern San Juan) movements into its northern reaches. Mimbres and Chacoan areas remain high, with the south­ Environmental variation may contribute to these move­ ern San Juan Basin reaching its maximum prehistoric oc­ ments (Matson et al. 1988; Schlanger 1988). The Mesa Verde cupation density. The Hay Hollow Valley population peaks, district may also receive influxes from the VIrgin Branch and continues to do so into the next period (Longacre in and San Juan Basin districts (Varien et al. 1996). Increas­ Martinet al. 1961, 1962, 1964; Plog 1974). Local increases ing evidence of occupation along the Rio Grande is present, in the areas corresponding approximately to the area known but populations remain at low densities (Cordell 1979). as Cibola (Zuni, Acoma, Upper Little Colorado, Reserve­ Tularosa) were probably stimulated by proximity to the A.D. 1200-1250 regional developments of Chaco and Mimbres. Northern Population restructuring is evident within many of Rio Grande populations remain at low densities . the western districts during this period (Figure 2.5). AI- ...... The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 41

0 EMPTY 0 LOW tli.ilJ MODERATE Ill MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

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Figure 2.6. Population densities by district, A.D. 1250-1300.

1969; 1970). The areas adjacent to the Mogollon Rim, ment (see Adams, this volume). In the west, all popula­ though characterized by intermediate densities, also wit­ tions lived in nucleated pueblos (Kintigh 1990, cf. Upham ness the construction of planned communities, only some 1982, 1984). Additional population movement into the of which were plaza-oriented. Grasshopper region occurs at about A.D. 1300 (Reid 1989). Initial construction of Pot Creek Pueblo near Taos About A.D. 1325, population reorganization within the Sil­ indicates agglomerative growth (Crown 1991). The Santa ver Creek, Upper Little Colorado, Zuni and Middle Little Fe, Pecos, and Taos districts experience dramatic growth Colorado districts is evident as many nucleated settlements in pueblos that are extremely variable in terms of construc­ are abandoned and resettled in other areas of the same dis­ tion and assemblage composition (Cordell 1979). Initial trict (Duff 1996). Acoma is shaded as medium-high den­ occupation of the Chama may have occurred towards the sity during this period because it appears to have experi­ end of this interval (Crown et aL 1996). The Northern San enced substantial emigration to the east and apparently Juan-Mesa Verde district experiences population declines contains only Acoma at this time (Dittert 1959; Ruppe characterized by emigration of small groups (Lipe 1992, 1990). Additional nucleated pueblo sites may be present 1995) at the beginning of this period, if not earlier (Ahlstrom in the Acoma area, though many may be towards the east­ et aL 1995). By the end of this period, and possibly begin­ ern edges of the district (Roney 1996). ning as early as A.D. 1280, the Mesa Verde region isaban­ Rio Grande districts witness additional population doned (Varien et aL 1996). influxes and construction increases. The Gallina and Cimarron districts are completely abandoned (Beal 1987; A.D. 1300-1350 Cordell1979; Crown et aL 1996; Glassow 1980), contrib­ During this interval, the most dramatic population uting to local increases in northern Rio Grande districts. shifts in the prehistoric Southwest are evident (Figure 2. 7). Another influx of population has been documented for the A fundamental division between east and west emerges as Pajarito Plateau, possibly occurring as early as the A.D. most central districts are abandoned, and populations within 1290s (Orcutt 1993), but the Pajarito population begins regions become more spatially restricted (Kintigh 1990). declining by A.D 1350 (Orcutt 1991, 1993; Crown et aL The abandonment of the Mesa Verde area appears to be the 1996). Information from the Jemez district suggests popu­ only instance where immediately adjacent districts are not lation increase at this time (Crown et aL 1996), and Cordell the recipients of migrants, suggesting long-distance move- notes possible ceramic continuities with Gallina traits 42 Duff

D EMPTY D LOW 1M MODERATE Ill MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

ARIZONA NEW MEXICO

100 200

KILOMETERS

Figure 2.7. Population densities by district, AD. 1300-1350.

