A Stronger North? Nordic Cooperation in Foreign and Security Policy in a New Security Environment
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The Ultimate Balancing Act
THE ULTIMATE BALANCING ACT WORK AND FAMILY IN THE NORDIC REGION THINK-PIECE 1 THE ULTIMATE BALANCING ACT Work and family in the Nordic region Iselin Løvslett Danbolt ISBN 978-92-893-4752-5 (PRINT) ISBN 978-92-893-4753-2 (PDF) http://dx.doi.org/10.6027/ANP2016-780 ANP 2016:780 © Nordic Council of Ministers 2016 Layout: Gitte Wejnold Photo: norden.org, unsplash.com, Scanpix Print: Rosendahls Copies: 160 54 7 1 45 TRYKSAG Printed in Denmark This publication has been published with financial support by the Nordic Council of Ministers. However, the contents of this publication do not necessarily reflect the views, policies or recommendations of the Nordic Council of Ministers. www.norden.org/nordpub Nordic co-operation Nordic co-operation is one of the world’s most extensive forms of regional collaboration, involving Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland. Nordic co-operation has firm traditions in politics, the economy, and culture. It plays an important role in European and international collaboration, and aims at creating a strong Nordic community in a strong Europe. Nordic co-operation seeks to safeguard Nordic and regional interests and principles in the global community. Common Nordic values help the region solidify its position as one of the world’s most innovative and competitive. Nordic Council of Ministers Ved Stranden 18 DK-1061 Copenhagen K +45 33 96 02 00 www.norden.org 2 THE ULTIMATE BALANCING ACT WORK AND FAMILY IN THE NORDIC REGION THINK-PIECE ISELIN LØVSLETT DANBOLT 4 CONTENTS -
Contents NDPHS Continues Efforts to Have Health Prioritised on The
Northern Dimension Partnership in Public Health A partnership committed to and Social Well-being achieving tangible results e-Newsletter Issue 1/2012 Contents Dear Reader… NDPHS Continues Efforts to It is widely recognised that health is crucial in the context of the ageing Have Health Prioritised on society and challenges posed to sustainable economic development. Yet, the Regional Agenda 1 the importance of health is not properly reflected on the regional coopera- tion agenda. One example is the Action Plan of the EU Strategy for the Baltic The Demography Challenge Sea Region (EUSBSR), where health has been listed as a sub-priority. Since in the Baltic Sea Region 2 last year our Partnership has taken several actions to address this problem Making Success Stories and our efforts will continue. This issue of our e-newsletter will give you with Russian Partners 4 some details on this. Following the above is an article about the 9th Baltic Sea States Summit rd 3 EUSBSR Annual Forum held in May 2012 in Stralsund, Germany and, more specifically, its plenary Discusses the Review of the session on the impact of demographic change. The Prime Ministers had Strategy Action Plan 5 a stimulating debate on main challenges posed by the demographic change PrimCareIT: Counteracting and discussed policies to induce win-win situations for the future. Brain Drain and Professional You will also find two articles about the 3rd Annual Forum of the EU Strat- Isolation of Health 6 egy for the Baltic Sea Region held a few days ago in Denmark. Many interest- ing events took place during it, which provided an opportunity to discuss the progress so far and the way forward. -
The Nordic Countries and the European Security and Defence Policy
bailes_hb.qxd 21/3/06 2:14 pm Page 1 Alyson J. K. Bailes (United Kingdom) is A special feature of Europe’s Nordic region the Director of SIPRI. She has served in the is that only one of its states has joined both British Diplomatic Service, most recently as the European Union and NATO. Nordic British Ambassador to Finland. She spent countries also share a certain distrust of several periods on detachment outside the B Recent and forthcoming SIPRI books from Oxford University Press A approaches to security that rely too much service, including two academic sabbaticals, A N on force or that may disrupt the logic and I a two-year period with the British Ministry of D SIPRI Yearbook 2005: L liberties of civil society. Impacting on this Defence, and assignments to the European E Armaments, Disarmament and International Security S environment, the EU’s decision in 1999 to S Union and the Western European Union. U THE NORDIC develop its own military capacities for crisis , She has published extensively in international N Budgeting for the Military Sector in Africa: H management—taken together with other journals on politico-military affairs, European D The Processes and Mechanisms of Control E integration and Central European affairs as E ongoing shifts in Western security agendas Edited by Wuyi Omitoogun and Eboe Hutchful R L and in USA–Europe relations—has created well as on Chinese foreign policy. Her most O I COUNTRIES AND U complex challenges for Nordic policy recent SIPRI publication is The European Europe and Iran: Perspectives on Non-proliferation L S Security Strategy: An Evolutionary History, Edited by Shannon N. -
