LYSIAS 24 on the SUSPENSION of the BENEFIT of the DISABLED M a N Introduction
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Goneis in Athenian Law (And Perception)
GONEIS IN ATHENIAN LAW (AND PERCEPTION) David Whitehead Queen’s University Belfast [email protected] Abstract: This paper aims to establish what the laws of classical Athens meant when they used the term goneis. A longstanding and widespread orthodoxy holds that, despite the simple and largely unproblematic “dictionary” definition of the noun goneus/goneis as parent/parents, Athenian law extended it beyond an individual’s father and mother, so as to include – if they were still alive – protection and respect for his or her grandparents, and even great-grandparents. While this is not a notion of self-evident absurdity, I challenge it on two associated counts, one broad and one narrow. On a general, contextual level, genre-by genre survey and analysis of the evidence for what goneus means (and implies) in everyday life and usage shows, in respect of the word itself, an irresistible thrust in favour of the literal ‘parent’ sense. Why then think otherwise? Because of confusion, in modern minds, engendered by Plato and by Isaeus. In Plato’s case, his legislation for Magnesia contemplates (I argue) legal protection for grandparents but does not, by that mere fact, extend the denotation of goneis to them. And crucially for a proper understanding of the law(s) of Athens itself, two much-cited passages in the lawcourt speeches of Isaeus, 1.39 and 8.32, turn out to be the sole foundation for the modern misunderstanding about the legal scope of goneis. They should be recognised for what they are: passages where law is secondary and rhetorical persuasion paramount. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:2 (1986:Summer) P.173
STANLEY, PHILLIP V., The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:2 (1986:Summer) p.173 The Family Connection of Alcibiades and Axiochus Phillip V. Stanley LTHOUGH THE ANCESTRY of the Athenian general Alcibiades A III remains obscure for the sixth century, his genealogy is as sumed to be secure for the fifth. The descent of the family from Alcibiades I to Alcibiades IV has been reconstructed by Vander pool in the following way:l Alcibiades J2 I Cleinias I I Alcibiades II I I Axiochus Cleinias II I I I I Cleinias III Alcibiades III Cleinias IV I Alcibiades IV I E. Vanderpool, "The Ostracism of the Elder Alcibiades," Hesperia 21 (I952) 1-8, esp. 6. Cr. M. B. Wallace, "Early Greek Proxenoi," Phoenix 24 (I 970) 196f; 1. K. DAVIES, Athenian Propertied Families (Oxford 1971 [hereafter APF)) 10-12. According to Isoc. 16.25f (delivered by Alcibiades IV, son of the general), Alcibiades I, the ally of Cleisthenes when he expelled Hippias from Athens, was the great-grandfather (1TpO- 1Ta1T1To~) of Alcibiades III. The general difficulty stems from the apparent need to reduce the number of generations separating Alcibiades I from Alcibiades III, believed to be five: if the number is not reduced, Alcibiades I would actually be the great-great grandfather of the general. 2 Roman numerals are those assigned in PA and APF. These numerals will continue to be used even when homonyms are added to the family's genealogy. In order to avoid the confusion that might result if a major overhaul of the numerical system for this family were attempted, and to preserve the numerical descent established for the branch of the family to which Alcibiades III belongs, the newly identified individual will be assigned the next available Roman numeral, even though he may be earlier than an individual with the same name whose number is lower. -
Lysias and the Date of Plato's Phaedrus by Spiro
LYSIAS AND THE DATE OF PLATO'S PHAEDRUS BY SPIRO PANAGIOTOU It is generally accepted nowadays that the Phaedyus is a relatively late dialogue. Stylometric studies 1) and internal evidence 2) make almost certain that it was composed after the Republic. As to possible dates, Howland suggests 372 B. C. as the upper and 368 as the lower terminus 3). Hackforth rejects Howland's argument but accepts its general conclusions. Although very hesitant to give us a precise date, he ventures the guess of "37o B.C. or there- abouts" 4). Professor De Vries would prefer to bring the date a little forward to 369-67. But he also suggests that a "date between 366 and 362 is not excluded" 5). In this paper I wish to recommend 365 ?4 B.C. as the teyminus a quo for the composition of the Phaedyus. My discussion will center around the possible date for Lysias' death. In Section I I shall present a number of arguments which, taken together, make it virtually certain that Lysias is dead when Plato sits down to write the Phaedyus. I shall then offer in Section II some reasons for thinking that Lysias is alive up to the mid 36os. The consid- erations of Section II are admittedly problematic. However, I think it worth while to put them forth here. I Lysias must be dead when Plato sits down to compose the Phaedyus. There are at least three complementary reasons to 1) For results of stylometric studies cf. W. D. Ross, Plato's Theory of Ideas (Oxford 1953), 2. -
