The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones a Dissertation Submitted in Partial

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones a Dissertation Submitted in Partial The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: Alain Gowing, Chair Catherine Connors Alexander Hollmann Deborah Kamen Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics ©Copyright 2015 Brandon F. Jones University of Washington Abstract The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones Chair of Supervisory Commitee: Professor Alain Gowing Department of Classics This study is about the construction of identity and self-promotion of status by means of elite education during the first and second centuries CE, a cultural and historical period termed by many as the Second Sophistic. Though the Second Sophistic has traditionally been treated as a Greek cultural movement, individual Romans also viewed engagement with a past, Greek or otherwise, as a way of displaying education and authority, and, thereby, of promoting status. Readings of the work of Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny, first- and second-century Latin prose authors, reveal a remarkable engagement with the methodologies and motivations employed by their Greek contemporaries—Dio of Prusa, Plutarch, Lucian and Philostratus, most particularly. The first two chapters of this study illustrate and explain the centrality of Greek in the Roman educational system. The final three chapters focus on Roman displays of that acquired Greek paideia in language, literature and oratory, respectively. As these chapters demonstrate, the social practices of paideia and their deployment were a multi-cultural phenomenon. Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................... 2 Introduction ....................................................................................... 4 Chapter One. Investing in Education ................................................ 10 Chapter Two. Learning Greek (and) Self-Control ............................ 48 Chapter Three. Roman Imitation and the Attic Past ......................... 80 Chapter Four. Roman Allusion to a Greek Past ................................ 113 Chapter Five. Epideictic: Sophistic Strategies of Self-Fashioning ... 150 Conclusion ........................................................................................ 187 Bibliography ..................................................................................... 190 1 Acknowledgements One central concept of this study is that education and status are social entities that cannot be acquired without the aid of teachers, colleagues and friends. This is particularly true in my case, to such an extent that space will not allow for due acknowledgment of all that have had a positive impact on this study. Prior to coming to the University of Washington, the Classics Departments of Emory University and Boston College, and Peter Bing, Mike Lippman, Christine Perkell, Louise Pratt, Werner Reiss, Ted Ahern, Kendra Eshleman, Gail Hoffmann, Emil Penarubia and Mindy Wolfrom, in particular, played fundamental roles in developing my interests and abilities. The Department of Classics at the University of Washington has proven to be a supportive and fruitfully challenging environment for graduate studies. My colleagues have taught me much, and, moreover, have been patient and supportive friends. I am particularly grateful to the following: Ashli Baker, Ed Bertany, Henry Burden, Richard Buxton, Naomi Campa-Thompson, Lissa Crofton-Sleigh, Allison Das, Melissa Funke, Matthew Gorey, Karl Griggs, Martin Halprin, Josh Hartman, Alex Kennedy, Eunice Kim, Bridget Langley, Megan O’Donald, Morgan Palmer, Colin Shelton, Ben Tiefenthaler and Adriana Vazquez. The members of the Classics faculty at UW have likewise gone well beyond their professional obligations, improving both my work and my experience in Seattle. I am particularly grateful to Larry Bliquez, Stephen Hinds and, most of all, the members of my reading committee: Cathy Connors, Alex Hollmann and Deb Kamen. They not only offered thoughtful and constructive comments on the dissertation, but have also been generous mentors in ways that go far beyond dissertation research. My advisor Alain Gowing has patiently kept the 2 door to his office and classroom ever open to me and even managed to do so with a consistent