. D EMPTY . D LOW Hl&J MODERATE 1111 MEDIUM-HIGH • HIGH

ARIZONA NEW MEXICO

100 200

KILOMETERS

Figure 2.8. Population densities by district, AD. 1350-1400. The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 43

0"""' 0 LOW filiill MODERATE II MEDIUY-HJGH • ~GH

ARIZONA

Figure 2.9. Population densities by district, post-A.D. 1400.

(1989:316). At least three relatively small pueblos are around A.D. 1400 are evident. However, migrant popula­ founded in the Chama (Beal 1987), and additional small tion totals were probably low enough to have been incor­ roomblocks are likely. The Rio Abajo experiences a "seven­ porated into multiple Hopi and Zuni villages without cre­ fold" population increase (Marshall and Walt 1984:134), ating substantial change, and some western migrant groups and there is some evidence for large "site-unit" intrusions probably joined populations in the Rio Grande. in the vicinity (Roney 1995). Increased building activity Rio Grande districts experience continued growth, at Pot Creek Pueblo is attributed to immigration (Crown with aggregation occurring in districts that lacked dense 1991:307), and the construction of Arroyo Hondo (Habicht­ aggregates in the previous period. The Chama, in particu­ Mauche 1993:5) apparently represents migrant founding. lar, witnesses intensive occupation and settlement construc­ The Salinas, Galisteo, Pecos, and Albuquerque districts all tion shifting from several relatively small pueblos to truly experience increases, but the scale of influxes was not as massive pueblos (Beal1987; Crown et al. 1996). Pajarito dramatic. Plateau densities continue to decline, providing source populations for the Chama and other northern districts. In A.D. 1350-1400 a significant development, some towns appear to move as Trends evident in the previous period continue into communities in contrast to the trend from earlier periods. the A.D. 1350-1400 interval (Figure 2.8). In the west, popu­ Pueblos in the Santa Fe (Crown et al. 1996), Galisteo, Sali­ lation reduction and abandonment of most regions appear nas and (possibly) Pecos districts potentially indicate foun­ to be complete between A.D. 1385-1400 (Adams 1996; dation by migrant communities. Duff 1995, 1996; Duff and Kintigh 1993; Kintigh 1990, 1996; Reid 1989). Point of Pines may have persisted PostA.D.1400 slightly beyond the A.D. 1400 threshold (Haury 1989:117- This period displays the outcome of population con­ 118; Reid 1989). The Tonto Basin and the Verde River solidation in the west (Figure 2.9), and brings to a close drainage (Pilles 1996:64-65, 69), not part of this recon­ the trends examined here. Problems with accurately as­ struction, do not appear to witness dramatic population in­ signing dates to pueblos occupied beyond A.D. 1400 in the fluxes from these western districts. The existing popula­ Rio Grande preclude my extension of these trends. It also tion centers of the Hopi and Zuni districts contain no obvi­ represents the culmination of what I see to be the critical ous evidence of immigrant arrivals, though some increases periods for understanding the process of migration.

