Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (Cfe)
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												The Scorched Earth. Oil and War in Sudan
The scorched earth Oil and war in Sudan Who's who in oil The investors BP Through its $578 million stake in PetroChina, created to GNPOC, in 1999, because, it said, of in an initial public offering on the NY Stock Exchange 'logistical difficulties'. Sources claim that the in March 2000, and more recent $400 million construction of the oil road through Lundin's area investment in Sinopec along with oil majors Shell and – essential to develop the concession – has been ExxonMobil, BP is a substantial investor in two accompanied by a military drive and the burning subsidiaries of China's national oil company, CNPC. of villages. In March 2001 Lundin announced It is the largest minority stakeholder in PetroChina, that it had struck oil at Thar Jath in Block 5a, one with 2.2% of shares (having purchased 10% of the of the regions's richest deposits, and will be offering). To prevent allegations that BP was continuing oil exploration further south. Lundin is contributing to human rights violations, the company the lead operator in Block 5a, with 40% of erected a 'firewall' which would, it said, stop its funds shares. Other stakeholders in this concession from contributing to the parent company which are Petronas (28.5%), OMV of Austria (26%) and operates in Sudan. CNPC retains 90% ownership of Sudapet (5%). PetroChina. Given the nature of Chinese state-owned corporations, concerns persist about fungibility. TotalFinaElf Many observers argue that a dollar for PetroChina is Block 5, a vast expanse of 120,000 km2 running essentially a dollar for CNPC – and therefore all the way south to Sudan's border, was sold to potentially for its Sudanese operations. - 
												
												Series Rulebookrulebook
Great Battles of the American Revolution 1 SERIESSERIES RULEBOOKRULEBOOK Game Design by Mark Miklos Version: September 2015 T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S 1. Introduction ........................................................... 2 9. Movement ............................................................. 4 2. Components .......................................................... 2 10. Rifle Fire ............................................................... 5 3. Game Scale and Terminology ............................... 2 11. Defensive Artillery Fire ........................................ 5 4. How To Win .......................................................... 3 12. Close Combat ........................................................ 6 5. Sequence of Play Outline ...................................... 3 13. Combat Results ..................................................... 9 6. Initiative ................................................................ 3 14. Leaders .................................................................. 10 7. Stacking ................................................................ 3 15. The Rally Phase and Unit Morale ......................... 11 8. Zones of Control ................................................... 4 16. Army Morale ........................................................ 11 © 2013 GMT Games, LLC 2 Great Battles of the American Revolution 1. INTRODUCTION 3. GAME SCALE AND Rules that apply only to a specific battle are found in the specific TERMINOLOGY rulebook. Certain rules sections - 
												
												The Soviet Military Experience in Afghanistan: a Precedent of Dubious Relevance
The Soviet Military Experience in Afghanistan: A Precedent of Dubious Relevance Mark Kramer October 2001 PONARS Policy Memo 202 Harvard University The Soviet war in Afghanistan in the 1980s had been largely forgotten until last month, but it is now back in the news. The attacks on New York and Washington, D.C., on September 11 and the start of the U.S. air campaign over Afghanistan on October 7 have raised the prospect that U.S. ground forces might be sent to Afghanistan to destroy the terrorist strongholds of Osama bin Laden, who is widely presumed to be responsible for the September 11 attacks. Soviet operations in the 1980s against Afghan guerrillas are generally deemed to have been a colossal military failure, and the guerrillas themselves are seen as formidable warriors capable of repulsing any foreign invader. Over the past few weeks, a number of former Soviet generals and servicemen have recalled their own encounters with Afghan fighters and warned that the United States would fare no better if it embarked on ground operations in Afghanistan. Their warnings have been echoed by many Western observers, who argue that the Soviet experience in Afghanistan underscores the need for great caution. These admonitions contain a grain of truth, but they are misleading in two key respects. First, they understate how well Soviet troops performed against the Afghan guerrillas after making some early adjustments. Second, they overstate the relevance of the Soviet war to prospective U.S. strikes against terrorist strongholds. The objectives that U.S. forces would pursue, the quality of the troops who would be involved, and the types of operations they are likely to conduct bear little resemblance to the war waged by the Soviet Army in the 1980s. - 
												