smile. He encapsulates all the best characteristics of Quintilian’s vir bonus, and I am extremely fortunate to have worked with him. The Classics Department at UW has been extremely generous with travel and dissertation research funding in the form of Jim Greenfield scholarships and Philip and Estelle Delacy fellowships. The department has also generously hosted too many kind and brilliant visiting lecturers to name here. Finally, a university Presidential Fellowship provided financial assistance as I finished my research. The greatest support, however, has been that of my family. My parents, Kathy and Randy Jones, have done much to help me obtain an education that they never had the opportunity to pursue. I dedicate my efforts to them. Introduction During the first and second centuries CE—a cultural and historical period termed by many as the Second Sophistic1—the construction of identity and self-promotion of status often depended upon an elite education. While themes and arguments have varied, some common features come to the surface in most discussions of this period and the terms by which an ancient author is deemed “sophistic.” These include a preoccupation with the following: elite education in the literary canon; linguistic purity, archaism and novelty; and competitive epideictic oratory and rhetoric including invective and encomium. This period of history in the Mediterranean offered fertile ground for advancing status by means of these academic pursuits.2 By 50 CE administration of the Mediterranean had firmly shifted from the hands of imperial Italian aristocrats to one individual princeps. With this shift, one of the primary avenues to political and civic power—the military—was closed off to an even larger majority. Positions in the imperial circle were not limited to high-born Roman aristocrats such as the Claudii, but extended as far as provincials and even freedmen. And thus skill in the arts of rhetoric or philosophy, which could be kept out of the political sphere (at least on the surface) became a safer means to advancement—and one open to Mediterraneans from various cultural and social backgrounds.3 1 This period (50-250CE), known to Classical scholars as the Second Sophistic, has been defined variously by the originator of the term, Flavius Philostratus, in the third century CE, German scholars such as Erwin Rohde and Wilhelm Schmid in the nineteenth century, American and British scholars such as Glen Bowersock, Ewen Bowie and Graham Anderson in the twentieth century and an increasing number of contemporary scholars around the globe today. See Eshelman 2012: 4n16, Swain 1996: 1 and Whitmarsh 2005: 4-10 for definitions and surveys on the term and its scholarship. 2 This shift did not begin at once. Signs are clear in the work of Cicero, Pollio and Varro, who found an alternative means to advancement in their studies. Displays of paideia were likewise a favorite topos of poets as early as the Neoterics. This movement, then, is better seen as an ongoing process that reached a peak during the high empire. 3 There are, of course, limits here. The majority of social climbers were already of relatively high status. Likewise, rhetoric and philosophy could very well lead to exile. But this was not a necessary conclusion. 4 5 In discussing this cultural and historical period of opportunity, however, scholars have observed a link between these academic preoccupations and an attempt at emphasizing a “Greekness” or Greek identity which bolsters status.4 In emphasizing Greekness, few scholars have even considered Latin authors as participants in the Second Sophistic. Those who have done so have either focused on later Antonine figures such as Apuleius, Aulus Gellius and Fronto,5 or have focused on organized imperialistic strategies by which an organized Roman power adopted Greek culture only to display dominance.6 Yet, for individual Romans, just as for Greeks, engagement with a past, Greek or otherwise, provided a way of displaying education and authority, thereby promoting status. We ought, then, to be willing to recognize this type of engagement with the Greek past not just in Greek authors or marginal Roman figures, but among imperial Latin authors at large. I aim to press this suggestion by examining the ways in which Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny, first- and second-century Latin prose authors, display