~-· ------~ 44 Duff GROUP SIZE AND THE MIGRATION hold groups are the areas to the west - the Northern San PROCESS Juan Basin, Gallina, Acoma, Reserve-Tularosa, and Mimbres Although the settlement histories of southwestern districts. Movement into the Rio Grande is gradual, and also districts differ, a consistent pattern of migration, aggrega­ initiated by small groups. Perhaps, through return visits tion, and communal moves is present for both Eastern and and information exchanges, migration streams from spe­ Western Pueblo areas. The dynamic and continuous move­ cific regions emerged. ment of groups illustrates the utility of examining migra­ The abandonment of the Mesa Verde area is the ex­ tion as a process rather than as an event. ception to this pattern. Long-distance movement, possibly In both modern and traditional societies, the basic as communities, is suggested. This pattern, however, may unit of migration and decision making is the household not be as inconsistent as it seems, as Mesa Verde sites in (Neuberger 1977). Households, or multi-household groups the late 1200s contain indications of both household au­ (e.g., Rocek 1995), probably represent the most common tonomy and communal identity. decision making and migrant unit in Pueblo prehistory. In Many of the late Pueblo III sites in the Mesa Verde the west, evidence for movement is household or multi­ region experience continuous cutting episodes until about household based for the Grasshopper region (Reid 1989; A.D. 1280, with abandonment thought to follow soon after Zedefio 1994), Zuni until Pueblo IV (Kintigh 1996), the Hopi (Varien et al. 1996). In the interval between A.D. 1250- area (Adams 1996), and the Kayenta district (Dean 1970). 1280+, occupation consists of highly concentrated house­ The southern Mogollon and Rio Grande, San Juan hold architecture within aggregated or nucleated commu­ Basin, and Chaco districts follow a similar pattern. Low­ nities (e.g., Sand Canyon, Bradley 1992), but there con­ level decision making entities, possibly multiple households tinue to be dispersed households in the areas around these or lineages, are the unit of migration into and out of Pueblo focal settlements (Varien et al. 1996). Within these large III communities in the Mesa Verde (Lipe 1992, 1995) and sites, architectural blocks (Bradley 1992) which probably Rio Abajo (Marshall and Walt 1984) areas. Roney (1995) represent extended household groups are recognizable. The notes, however, instances in which groups occupying up construction, occupation, and abandonment histories of to 100 rooms in several roomblocks arrived together. Ini­ particular architectural blocks are not uniform, and it is tial migration into the Pajarito Plateau, northern Rio Grande, clear that not all architectural blocks were occupied during Albuquerque, eastern Mimbres, and Rio Abajo apparently the final abandonment of the region. Evidence of com­ involved household or extended family groups, which pri­ munal planning of architectural features, such as enclos­ marily constructed masonry roomblocks with fewer than ing walls and kiva complexes, characterizes many of these 20 rooms. sites (Varien et al. 1996). Although they represent significant overall distances I suggest that since not all household groups were and relocations over the entire 400-year period under con­ architecturally integrated into large communities, and since sideration, migrations appear to have occurred primarily there are differential abandonment trajectories for struc­ within districts or among adjacent territories. tures within these late sites, it is probable that early depar­ Exchange is one means of acquiring information prior tures from the Mesa Verde region were at the household or to such moves that can be detected in the archaeological multi-household level. These departures may have been record. Unstructured moves by relatively small groups to adjacent districts such as the Gallina, Chama, and possi­ within and between regions is reflected in the ceramic ex­ bly even Jemez (Cordell 1979). change that is evident in most western and southern dis­ With overall local population density quite high in tricts. The Albuquerque, Salinas, Rio Abajo, and northern the Mesa Verde region, interaction appears to have been Rio Grande districts appear to have been involved in ex­ primarily concentrated within this district. That is, late change relationships with western groups even when the 1200s sites in the Mesa Verde region did not participate in Rio Grande districts were characterized by low population the regional exchange network that characterizes much of densities (e.g., the widespread reporting of Wingate ancl/or southern Plateau and Mogollon Rim areas (e.g., involving St. Johns Polychrome sherds, ca. A.D. 1100-1300). The shell, White Mountain Redware, Tsegi Orange Ware; Varien first roomblock migrants into the Rio Grande area prob­ et al. 1996). If the Mesa Verde region was relatively iso­ ably derive from regions which had previous exchange re­ lated from interaction and exchange spheres during this lationships with Rio Grande groups, providing the infor­ period, most members of the population may not have had mation about this area as a potential destination. Stylistic the personal ties and information necessary to relocate to homogeneity and exchange within the northern Rio Grande other regions. However, early departures by smaller groups after A.D. 1200 suggests an open interaction network who may have settled into districts in the northern Rio among migrant groups (Habicht-Mauche 1993, 1995). Grande (or elsewhere) could have created the information Sufficient material and technological traits indicative of and migration streams that would facilitate later, larger­ group origins are present, in particular, the use of above­ scale movements. 