Thalheim's Isaeus Itaei Orationes Cum Deperditarum Fragmentis Post Carolum Scheibe Iterum Edidit Th
The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Thalheim's Isaeus Itaei orationes cum deperditarum fragmentis post Carolum Scheibe iterum edidit Th. Thalheim. Leipzig: Teubner. Mk. 2. 40. W. Wyse The Classical Review / Volume 18 / Issue 02 / March 1904, pp 115 - 120 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X0020944X, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X0020944X How to cite this article: W. Wyse (1904). The Classical Review, 18, pp 115-120 doi:10.1017/S0009840X0020944X Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 130.132.123.28 on 13 Jul 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. 115 O.P.5 with the variant diuitum (-is O), and word ' emendare' which is used invariably is given as a variant in P.2'7: militum is the in the subscriptiones, is to be construed in reading of Rat.2 and a variant in P.10. 313 its most literal sense; and that view is, I furens: with Or. Boul. W. M. Rh. D.1 P.5 think, fully borne out by this MS. The (uel fremens) P,7: it is also given as a changes of the original text amount to variant in P.10 Lo.2 Z. 314 et: I noted this nothing more than insertions of omitted also from 0. Or. H. Trin. P.8 328 lines or words, and corrections of slips of retudit; so too O. and Or. (uel retundit). -
Greek, and Latin GREE 315 Advanced Greek Literature a TRIMESTER 1 2011 Trimester Dates: 28 February-2 July 2011
SCHOOL OF ART HISTORY, CLASSICS, AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES Classics, Greek, and Latin GREE 315 Advanced Greek Literature A TRIMESTER 1 2011 Trimester Dates: 28 February-2 July 2011 TRIMESTER DATES Teaching dates: 28 February to 3 June 2011 Mid-trimester break: 18 April to 1 May 2011 Study week: 6 June to 10 June 2011 Examination/Assessment period: 10 June to 2 July 2011 NB: Students who enrol in this course must be able to attend an examination at the University at any time during the formal examination period. WITHDRAWAL DATES Information on withdrawals and refunds may be found at http://www.viCtoria.aC.nz/home/admisenrol/payments/withdrawlsrefunds.aspx Menelaos retrieving Helen after the sack of Troy, under the influence of Erōs, Louvre G424. *1* GREE 315 Course Handout 2011 1. Course Organization Lecturer: Dr. David Rosenbloom. Office: OK 516; Phone: 463-5478; e-mail: [email protected]; office hour W 3:00-4:00 and by appointment. Lecture Time and Place: 9:00-9:50, M, W, F; OK 524. Dates: classes take place from 28 Feb. through 3 June. 2. Learning Objectives and Content Course Delivery In this course there are 36 classes. The main task of each class is to translate the Greek texts set for the course. AdditiOnal infOrmatiOn Any further announcements concerning the course will be posted on Blackboard. Learning Objectives and COntent GREE 315 is a reading course in ancient Greek prose and poetry. Building on GREE 216, its aim is to refine students’ understanding of the morphology, grammar, and syntax of ancient Greek and to introduce them to the study of Greek prose and poetry by a close reading of selected texts. -
The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones a Dissertation Submitted in Partial
The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: Alain Gowing, Chair Catherine Connors Alexander Hollmann Deborah Kamen Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics ©Copyright 2015 Brandon F. Jones University of Washington Abstract The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones Chair of Supervisory Commitee: Professor Alain Gowing Department of Classics This study is about the construction of identity and self-promotion of status by means of elite education during the first and second centuries CE, a cultural and historical period termed by many as the Second Sophistic. Though the Second Sophistic has traditionally been treated as a Greek cultural movement, individual Romans also viewed engagement with a past, Greek or otherwise, as a way of displaying education and authority, and, thereby, of promoting status. Readings of the work of Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny, first- and second-century Latin prose authors, reveal a remarkable engagement with the methodologies and motivations employed by their Greek contemporaries—Dio of Prusa, Plutarch, Lucian and Philostratus, most particularly. The first two chapters of this study illustrate and explain the centrality of Greek in the Roman educational system. The final three chapters focus on Roman displays of that acquired Greek paideia in language, literature and oratory, respectively. As these chapters demonstrate, the social practices of paideia and their deployment were a multi-cultural phenomenon. Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................... 2 Introduction ....................................................................................... 4 Chapter One. -
Psychagogia in Plato's Phaedrus
10 Psychagogia in Plato's Phaedrus ELIZABETH ASMIS From ancient times, there has been much discussion whether Plato's Phaedrus is a unified composition. The problem is that the dialogue seems to have a variety of topics — love, beauty, the soul, rhetoric, dialectic, and writing — and that it seems to fall into two halves, the first comprising three speeches, the second consisting of dialectical discussion. In favor of the unity of the dialogue, ancient and modern scholars have argued that the various topics are closely interwoven.' ' The Neoplatonist Hermeias (5th century ad.) discussed the unity of the Phaedrus in his commentary on the dialogue. He notes that the dialogue has been thought to be about love, rhetoric, the soul, the good, primary beauty, and beauty of every kind. He agrees with lamblichus that the unifying topic of the Phaedrus is "beauty of every kind"; and he proposes that there is a gradual ascent from Lysias' love for the beauty of Phaedrus' body to Phaedrus' love for the beauty of Lysias' logos, then to psychic beauty, to the beauty of the cosmic gods, to intelligible beauty, and finally to Eros and beauty itself, with a subsequent reversal back to psychic beauty and then to the beauty of logoi (pp. 8-12 of P. Couvreur's edition, Hermiae Alexandrini in Platonis Phaedrum Scholia, Paris 1901). I agree with Werner Jaeger that the Phaedrus is unified by the problem of rhetoric (Paideia, tr. by Gilbert Highet, vol. 3, New York 1944, p. 184). I also agree in large part with Ronald B. Levinson that unity is achieved through a series of "dialectical transformations and reconciliations" of a number of themes, among them love and beauty, madness, rhetoric, and philosophy ("Plato's Phaedrus and the New Criticism," Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie 46 [1964], 293-309). -
Women and Property in Ancient Athens: a Discussion of the Private Orations and Menander Cheryl Cox University of Memphis
Women and Property in Ancient Athens: A Discussion of the Private Orations and Menander Cheryl Cox University of Memphis There has been a great deal of discussion in the past two decades or so among social historians and anthropologists of the proposition that women in European societies, both in the past and in the present, have informal power at the private level of the household. Women’s interests were reflected and expressed in succession practices and in the management of the household economy. Central to the status of women was the dowry because of its place in the conjugal household and the negotiations over its use and transmission. A large dowry ensured the woman’s important role in the decisions of the marital household and thus helped to stabilize the marriage. Because the dowry, as the property of the woman’s natal kin, would ideally be transmitted to the man’s children, the man could become involved in the property interests of his wife’s family of origin.1 In a material sense, in classical Athens the wife’s dowry allowed for the cohesion of two households (oikoi): the oikos of her marriage and that of her natal family. The dowry in legal terms belonged to the woman’s natal family, as it had to be returned to her family of origin either on divorce or on the death of her husband and her remarriage. Much of the information we have for dowries pertains to elite families. Because the woman’s dowry could be inherited by the children, it was worth fighting for, especially if she had not received her full share (Dem. -
Persuasive Ethopoeia in Dionysius's Lysias Author(S): Kristine S