a remarkable engagement with the methodologies and motivations employed by their Greek contemporaries—Dio of Prusa, Plutarch, Lucian and Philostratus, most particularly. We might understand the elasticity of this multi-culturalism better if we consider how much the social and political “Roman” world was constituted by those who were not native Romans. Even the three Latin authors I shall investigate, though identified as Roman, were provincial. Quintilian was born around 35 CE at Calagurris in Spain and, after some education at Rome, returned to Spain before being recalled to the capital by Galba. Tacitus was likely born around 56 CE in Gallia Narbonensis in southern France and has at least familial connections to 4 E.g., Bowie 1974, Swain 1996, Whitmarsh
Recommended publications
  • The Library of Libanius':-)
    THE LIBRARY OF LIBANIUS':-) In arecent work Festugiere glanced briefly at the problem of the texts available to Libanius 1). Despite rus careful emphasis upon the provisional nature of this survey, such a statistical presentation of literary borrowings and sources may tempt the unwary into unwarranted conclusions. Care must be taken, as he rightly indicates, not to regard his list as complete in itself, nor yet as consistently representative of Libanius' treatment of his material, still less as representative of other sophists. The incidence of classical citations in such authors depends upon criteria both subjective and objective. A Himerius, with his exaggeratedly florid style, will differ, both in aim and in inspiration, from the more argumentative exposition and more subtle appeal to psychology presented by Libanius. Thus, besides using the corpus of literature which was basic to the Greek educational system - epic, drama, history and oratory, 'f) Textual references are to Libanius ed. Förster, Menander ed. Körte, [0 fragments of tragedy, Nauck, T. G. F. 2, and Iyric, Bergk e. 1) Antioche Paienne et Chrhienne, 216 and 509. A. F. No r man: The Library of Libanius 159 Himerius characteristically displays a degree of proficiency with material from lyric which is most unusual in 4th century writers. In the Libanian corpus itself, different genres require differences of matter and treatment which are to be observed not merely in a comparison of orations, declamations and letters, but in any assessment of the orations themselves 2). The broad outline of Libanius' course is essentially that re­ c'ommended long before by Dio Chrysostom and Quintilian, and even then of tried utility and venerable antiquity 3).
    [Show full text]
  • The Ramist Style of John Udall: Audience and Pictorial Logic in Puritan Sermon and Controversy
    Oral Tradition, 2/1 (1987): 188-213 The Ramist Style of John Udall: Audience and Pictorial Logic in Puritan Sermon and Controversy John G. Rechtien With Wilbur Samuel Howell’s Logic and Rhetoric in England, 1500-1700 (1956), Walter J. Ong’s Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue (1958) helped establish the common contemporary view that Ramism impoverished logic and rhetoric as arts of communication.1 For example, scholars agree that Ramism neglected audience accomodation; denied truth as an object of rhetoric by reserving it to logic; rejected persuasion about probabilities; and relegated rhetoric to ornamentation.2 Like Richard Hooker in Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (I.vi.4), these scholars criticize Ramist logic as simplistic. Their objections identify the consequences of Ramus’ visual analogy of logic and rhetoric to “surfaces,” which are “apprehended by sight” and divorced from “voice and hearing” (Ong 1958:280). As a result of his analogy of knowledge and communication to vision rather than to sound, Ramus left rhetoric only two of its fi ve parts, ornamentation (fi gures of speech and tropes) and delivery (voice and gesture). He stripped three parts (inventio, dispositio, and memory) from rhetoric. Traditionally shared by logic and rhetoric, the recovery and derivation of ideas (inventio) and their organization (dispositio) were now reserved to logic. Finally, Ramus’ method of organizing according to dichotomies substituted “mental space” for memory (Ong 1958:280). In the context of this new logic and the rhetoric dependent on it, a statement was not recognized as a part of a conversation, but appeared to stand alone as a speech event fi xed in space.