Fredrik Reinfeldt
2014 Press release 03 June 2014 Prime Minister's Office REMINDER: German Chancellor Angela Merkel, British Prime Minister David Cameron and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte to Harpsund On Monday and Tuesday 9-10 June, Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt will host a high-level meeting with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, British Prime Minister David Cameron and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte at Harpsund. The European Union needs to improve job creation and growth now that the EU is gradually recovering from the economic crisis. At the same time, the EU is facing institutional changes with a new European Parliament and a new European Commission taking office in the autumn. Sweden, Germany, the UK and the Netherlands are all reform and growth-oriented countries. As far as Sweden is concerned, it will be important to emphasise structural reforms to boost EU competitiveness, strengthen the Single Market, increase trade relations and promote free movement. These issues will be at the centre of the discussions at Harpsund. Germany, the UK and the Netherlands, like Sweden, are on the World Economic Forum's list of the world's ten most competitive countries. It is natural, therefore, for these countries to come together to compare experiences and discuss EU reform. Programme points: Monday 9 June 18.30 Chancellor Merkel, PM Cameron and PM Rutte arrive at Harpsund; outdoor photo opportunity/door step. Tuesday 10 June 10.30 Joint concluding press conference. Possible further photo opportunities will be announced later. Accreditation is required through the MFA International Press Centre. Applications close on 4 June at 18.00. -
Norway: Defence 2008
Norwegian Defence 2008 Norwegian Defence 2008 2 CONTENT NORWEGIAN SECURITY And DEFEncE POLICY 4 1. Security Policy Objectives 5 Defence Policy Objectives 5 2. Defence Tasks 6 3. Areas of Government Focus 7 4. International Cooperation 8 UN 8 NATO 9 EU 10 Nordic cooperation 11 5. National Cooperation 12 DEFEncE STRUCTURE And AcTIVITIES 14 1. Constitutional Division of Responsibility in Norway 15 2. The Strategic Leadership of the Armed Forces 15 The Ministry Of Defence 16 3. The Defence Agencies 17 The Norwegian Armed Forces 17 4. The Norwegian Armed Forces 18 5. The Service Branches 19 The Norwegian Army 19 The Royal Norwegian Navy 20 Royal Norwegian Air Force 21 Home Guard 22 6. Personnel Policy 23 7. National Service 23 8. Materiel and Investments 24 Overview of Forces Engaged in International Operations 25 SUppLEMENt – THE FACTS 26 1. The Defence Budget 27 2. International Operations 27 3. Ranks and Insignia 28 4. Non-Governmental Organisations 29 5. Addresses 32 Norwegian Security and Defence Policy 4 1. SECURITY POLICY OBJECTIVES The principal objective of Norwegian security policy is to safeguard and promote national security policy interests. This is best achieved by contributing to peace, security and stability both in areas adjacent to Norway and in the wider world. Nationally Norway must be in a position to uphold its sovereignty and sove- reign rights and to exercise authority in order to safeguard our interests. At the same time, the progress of globalisation means that geo- graphical distance is no longer a determining factor for potential threats to our security. -
Finnish Defence Forces International Centre the Many Faces of Military
Finnish Defence Forces International Finnish Defence Forces Centre 2 The Many Faces of Military Crisis Management Lessons from the Field Edited by Mikaeli Langinvainio Finnish Defence Forces FINCENT Publication Series International Centre 1:2011 1 FINNISH DEFENCE FORCES INTERNATIONAL CENTRE FINCENT PUBLICATION SERIES 1:2011 The Many Faces of Military Crisis Management Lessons from the Field EDITED BY MIKAELI LANGINVAINIO FINNISH DEFENCE FORCES INTERNATIONAL CENTRE TUUSULA 2011 2 Mikaeli Langinvainio (ed.): The Many Faces of Military Crisis Management Lessons from the Field Finnish Defence Forces International Centre FINCENT Publication Series 1:2011 Cover design: Harri Larinen Layout: Heidi Paananen/TKKK Copyright: Puolustusvoimat, Puolustusvoimien Kansainvälinen Keskus ISBN 978–951–25–2257–6 ISBN 978–951–25–2258–3 (PDF) ISSN 1797–8629 Printed in Finland Juvenens Print Oy Tampere 2011 3 Contents Jukka Tuononen Preface .............................................................................................5 Mikaeli Langinvainio Introduction .....................................................................................8 Mikko Laakkonen Military Crisis Management in the Next Decade (2020–2030) ..............................................................12 Antti Häikiö New Military and Civilian Training - What can they learn from each other? What should they learn together? And what must both learn? .....................................................................................20 Petteri Kurkinen Concept for the PfP Training -