												Afghanistan After NATO Withdrawal: Insurgency and Peace Dialogue
Orient Research Journal of Social Sciences ISSN Print 2616-7085 June, 2020, Vol.5, No. 1 [11-20] ISSN Online 2616-7093 Afghanistan after NATO Withdrawal: Insurgency and Peace Dialogue Mairaj ul Hamid 1 Memoona Mehmood2 Dr. Abdul Wadood 3 1. Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Malakand Chakdara, Dir Lower, KP, Pakistan, [email protected]. 2. M. Phil Scholar, Area Study Center Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan 3. Assistant Prof/Chairperson, Department of International Relations, BUITEMS, Quetta, Baluchistan, Pakistan Abstract NATO and ISAF have practically ended their combat operations in Afghanistan in December 2014. Nevertheless, NATO and ISAF Forces are still present in limited number there. The point of concern here is to analyze the situations of stability in Afghanistan without the help of foreign troops. Here, it is also aimed to study that whether there is an escalation in insurgency, and terrorist attacks, or an improvement is seen in the overall scenario. Furthermore, Afghan National Security Forces and Afghan National Army faced severe crisis of desertion and defection due to no back up support from the government, lack of resources and absence of NATO Forces. The international community started the peace dialogue with the resistant forces to stop violence and be mainstreamed in Afghan politics and ensure stability. The Murree peace talks and Quadrilateral Coordination Group initiatives tried to persuade Taliban for a peaceful settlement with the Afghan government. The issue of insecurity should be solved through continued efforts for peace and stability by dialogue process, which the international community and NATO owe to Afghan nation. - 
												
												The Actual Strength of All Soviet Land Combat Units in a Deployed (D) State on 22Nd June 1941 Part IV 6
The Actual Strength of all Soviet Land Combat Units in a Deployed (D) State on 22nd June 1941 Part IV 6 Chapter IV-6: The Actual Strength of all Soviet Land Combat Units in a Deployed (D) State on 22nd June 1941 In Part IV 6 we will examine one of the main reasons why the Red Army forces in the Western Military Districts in June 1941 were unable to stop the German invasion. So far we have examined the authorised Table of Organisation and Equipment (TOE) of Soviet combat units deployed in the USSR in June 1941, and the actual units deployed (using the Deployment Matrix). We will now examine the actual manpower and equipment of these same combat units compared with their TOE, and where appropriate the overall state of these units on 22nd June 1941. The actual strength of Soviet land combat units on 22nd June 1941 is determined using historical references, the principles of heterogeneous and homogeneous models, and checksums. Refer to the Part I 8. in order to see how different information relating to the actual manpower and equipment in a particular combat unit is reconciled between various sources. 1 If reconciliation between sources is impossible and only conflicting information is available, then the most likely and/or reliable source is used, and the source referenced. Review of the Overall Strengths of Selected Red Army Units and PVO forces on 22nd June 1941 Before establishing the actual strength of individual combat units and reconciling this with the actual strength in each military district, we need to make some general observations about the actual strength of selected unit types and branches of the Soviet armed forces in June 1941. - 
												
												Barbarossa, Soviet Covering Forces and the Initial Period of War: Military History and Airland Battle
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Barbarossa, Soviet Covering Forces and the Initial Period of War: Military History and Airland Battle Dr. Jacob W. Kipp Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. 1989 The issues surrounding the German attack upon the Soviet Union in June 1941 continue to attract the attention of historians and military analysts. The nature of the Soviet response to that attack has, as recent articles in Air University Review suggest, set off heated polemics. The appearance of Bryan Fugate's Operation Barbarossa with its assertion that the Soviet High Command did, indeed, have a "realistic plan or operative concept for coping with the situation" marked a major departure from conventional Western scholarly interpretation of the events leading up to the invasion.1 The response by Williamson t1urray and Barry G. Watts that Fugate was "inventing history" to find an unsuspected Soviet military genius where there was none confirms the controversial nature of the issue.2 These authors underscore the impact of surprise and tend to treat it as systemic and general. The Soviet Union, they argue, did not expect the blow and was unprepared for it. Soviet military doctrine and field regulations spoke of the offensive, while neglecting the defense.3 In assessing Soviet perception of the German threat, the authors are at odds not - 
												