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks Persuasive Ethopoeia in Dionysius's Lysias Author(s): Kristine S. Bruss Source: Rhetorica: A Journal of the History of Rhetoric, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Winter 2013), pp. 34- 57 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the International Society for the History of Rhetoric Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/rh.2013.31.1.34 . Accessed: 04/03/2014 17:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and International Society for the History of Rhetoric are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Rhetorica: A Journal of the History of Rhetoric. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 129.237.46.100 on Tue, 4 Mar 2014 17:03:51 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Kristine S. Bruss Persuasive Ethopoeia in Dionysius’s Lysias Abstract: Dionysius of Halicarnassus’s account of ethopoeia at Lysias 8 is often cited as evidence of Lysias’s mastery of character portrayal, but the passage itself has received little in-depth analysis. -
The Speech Against Leocrates. Edited by A. Petrie
LYCURGUS The Speech against Leocrates Pitt Press Series LYCURGUS THE SPEECH AGAINST LEOCRATES CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS C. F. CLAY, MANAGER LONDON : FETTER LANE, E. C. 4 NEW YORK t THE MACMILLAN CO. BOMBAY ) CALCUTTA [ MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD. MADRAS ) TORONTO : THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. TOKYO ! MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED LYCURGUS THE SPEECH AGAINST LEOCRATES EDITED BY A. PETRIE, M.A. PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS, NATAL UNIVERSITY COLLEGE s. (UNIVERSITY OF AFRICA) ; FORMERLY LECTURER IN GREEK IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN ; SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1922 U PRINTED IN ENGLAND PREFACE Leocrates of Lycurgus has remained, in THEEngland, in comparative obscurity, not having 1 attracted an editor since John Taylor edited it at Cambridge, along with the Midias of Demosthenes, in 1743. Yet the speech is by no means without its merits. It forms, in many ways, an excellent introduction to Attic oratory for younger students. It is easier than Demosthenes, and there is no complex political situation to expound: the issue is simple and direct. And it has a greater variety of interest than either Demosthenes or Lysias. Its very fault of diffuseness, from the purely forensic standpoint, becomes, from an educative point of view, its great virtue. Lycurgus' excursions into ancient history, legend, and the poets, provide, in Livy's phrase, so many deverticula amoena where the student finds refreshment with instruction. The text of the present edition will be found to adhere, in the main, to that of Blass, whose critical commentary I have supplemented with those of Scheibe, Rehdantz and Thalheim. -
(P. Oxy. 1606) Aus: Zeitschrift Fřr Papyrologie Und Epigraphik
ENRICO MEDDA NOTES ON THE TEXT OF LYSIAS, AGAINST HIPPOTHERSES (P. Oxy. 1606) aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 129 (2000) 21–28 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 21 NOTES ON THE TEXT OF LYSIAS, AGAINST HIPPOTHERSES (P. Oxy. 1606)* The fragmentary speeches transmitted only on papyri are a part of Lysias’ production that has received little attention from scholars. There is still a lot of work to be done on them, especially on textual problems. Among the papyri of Lysias, P. Oxy. XIII 1606 is certainly the one for which a critical revision and an up-to-date edition of the text are most needed.1 The manuscript contains fragments of at least four previously unknown orations (the speech Against Hippotherses, a speech directed against a certain Theomnestus and another two – or, more probably, three or four – speeches). In spite of their importance for our knowledge of Lysias, the text the reader finds in the three existing editions of these fragments (Grenfell and Hunt 1919, Gernet and Bizos 1926 [19895] and Albini 1955) is often unreliable, because it does not correspond to the actual condition of the papyrus. After the admirable reconstruction of the speeches made by Grenfell and Hunt in the editio princeps, in fact, the physical arrangement of the fragments changed considerably around 1925, as a result of Edgar Lobel’s work. Lobel managed to place correctly a certain number of fragments and published his findings in two short notes that appeared in the «Bodleian Quarterly Record», but were totally neglected by scholars, including the editors of the fragments of Lysias.2 Direct examination of the papyrus would have revealed the situation, but neither Gernet and Bizos 1926 nor Albini 1955 based their editions on a new collation of the manuscript: they just reprinted the text of Grenfell and Hunt 1919 with slight conjectural modifications and occasional misunderstandings.3 Lobel’s intervention considerably reduced the number of independent fragments (there were 155 of them in the editio princeps).