    [Show full text]
  • Valerius Maximus on Vice: a Commentary of Facta Et Dicta
    Valerius Maximus on Vice: A Commentary on Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 9.1-11 Jeffrey Murray University of Cape Town Thesis Presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in the School of Languages and Literatures University of Cape Town June 2016 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town Abstract The Facta et Dicta Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus, written during the formative stages of the Roman imperial system, survives as a near unique instance of an entire work composed in the genre of Latin exemplary literature. By providing the first detailed historical and historiographical commentary on Book 9 of this prose text – a section of the work dealing principally with vice and immorality – this thesis examines how an author employs material predominantly from the earlier, Republican, period in order to validate the value system which the Romans believed was the basis of their world domination and to justify the reign of the Julio-Claudian family. By detailed analysis of the sources of Valerius’ material, of the way he transforms it within his chosen genre, and of how he frames his exempla, this thesis illuminates the contribution of an often overlooked author to the historiography of the Roman Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Vestal Virgins and Their Families
    Vestal Virgins and Their Families Andrew B. Gallia* I. INTRODUCTION There is perhaps no more shining example of the extent to which the field of Roman studies has been enriched by a renewed engagement with anthropology and other cognate disciplines than the efflorescence of interest in the Vestal virgins that has followed Mary Beard’s path-breaking article regarding these priestesses’ “sexual status.”1 No longer content to treat the privileges and ritual obligations of this priesthood as the vestiges of some original position (whether as wives or daughters) in the household of the early Roman kings, scholars now interrogate these features as part of the broader frameworks of social and cultural meaning through which Roman concepts of family, * Published in Classical Antiquity 34.1 (2015). Early versions of this article were inflicted upon audiences in Berkeley and Minneapolis. I wish to thank the participants of those colloquia for helpful and judicious feedback, especially Ruth Karras, Darcy Krasne, Carlos Noreña, J. B. Shank, and Barbara Welke. I am also indebted to George Sheets, who read a penultimate draft, and to Alain Gowing and the anonymous readers for CA, who prompted additional improvements. None of the above should be held accountable for the views expressed or any errors that remain. 1 Beard 1980, cited approvingly by, e.g., Hopkins 1983: 18, Hallett 1984: x, Brown 1988: 8, Schultz 2012: 122. Critiques: Gardner 1986: 24-25, Beard 1995. 1 gender, and religion were produced.2 This shift, from a quasi-diachronic perspective, which seeks explanations for recorded phenomena in the conditions of an imagined past, to a more synchronic approach, in which contemporary contexts are emphasized, represents a welcome methodological advance.
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
    Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rhetoric of Corruption in Late Antiquity
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE The Rhetoric of Corruption in Late Antiquity A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics by Tim W. Watson June 2010 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Michele R. Salzman, Chairperson Dr. Harold A. Drake Dr. Thomas N. Sizgorich Copyright by Tim W. Watson 2010 The Dissertation of Tim W. Watson is approved: ________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________ Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In accordance with that filial piety so central to the epistolary persona of Q. Aurelius Symmachus, I would like to thank first and foremost my parents, Lee and Virginia Watson, without whom there would be quite literally nothing, followed closely by my grandmother, Virginia Galbraith, whose support both emotionally and financially has been invaluable. Within the academy, my greatest debt is naturally to my advisor, Michele Salzman, a doctissima patrona of infinite patience and firm guidance, to whom I came with the mind of a child and departed with the intellect of an adult. Hal Drake I owe for his kind words, his critical eye, and his welcome humor. In Tom Sizgorich I found a friend and colleague whose friendship did not diminish even after he assumed his additional role as mentor. Outside the field, I owe a special debt to Dale Kent, who ushered me through my beginning quarter of graduate school with great encouragement and first stirred my fascination with patronage. Lastly, I would like to express my gratitude to the two organizations who have funded the years of my study, the Department of History at the University of California, Riverside and the Department of Classics at the University of California, Irvine.
    [Show full text]
  • Goneis in Athenian Law (And Perception)
    GONEIS IN ATHENIAN LAW (AND PERCEPTION) David Whitehead Queen’s University Belfast [email protected] Abstract: This paper aims to establish what the laws of classical Athens meant when they used the term goneis. A longstanding and widespread orthodoxy holds that, despite the simple and largely unproblematic “dictionary” definition of the noun goneus/goneis as parent/parents, Athenian law extended it beyond an individual’s father and mother, so as to include – if they were still alive – protection and respect for his or her grandparents, and even great-grandparents. While this is not a notion of self-evident absurdity, I challenge it on two associated counts, one broad and one narrow. On a general, contextual level, genre-by genre survey and analysis of the evidence for what goneus means (and implies) in everyday life and usage shows, in respect of the word itself, an irresistible thrust in favour of the literal ‘parent’ sense. Why then think otherwise? Because of confusion, in modern minds, engendered by Plato and by Isaeus. In Plato’s case, his legislation for Magnesia contemplates (I argue) legal protection for grandparents but does not, by that mere fact, extend the denotation of goneis to them. And crucially for a proper understanding of the law(s) of Athens itself, two much-cited passages in the lawcourt speeches of Isaeus, 1.39 and 8.32, turn out to be the sole foundation for the modern misunderstanding about the legal scope of goneis. They should be recognised for what they are: passages where law is secondary and rhetorical persuasion paramount.