Re Energising Europe S Security and Defence Policy
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The Nordic Council of Ministers: Aspirations for More Political Relevance
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 4, Pages 11–20 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i4.3381 Article The Nordic Council of Ministers: Aspirations for More Political Relevance Tobias Etzold Department of Historical and Classical Studies, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, 7491 Trondheim, Norway; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 19 June 2020 | Accepted: 28 August 2020 | Published: 3 November 2020 Abstract Due to changing circumstances and new challenges, the Nordic Council of Ministers underwent an incremental process of change and some modest transformation since the 1990s. However, there has never been a major overhaul of structures and contents owing to considerable inertia. The most recent modernisation process, aiming at more political relevance and flexibility, has been ambitious but whether it has been a success remains unclear thus far. Weaknesses and limits in cooper- ation in the Nordic Council of Ministers are obvious, i.e., no majority voting or ‘opting-out’ system, a lack in supra-national structures and policies and no common immigration, foreign, security and EU policies. Nonetheless, the organisation has at least some relevance and meaning for the Nordic countries and the potential to promote and facilitate cooperation in policy areas in which common interests exist, such as environment, climate, research and social affairs. Therefore, rather than constituting a common political order of its own, Nordic cooperation, as it is conducted within the Nordic Council of Ministers, is best characterized by differentiated integration, promoting full integration only to a limited extent but respecting integration to different extents and speeds by fostering cooperation and coordination of certain policies where possible and desired. -
Nordic Security and Defence Cooperation: Differentiated Integration in Uncertain Times
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 4, Pages 100–109 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i4.3338 Article Nordic Security and Defence Cooperation: Differentiated Integration in Uncertain Times Rikard Bengtsson Department of Political Science, Lund University, 221 00 Lund, Sweden; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 12 June 2020 | Accepted: 28 August 2020 | Published: 3 November 2020 Abstract A decade ago, Nordic cooperation on security and defence matters gained momentum, having been largely absent from the map of Nordic cooperation during the Cold War and its aftermath. This article analyses developments along three di- mensions of Nordic cooperation: military defence (focusing on the Nordic Defence Cooperation), civil security (in the form of the ‘Haga’ process), and political cooperation (through the implementation of the Stoltenberg report). Three observa- tions stand out as a result: First, that the three dimensions are intimately related against the background of a common Nordic conceptualization of security; second, that there is simultaneously variation in significant respects (such as driving forces, scope, and degree of institutionalization); and third, that Nordic security and defence cooperation has developed in the context of European and transatlantic security dynamics and cooperation. The second part of the analysis seeks to interpret this picture from the analytical perspective of differentiated integration. The article ends with a set of reflections on the future of Nordic security and defence cooperation in light of the Coronavirus pandemic. Keywords civil security; cooperation; defence; differentiated integration; Haga process; NORDEFCO; Nordic; security; Stoltenberg Issue This article is part of the issue “Rediscovering Nordic Cooperation” edited by Anne Elizabeth Stie (University of Agder, Norway) and Jarle Trondal (University of Agder, Norway/ARENA University of Oslo, Norway). -
SWEDEN Aras Lindh
