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New Orleans Exceptionalism in the Cultural Response to Hurricane Katrina

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New Orleans Exceptionalism in the Cultural Response to Hurricane Katrina NEW ORLEANS EXCEPTIONALISM IN THE CULTURAL RESPONSE TO HURRICANE KATRINA A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2018 Patrick Massey Schools of Arts, Languages and Cultures List of Contents Thesis Introduction: 6 -Historical contexts of paradigms of exceptionalism: 8 -Exceptionalism and historians of New Orleans: 23 -Katrina commentary: five “schools” of discussing New Orleans: 25 -Katrina culture criticism: state of the field and this thesis’s intervention: 36 -How the thesis will progress: 40 Section 1: Narrative Non-Fiction Chapter 1: “Single-Subject” Narrative Non-Fiction: 42 -Zeitoun: “symbolic site of emergency”: 48 -Why New Orleans Matters: “Benjaminian city”: 60 -1 Dead in Attic: “deteriorated psycho-scape”: 67 -Trouble the Water: “raw conditional city”: 78 -Recovering the victim: 85 Chapter 2: Group-Biographical Narrative Non-Fiction: 88 -Nine Lives: 91 -A.D.: New Orleans After the Deluge: 103 -When the Levees Broke: 108 -Chapter/section conclusion: 118 Section 2: Original Creative Katrina Culture Chapter 1: The “Ordinary” School: 121 -A Little Bit Ruined: 125 -Life in the Wake: 135 -The Rising Water Trilogy: 145 -Conclusion: 160 Chapter 2: The “Microcosmic” and “Globalist” Schools: 161 -City of Refuge: microcosmic school: 165 -A Thousand Miles From Nowhere: microcosmic school: 180 -Blood Dazzler: globalist school: 192 -The Lower Quarter: globalist school: 203 -Conclusion: 210 Chapter 3: The “Neoclassical” School: 212 -Treme season 1: 215 -The Floating World: 229 -Chapter/section conclusion: 244 Thesis Conclusion: 246 Works Cited: 249 Word count: 72, 387 2 Abstract This thesis studies significant literary and visual-media responses to the flooding of New Orleans after the passage of Hurricane Katrina in 2005. At one level, it discusses how representations of New Orleans in “Katrina culture” either radically refashion or embody alternatives to historical paradigms of New Orleans exceptionalism, of New Orleans as a sui generis enclave. More than that, it argues that practices of “representing the city” illuminate and participate in Katrina culture’s overarching project, as theorized here, of “recovering the victim”: reinvesting Katrina victims with the voice, dignity, and agency they were denied in mass popular and media responses to Katrina. The thesis analyses texts’ representational and recovery practices, both separately and in terms of how they interrelate, across narrative non-fictional Katrina culture (section 1) and original creative Katrina culture (section 2). Within narrative non-fictional Katrina culture, Section 1 identifies two “Dorian” and “Locrian” sets of practices, each comprising a “mode” of representation and a “manner” of recovery. Within original creative Katrina culture, Section 2 identifies four “ordinary”, “microcosmic”, “globalist”, and “neoclassical” sets of practices, each comprising a “school” of representation and a “manner” of recovery. Navigating widely yet always relative to a conceptual lodestar of New Orleans exceptionalism, the thesis works not only to extensively map out practices of representing the city in Katrina culture, but also to establish recovering the victim as the fundamental impulse, and de facto governing project, of the cultural response to Hurricane Katrina. 3 Declaration No portion of the work referred to in the thesis has been submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualification of this or any other university or other institute of learning. Copyright statement i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis) owns certain copyright or related rights in it (the “Copyright”) and he has given The University of Manchester certain rights to use such Copyright, including for administrative purposes. ii. Copies of this thesis, either in full or in extracts and whether in hard or electronic copy, may be made only in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (as amended) and regulations issued under it or, where appropriate, in accordance with licensing agreements which the University has from time to time. This page must form part of any such copies made. iii. The ownership of certain Copyright, patents, designs, trademarks and other intellectual property (the “Intellectual Property”) and any reproductions of copyright works in the thesis, for example graphs and tables (“Reproductions”), which may be described in this thesis, may not be owned by the author and may be owned by third parties. Such Intellectual Property and Reproductions cannot and must not be made available for use without the prior written permission of the owner(s) of the relevant Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions. iv. Further information on the conditions under which disclosure, publication and commercialisation of this thesis, the Copyright and any Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions described in it may take place is available in the University IP Policy (see http://documents.manchester.ac.uk/DocuInfo.aspx?DocID=24420), in any relevant Thesis restriction declarations deposited in the University Library, The University Library’s regulations (see http://www.library.manchester.ac.uk/about/regulations/) and in The University’s policy on Presentation of Theses. 