1 To some degree, these later communal ground, contiguous, multiroom masonry pueblos. I con­ moves may represent "leapfrogging" (Anthony 1990:902), tend that the sources of the majority of these migrant house- if unreceptive intervening destinations required Mesa Verde The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 45 emmigrants to settle in largely unoccupied districts of the in the Rio Abajo after A.D. 1300, though most sites thought Rio Grande which were further away. to date to the fourteenth century are smaller than the Hopi The convincing reconstructions of the settlement his­ and Zuni examples, containing fewer than 150 rooms tories of the Tsegi Canyon sites Betatakin and Kiet Siel (Marshall and Walt 1984:137). (Dean 1969, 1970, 1978) are also both consistent with the All areas in which internal, communal-scale moves model, despite the rapid construction of Betatakin. Kiet occurred had experienced population aggregation in pre­ Siel typifies the migration model outlined above. Founded vious periods. In the Zuni and Hopi regions, this trend in the late 1240s, additional room clusters were added and was established between A.D. 117511200-1250. Compa­ remodeled through the 1280s. This prompted Dean to state: rable developments characterize the Reserve-Tularosa dis­ "Kiet Siel grew by the undirected accretion of relatively trict. Development of decision making structures above independent household units that seem to have come and the level of household within these aggregated communi­ gone without reference to the behavior of other households" ties may have been an organizational change stimulated by (1978: 156). Although Betatakin was ultimately settled by internal population migrations. Once developed, these struc­ a group acting cooperatively, its earlier history is consis­ tures facilitated large-scale movement and planned construc­ tent with small-scale migration. The Betatakin shelter was tion upon arrival when aggregated communities decided to sporadically utilized in the 1250s as indicated by a few migrate or nucleate. In all instances of communal moves, structures. In 1267, two or three households appear to have migration was to an area with a preexisting population ei­ taken up residence followed by another in 1268. Dean ar­ ther originating from the area of the migrating community gues that the location was selected by groups familiar with or with whom interaction occurred. Districts character­ the area (1969:82). Apparently expecting additional house­ ized by unsettled migration histories at this time, such as holds to join the group, a number of construction timbers those in the Rio Grande, do not experience communal-scale were procured and stockpiled until 1275, when numerous population movements. In fact, most experience contin­ additional household clusters were added rapidly. Dean ued immigration from external sources. notes that the initial settlers may have been a "vanguard" This brings us to a consideration of processes in the group preparing the location for a larger group (1969:75). eastern districts. In the Rio Abajo, initial migrants appear to The Tsegi Canyon sites illustrate several points. First, have been household or multi-household groups. Around initial movement into a settlement or locality consists of a A.D. 1300, arrival of migrant groups may have been on a relatively small number of household groups. These groups, larger scale. They probably represent movement of commu­ probably through direct contact, communicate information nities from the Reserve-Tularosa and upper Rio Puerco areas to other households potentially interested in relocating. which existed as smaller (ca. 100-200 rooms) aggregated or Both sites are joined by additional households within a nucleated settlements (McGimsey 1980; Roney 1995). In decade or so of founding. This suggests that the decision the Albuquerque and northern Rio Grande districts, popu­ to migrate, at whatever scale, is a thoroughly researched lations arrived as household or multihousehold groups, but and considered decision planned well in advance. Whether the source areas from which they came appear not to have the migrant groups are individual households, or a number had cohesive or durable decision making structures above of households apparently relocating communally, initial the household level. That is to say, populations arrived in household groups represent the founding occupants. these districts from