★ SWEDEN Aras Lindh Mind Rather Than Heart in EU Politics Highlights ★ The Swedish decision to enter the EU was not based so much on the hope of gaining March 2016 March something, but rather on the fear of being left out if it did not. It was probably the desire for a ‘negative safety’ that made the Swedes vote in favour of the EU as the alternative cost would probably have been too high. ★ Many think that their cutting-edge welfare system and high living standards could be lost as a result of deeper EU integration. This hesitancy towards the EU explains a relative knowledge discrepancy on the EU in the country. Overall, Sweden displays both a degree of satisfaction with its current level of integration (especially its non-membership to the Eurozone) and a diffuse euroscepticism across the society. ★ To strengthen the EU’s image in Sweden requires concrete projects, rather than abstract symbols. A stronger Common European Asylum System would be a prime example of such a project. Overall, any policy from the EU which would positively affect Swedes could decrease scepticism. BUILDING BRIDGES SERIES PAPER Building Bridges project This paper is part of the Building Bridges Paper Series. The series looks at how the Member States perceive the EU and what they expect from it. It is composed of 28 contributions, one from each Member State. The publications aim to be both analytical and educational in order to be available to a wider public. All the contributions and the full volume The European Union in The Fog are available here. -
Arctic Policy &
Arctic Policy & Law References to Selected Documents Edited by Wolfgang E. Burhenne Prepared by Jennifer Kelleher and Aaron Laur Published by the International Council of Environmental Law – toward sustainable development – (ICEL) for the Arctic Task Force of the IUCN Commission on Environmental Law (IUCN-CEL) Arctic Policy & Law References to Selected Documents Edited by Wolfgang E. Burhenne Prepared by Jennifer Kelleher and Aaron Laur Published by The International Council of Environmental Law – toward sustainable development – (ICEL) for the Arctic Task Force of the IUCN Commission on Environmental Law The designation of geographical entities in this book, and the presentation of material, do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of ICEL or the Arctic Task Force of the IUCN Commission on Environmental Law concerning the legal status of any country, territory, or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers and boundaries. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of ICEL or the Arctic Task Force. The preparation of Arctic Policy & Law: References to Selected Documents was a project of ICEL with the support of the Elizabeth Haub Foundations (Germany, USA, Canada). Published by: International Council of Environmental Law (ICEL), Bonn, Germany Copyright: © 2011 International Council of Environmental Law (ICEL) Reproduction of this publication for educational or other non- commercial purposes is authorized without prior permission from the copyright holder provided the source is fully acknowledged. Reproduction for resale or other commercial purposes is prohibited without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Citation: International Council of Environmental Law (ICEL) (2011). -
A Nordic Model for Scotland?
A NORDIC MODEL FOR SCOTLAND? Scottish-UK relations after independence Nicola McEwen ESRC Senior Scotland Fellow University of Edinburgh KEY POINTS . Existing UK intergovernmental forums would be insufficient to manage Scottish-rUK intergovernmental relations if the Scottish government’s independence vision was realised. The Nordic example illustrates that intergovernmental cooperation, formal and informal, between neighbouring sovereign states is commonplace in many policy areas. Formal cooperation is most evident where it produces clear ‘added value’ for each party. Formal structures of intergovernmental cooperation nurture policy learning and encourage the networking that facilitates informal cooperation, but senior official and ministerial buy-in can be difficult to secure. European integration has limited the incentive for separate Nordic cooperation initiatives, though Nordic governments continue to cooperate over the implementation of EU directives. The Nordic countries do not usually act as a cohesive regional bloc in the EU – national interests prevail. Intergovernmental coordination among the Nordic countries offers useful insights for Scottish- rUK relations in the event of independence, but the Nordic Council and Nordic Council of Ministers offer limited opportunities for an independent Scotland, either for direct engagement or as a model for Scottish-rUK cooperation. ***** INDEPENDENCE AND INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS For the Scottish government and Yes Scotland, independence would mark a new ‘partnership of equals’ between the nations of these islands. The independence vision, set out in the White Paper, Scotland’s Future, incorporates a variety of proposals for sharing institutional assets and services with the rest of the UK. These include, for example: . Sterling currency union . Research Councils UK . Joint venture between a Scottish Broadcasting .