4 Acknowledgements Mum, Rupert, Wanda; Natalie, Doug, Will; Gwynne, Helen, Amy, Christina; Valerie from New Orleans. The Author BA, English Literature, University of Durham, 2010-2013: First Class Honours MA, English and American Studies, University of Manchester, 2013-2014: Merit Current: PhD 5 Thesis Introduction On the 29th August 2005, New Orleans largely withstood the passage of Hurricane Katrina per se through its immediate vicinity. The city’s levees, though, could not withstand the storm surge owing to Katrina that barreled into New Orleans’s flood defence system. The levees broke, and over the next three days, approximately 80% of the city (Rivlin 27) was flooded. What ensued is termed throughout this thesis the “week of Katrina”: the period of time from the Monday when the levees broke (29th August) to the following Monday (5th September) when water began to be pumped out of the city. It was a week of utter failures in terms of evacuations, supply-lines, law and order, formal rescue efforts, and public service at both state and federal levels. It was equally a week of full-spectrum human abjection, weighted towards the poor black demographic but still encompassing all identity- based race-class-age-location configurations. And it was a week when no conscientious observer of New Orleans was anything less than confounded by what they observed. To briefly adopt a personal register, I went to New Orleans in February 2017 to get the “sense of place” of a city I had hitherto only experienced secondhand. No single sense of place prevailed: New Orleans is very much a city of separate milieus, of sense-facets that stubbornly resist being unified, in the mind’s eye, into one definitive sense-entity. Taking the city’s residential milieus alone, it would be hard enough to unify the black working- class Hollygrove and Lower Ninth Ward, the white upper-middle-class Lakeview, and the more mixed lower-to-middle-class Treme, Broadmoor, and Gentilly into one representative milieu. To nevertheless propose the most evocative and least esoteric city-simile I can, as seems appropriate here for readers without direct experience of the city — and I should say that what follows is self-consciously playful — New 6 Orleans is like a sousaphone. On the one hand, the sousaphone is one of the most unmistakable instruments in the orchestral guidebook; it is gregarious in design and emphatic in voice; it is indivisible from very specific associations with the brass-band tradition; and it uncoils at length in a curve that abruptly opens into a bell-shaped “gulf”. On the other hand, it exhibits the features of a formal family of instruments (brass); its timbre accommodates adjectives that temper any prima facie gregariousness: “brusque”, “laconic”, “undemonstrative”; and as a rule it keeps an ensemble of human actors moving to regular beats and rhythms. Similar in its fashions is the charismatic yet grounded city of New Orleans. What erupted into existence in the week of Katrina, though, defied similes not just to any one instrument, but to anything capable of music. Katrina threw the nature of New Orleans into flux; and even in the long-term aftermath of reconstruction, a cast of thousands — city returnees; the members of a new city diaspora; conscientious outside observers — were left in a limbo of wondering what New Orleans both had become, and would become. All told, Katrina had a fundamental and indeed “exceptional” effect on the nature of New Orleans: this fact, three years ago, ignited the intellectual kindling that has resulted in this thesis. It explores what is formally termed here “the cultural response to Hurricane Katrina”: a term habitually shortened hereafter to “Katrina culture”, and which signifies more precisely “significant literary and visual-media responses” to “the symbolic ‘week’ of immediate events indelibly associated with Hurricane Katrina per se”. The thesis traverses both widely over this territory in sum, and intricately within more contained areas of that territory on a chapter-by-chapter basis. In the last analysis, though, all its traversals are plotted against one conceptual lodestar: New Orleans exceptionalism. 7 Historical contexts of paradigms of exceptionalism
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