    [Show full text]
  • Brutus, Cassius, Judas, and Cremutius Cordus: How
    BRUTUS, CASSIUS, JUDAS, AND CREMUTIUS CORDUS: HOW SHIFTING PRECEDENTS ALLOWED THE LEX MAIESTATIS TO GROUP WRITERS WITH TRAITORS by Hunter Myers A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford, Mississippi May 2018 Approved by ______________________________ Advisor: Professor Molly Pasco-Pranger ______________________________ Reader: Professor John Lobur ______________________________ Reader: Professor Steven Skultety © 2018 Hunter Ross Myers ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Dr. Pasco-Pranger, For your wise advice and helpful guidance through the thesis process Dr. Lobur & Dr. Skultety, For your time reading my work My parents, Robin Myers and Tracy Myers For your calm nature and encouragement Sally-McDonnell Barksdale Honors College For an incredible undergraduate academic experience iii ABSTRACT In either 103 or 100 B.C., a concept known as Maiestas minuta populi Romani (diminution of the majesty of the Roman people) is invented by Saturninus to accompany charges of perduellio (treason). Just over a century later, this same law is used by Tiberius to criminalize behavior and speech that he found disrespectful. This thesis offers an answer to the question as to how the maiestas law evolved during the late republic and early empire to present the threat that it did to Tiberius’ political enemies. First, the application of Roman precedent in regards to judicial decisions will be examined, as it plays a guiding role in the transformation of the law. Next, I will discuss how the law was invented in the late republic, and increasingly used for autocratic purposes. The bulk of the thesis will focus on maiestas proceedings in Tacitus’ Annales, in which a total of ten men lose their lives.
    [Show full text]
  • Xerox University Microfilms 77-2336 AM3LER, Mark Eugene, 1949- the THEORY of LATIN ETYMOLOGIA in the EARLY MIDDLE AGES; from DONATUS to ISIDORE
    3NF0RIVIAT10ISI TO USERS T!;is material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". if it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Reading of Tacitus' Dialogus De Oratoribus
    Histos 10 (2016) lxix–lxxii REVIEW A NEW READING OF TACITUS’ DIALOGUS DE ORATORIBUS Christopher S. van den Berg, The World of Tacitus’ Dialogus de Oratoribus. Aesthetics and Empire in Ancient Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. xiii + 344. Hardcover, £74.99. ISBN 978-1-107-02090-0. acitus’ Dialogus de Oratoribus has long resisted easy interpretation. This fictionalized account of a discussion in 75 CE about eloquentia and the Tdecline of oratory under the Empire is full of surprises, cruxes, and inconsistencies. Christopher van den Berg, in the first monograph in English committed solely to this work, offers a way out—or, rather, through—the many interpretive challenges of this work. He argues that we must read the dialogue in a synthetic way, attentive to how characters’ seemingly opposed viewpoints in many ways inform and complement one another, with Tacitus acting as ‘the curator of many voices rather than the sponsor of one’ (294). Recent readers of the Dialogus have been attuned to its ‘polyphonous’ charac- teristics, that is, how Tacitus places valid points into the speeches of all of the dialogue’s interlocutors, the orator-turned-poet Curiatius Maternus, the modernist Marcus Aper, and the antiquarian Vipstanus Messalla.1 This book breaks new ground by reading such ‘community of thought’ (165) across the work, with great nuance and sensitivity to the text. From this holistic manner of reading the work, V. reaches the heterodox conclusion that the Dialogus as a whole does not, in fact, argue for the decline of eloquentia or oratorical skill. After an Introduction in which he lays out his methodology by way of a close reading of Aper’s fraught words at 5.5, V.