												The EU Border Mission at Work Around Transdniestria: a Win-Win Case?
n°21, janvier 2010 Daria Isachenko Université Humboldt de Berlin & Université de Magdeburg The EU border mission at work around Transdniestria: a win-win case? Until recently little was known about Transdniestria, a small piece of territory situated between Moldova and Ukraine. What was mostly known is that this place is a “diplomatically isolated haven for transnational criminals and possibly terrorists”, a “black hole” making “weapons, ranging from cheap submachine guns to high-tech missile parts”.1 In brief, it is a “gunrunner’s haven”, where “just about every sort of weapon is available” upon request.2 Moreover, to arms production and smuggling, many experts add human trafficking and drug smuggling.3 Transdniestria as an informal state appeared on the scene in the early 1990s as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse. Since then, Transdniestria remains a contested territory which officially belongs to Moldova, but has managed to create its own attributes of statehood, seeking international recognition. The claim to statehood of this entity presents a great challenge to Moldova’s territorial integrity, whose officials mostly view this statelet as a puppet, created by the “certain circles” in the Kremlin with the sole purpose of keeping Moldova under Russia’s sphere of influence. Since no progress was made in settling this “frozen” conflict over the years, Moldova started to search for allies in the West. By 2005 the Moldovan government managed to persuade the European Union to 1 G. P. Herd, “Moldova and the Dniestr region: contested past, frozen present, speculative futures?”, Central and Eastern Europe Series, 05/07, Conflict Studies Research Centre, Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Febuary 2005. - 
												
												Appendix 1: NATO and Warsaw Pact Forces in Europe-Data Published by the Two Alliances
Appendix 1: NATO and Warsaw Pact Forces in Europe-Data Published by the Two Alliances NATO Estimates' WTO Estimate~ Type NATO WTO NATO WTO Personnel 2,213,593' 3,090,000 3,660,200 3,573, I OQd Combat aircraft 3,977• 8,250 7,130 7,876f Total strike aircraft NA NA 4,075 2,7831 Helicopters 2,419h 3,700 5,270 2,785i Tactical missile launchers NA NA 136 1,608 Tanks 16,424i 51,500 30,690 59,47Qk Anti-tank weapons 18,2401 44,200 18,070 11,465m Armored infantry fighting vehicles 4,153" 22,400 46,900 70,330P Artillery 14,458q 43,400 57,060 71,560' Other armored vehicles 35,351' 71,000 Armored vehicle launch bridges 454' 2,550 Air defense systems 10,309" 24,400 Submarines 200 228• Submarines-nuclear powered 76 80 Large surface ships 499 102'" Aircraft-carrying ships 15 2 Aircraft-carrying ships armed with cruise missiles 274 23 Amphibious warfare ships 84 24• Sources: • Conventional Forces in Europe: The Facts, November, 1988. b "Warsaw Pact Releases Figures on Force Strengths," Foreign Broadcast Information Service: Soviet Union, January 30, 1989, pp. 1-8. Notes for Data Published by the Alliances The following explanatory notes may be helpful to explain differences in the data presented by the two alliances caused by differences of definition: ' "Covers full-time military personnel of land forces, including Army personnel who perform ground-based air defence duties. Also included are 325 326 Meeting Gorbachev's Challenge command and general support troops and other ministry of defence troops. - 
												
												Occupation and Other Forms of Administration of Foreign Territory
EXPERT MEETING OCCUPATION AND OTHER FORMS OF ADMINISTRATION OF FOREIGN TERRITORY International Committee of the Red Cross 19, avenue de la Paix 1202 Geneva, Switzerland T +41 22 734 60 01 F +41 22 733 20 57 E-mail: [email protected] www.icrc.org © ICRC, March 2012 EXPErt MEETING OCCUPATION AND OTHER FORMS OF ADMINISTRATION OF FOREIGN TERRITORY Report prepared and edited by Tristan Ferraro Legal adviser, ICRC CONTENTS FOREWORD 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6 INTRODUCTION 7 SUMMARY 10 FIRST MEETING OF EXPERTS: THE BEGINNING AND END OF OCCUPATION 16 PART ONE: THE BEGINNING OF OCCUPATION 17 A. THE PRESENCE OF FOREIGN FORCES: A NECESSITY FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT AND MAINTENANCE OF OCCUPATION? 17 B. THE EXERCISE OF AUTHORITY BY FOREIGN FORCES 19 C. THE NON-CONSENSUAL NATURE OF BELLIGERENT OCCUPATION 20 D. THE CONCEPT OF INDIRECT EFFECTIVE CONTROL 23 E. DURATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL SCOPE OF OCCUPATION 24 F. THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK APPLICABLE TO THE INVASION PHASE 24 PART TWO: THE END OF OCCUPATION 26 A. EVALUATING THE END OF OCCUPATION: A THORNY TASK 27 B. THE CRITERIA FOR DETERMINING THE END OF OCCUPATION 28 C. THE FUNCTIONAL APPLICATION OF OCCUPATION LAW AND THE NOTION OF RESIDUAL RESPONSIBILITIES 31 PART THREE: MULTINATIONAL OCCUPATION 33 A. THE APPLICABILITY OF OCCUPATION LAW TO UN OPERATIONS 33 B. OCCUPATION CONDUCTED BY A COALITION OF STATES 34 APPENDIX 1: BACKGROUND DOCUMENT BY PROF. MICHAEL BOTHE 36 APPENDIX 2: BACKGROUND DOCUMENT BY PROF. ADAM ROBERTS 41 APPENDIX 3: AGENDA AND GUIDING QUESTIONS AIMED AT FRAMING THE DISCUSSIONS 50 APPENDIX 4: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS 53 SECOND MEETING OF EXPERTS: DELIMITING THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF AN OCCUPYING POWER AND THE RELEVANCE OF OCCUPATION LAW FOR UN ADMINISTRATION OF TERRITORY 54 PART ONE: DELIMITING THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF AN OCCUPYING POWER 56 A. - 
												