areas which were beginning to aggre­ Community migration occurred rarely, and prima­ gate but which had not yet (or impermanently) organized rily within a district. This pattern first appears at Zuni, decision making beyond the household. Aggregation ap­ where several nucleated pueblos were founded in the mid­ pears to have occurred within the northern and middle Rio to-late 1200s (Kintigh 1985). Although most of these nucle­ Grande districts (Crown 1991; Orcutt 1991, 1993). The north­ ated pueblos appear to represent consolidation of local ern Rio Grande equivalent of settlement nucleation and populations, some may have been the result of communal community movement appears to occur in the mid 1300s moves within the Zuni district. This suggests that higher­ with the founding of large, planned communities. level decision making structures had been created within Additional community-level movements may be evi­ aggregated Pueblo III communities. The Zuni district does dent in the Chama, Salinas, Galisteo, Pecos and Rio Abajo not appear to have been a recipient of external migrants, districts after A.D. 1350. I suggest these represent com­ creating an internally stable population dynamic beginning munity moves from within the Rio Grande that were pos­ to organize beyond the household level. sible because aggregated community structure had devel­ Homo!' ovi II represents a communal move and popu­ oped mechanisms for facilitating decisions above the house­ lation consolidation at around A.D. 1330 (Adams 1996). hold level. When this development occurred (ca. A.D. The occupants of Homo!' ovi II apparently came from the 1340), planned pueblo construction events and community Hopi Mesas where population stability and nucleated con­ movements become evident. I maintain that this occurs struction occurred slightly earlier than in the Homo I' ovi only after large-scale external migrations have ceased, and area. At both Zuni and Homo I' ovi, planned pueblos of internal dynamics (within districts or between adjacent dis­ several hundred rooms resulted. A similar pattern occurs tricts) become the structuring forces. The interval between 46 Duff the abandonment of the Mesa Verde (ca. A.D. 1285-1300) The appreciation of migration as a process has been and single-event, nucleated constructions in the Rio Grande hampered by archaeological concentration on single locali­ (ca. A.D. 1340) suggests a period of one-to-two human ties or districts. Evaluation of migration requires a scale generations may be required to create a stable local social of analysis above the site or local district. During the later environment conducive to communal identity construction periods of Pueblo prehistory, organizational developments and communal action. encompass vast areas. The study of migration requires us to think on a comparable scale. The interplay between dis­ CONCLUSION trict-specific research and regional dynamics is central to continued investigation of migration. Even abandonments Migration is best conceived of as a process with sev­ that appear to us as "events" based on our temporal resolu­ eral predictable and potentially identifiable stages. In pre­ tion, such as that of Mesa Verde, benefit from being recast senting a summary model of migration stages and demo­ as processes. Appreciation of these parameters can pro­ graphic trends from across the Southwest, I have demon­ vide additional insights to district-specific research. strated that concepts and stages derived from migration studies have a place in the archaeological study of migra­ Acknowledgments. tion. They provide the basis for an initial formulation of The ideas presented in this paper, and the presenta­ the interplay between the processes of aggregation, nucle­ tion itself, are the product of interaction with several people. ation, and migration. I suggest that aspects of migration Comments by and/or discussions with Cathy Cameron, behavior and structure can inform us about the timing of Steve Lekson, Nancy Mahoney, Margaret Nelson, Scott organizational developments in the prehistoric Southwest. Ortman, Jim Potter, Kate Spielmann, Mark Varien and vari­ The timing of community-level decision making cohesive ous chapter authors have been especially helpful. How­ enough to facilitate community migration differs across ever, not all agree with the opinions expressed, and I alone districts, and appears to have developed earlier in the west. am to blame for any errors contained herein. Kate Spiel­ Similar developments in eastern districts occurred after mann deserves additional thanks for such a stimulating and migration into the region had stabilized. I suggest that most productive seminar, and for seeing this volume through to community-level moves witnessed in the Rio Grande dis­ production. tricts primarily reflect movement of communities that de­ veloped within Rio Grande districts, and that communities Endnote infrequently migrated from neighboring Plateau areas. 1 Mark Varien suggested this possibility. The Process of Migration in the Late Prehistoric Southwest 47 REFERENCES CITED

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