    [Show full text]
  • Latin Criticism of the Early Empire Pp
    Cambridge Histories Online http://universitypublishingonline.org/cambridge/histories/ The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism Edited by George Alexander Kennedy Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063 Online ISBN: 9781139055338 Hardback ISBN: 9780521300063 Paperback ISBN: 9780521317177 Chapter 9 - Latin Criticism of the Early Empire pp. 274-296 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063.010 Cambridge University Press LATIN CRITICISM OF THE EARLY EMPIRE The name 'Silver Latin' is often given to the literature of the first century of the Christian era and is generally understood to imply its inferiority to the Golden Age of the late Republic and Augustan era. Analogy with the five Hesiodic ages, in which the silver age was both later and less worthy than the golden, suggests the cliche of decline. To what extent did the Romans of the early imperial period feel that they and their contemporaries were a falling away from the previous generation? We will see that the change in form of government, by denying opportunities for significant political speech, trivialised the art of oratory. But was there any such external constraint on poetry? Modern critics have reproached Silver Latin epic and tragedy with being 'rhetorical'. Certainly it is clear from Tacitus' Dialogus that men thwarted from political expression transferred to the safer vehicle of historical or mythical poetry both the techniques and ideals of public oratory. But just as no one suggests that Juvenal's satires were poorer compositions because of his apparent rhetorical skill, so rhetorical colouring in the higher poetic genres of tragedy and epic is not necessarily a fault.
    [Show full text]
  • Joseph CV December 2018
    Timothy A. Joseph Associate Professor, Department of Classics College of the Holy Cross [email protected] Academic Positions COLLEGE OF THE HOLY CROSS, DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS Associate Professor, 2013– Assistant Professor, 2007–13 Visiting Assistant Professor, 2006–7 Education Harvard University, Ph.D., Classical Philology, June 2007 College of the Holy Cross, B.A., Classics, May 1998 Intercollegiate Center for Classical Studies, Rome, Fall 1996 Publications MONOGRAPH Tacitus the Epic Successor. Virgil, Lucan, and the Narrative of Civil War in the Histories. Mnemosyne Supplements. Monographs on Greek and Latin language and literature, vol. 345 (Brill, 2012). Rev. in Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2013.5.17 (S. Bartera); and The Classical Review 63.2 (R. Ash). ARTICLES AND BOOK CHAPTERS 1. “The Metamorphoses of Tanta Moles: Ovid, Met. 15.765 and Tacitus, Ann. 1.11.1,” Vergilius 54 (2008): 24–36. 2. “The Disunion of Catullus’ Fratres Unanimi at Virgil, Aeneid 7.335–6,” The Classical Quarterly 59.1 (2009): 274–278. 3. “Ac rursus noua laborum facies: Tacitus’ Repetition of Virgil’s Wars at Histories 3.26–34,” in John F. Miller and A. J. Woodman, eds., Latin Historiography and Poetry in the Early Empire: Generic Interactions (Brill, 2010), 155–169. 4. “Tacitus and Epic,” in Victoria E. Pagán, ed., A Companion to Tacitus (Blackwell, 2012), 369– 385. 5. “Repetita bellorum ciuilium memoria: The remembrance of civil war and its literature in Tacitus, Histories 1.50,” in Jonas Grethlein and Christopher Krebs, eds., Time and Narrative in Ancient Historiography: The ‘Plupast’ from Herodotus to Appian (Cambridge University Press, 2012), 156– 174.
    [Show full text]