												Guerrilla Warfare Tactics in Urban Environments
GUERRILLA WARFARE TACTICS IN URBAN ENVIRONMENTS A thesis presented to the Faculty of the US Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF MILITARY ART AND SCIENCE General Studies by PATRICK D. MARQUES, MAJ, USA B.A., Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana, 1990 Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 2003 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burder for this collection of information is estibated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing this collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burder to Department of Defense, Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports (0704-0188), 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to any penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. PLEASE DO NOT RETURN YOUR FORM TO THE ABOVE ADDRESS. 1. REPORT DATE (DD-MM-YYYY) 2. REPORT TYPE 3. DATES COVERED (FROM - TO) 06-06-2003 thesis 05-08-2002 to 06-06-2003 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER GUERRILLA WARFARE TACTICS IN URBAN ENVIRONMENTS 5b. GRANT NUMBER Unclassified 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER Marques, Patrick, D 5e. - 
												
												The Economic Shock to Afghanistan Caused by Aid Reduction and Troops Withdrawal
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Nasery, Jawid Ahmad Working Paper The Economic Shock to Afghanistan Caused by Aid Reduction and Troops Withdrawal IEE Working Papers, No. 202 Provided in Cooperation with: Institute of Development Research and Development Policy (IEE), Ruhr University Bochum Suggested Citation: Nasery, Jawid Ahmad (2014) : The Economic Shock to Afghanistan Caused by Aid Reduction and Troops Withdrawal, IEE Working Papers, No. 202, ISBN 978-3-927276-88-8, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Institut für Entwicklungsforschung und Entwicklungspolitik (IEE), Bochum This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/183556 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under - 
												
												State Militarism and Its Legacies State Militarism and Its Alexander M
State Militarism and Its Legacies State Militarism and Its Alexander M. Golts Legacies and Tonya L. Putnam Why Military Reform Has Failed in Russia Russia’s economy and political system have undergone enormous changes since the end of the Soviet era. A burgeoning market system has replaced the Soviet command economy, and open multiparty competition for representation in Russia’s political insti- tutions operates in place of the Communist Party that ruled the country exclu- sively for more than 60 years. In the areas of defense and security, however, radical changes to the organizational and operational system inherited from the Soviet Union have yet to occur. After more than a decade of reform efforts, Russia’s armed forces have shrunk to less than two-thirds of their 1992 size of 3.7 million.1 Russia’s military leaders, nevertheless, have been adamant about preserving Soviet-era force structures and strategic plans. Why have Russia’s armed forces—nearly alone among the core institutions of the Russian state— resisted efforts to change their structure and character in accordance with insti- tutional arrangements operative in Western liberal democracies? This question is all the more bafºing because Russia’s military has been mired in an institutional crisis that predates the 1991 Soviet collapse. Currently, the Russian military is laboring under conditions of acute infrastructure decay and extreme shortages of equipment, a recruitment crisis exacerbated by a dysfunctional conscription system and the exodus of junior ofªcers, a lack of combat-ready forces for deployment to the ongoing conºict in Chechnya, and force structures and strategies that are woefully inadequate to address the country’s security threats.