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New Evidence on the Thracian Strategoi (Abstract) Lazarenko et al. 2013: I. Lazarenko, E. Mircheva, (Μελετήματα, 69). Athens, 2013, 65-84. R. Encheva, D. Stoyanova, N. Sharankov. The Temple Paunov 2015: E. Paunov. The coin assemblage from of the Pontic Mother of Gods in Dionysopolis. Varna, the sacred spring of Aquae Calidae in Thrace: main 2013. problems, patterns and conclusions. - Известия на На- LGPN IV: A lexicon of Greek personal names, edited родния музей - Бургас, 5, 245-255. by P. M. Fraser and E. Matthews. Vol. 4. Macedonia, SEG: Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum. Leiden - Thrace, Northern Regions of the Black Sea. Oxford, Amsterdam, 1923-. 2005. SIBulg: V. Beševliev. Spätgriechische und spätlateini- oppermann 2006: M. Oppermann. Der Thrakische sche Inschriften aus Bulgarien (Berliner byzantinisti- Reiter des Ostbalkanraumes im Spannungsfeld von sche Arbeiten, 30). Berlin, 1964. Graecitas, Romanitas und lokalen Traditionen (Schriften Sharankov 2005: N. Sharankov. Statue-bases with des Zentrums für Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte des Honorific Inscriptions from Philippopolis. - Archaeolo- Schwarzmeerraumes, 7). Langenweißbach, 2006. gia Bulgarica, 2005, 2, 55-71. Parissaki 2009: M.-G. Parissaki. Étude sur Sharankov 2013: N. Sharankov. Inscriptions. - In: l’organisation administrative de la Thrace à l’époque I. Lazarenko, E. Mircheva, R. Encheva, D. Stoyanova, romaine: l’histoire des stratégies. - Revue des études N. Sharankov. The Temple of the Pontic Mother of grecques, 2009, 122, 319-357. Gods in Dionysopolis. Varna, 2013, 47-64. Parissaki 2013: M.-G. Parissaki. L’abolition du sys- tatscheva 2007: M. Tatscheva. Der thrakische Adel tème des straégies en Thrace et le programme d’urba- und die Verwaltung der Provinz Thracia. - In: Thracia, nisation de l’empereur Trajan. Réflexions sur le pro- 17. Sofia, 2007, 33-47. cessus d’une réforme administrative. - In: Thrakika tsontchev 1941: D. Tsontchev. Le sanctuaire thrace zetemata II. Aspects of the Roman province of Thrace près du village de Batkoun. Sofia, 1941. New evidence on the thracian strategoi (Abstract) Nicolay Sharankov This article presents new epigraphic evidence catory) set up by the strategoi themselves. Usu- on the Thracian strategoi in the period from the ally, a strategos is attested in a single inscription, late first century BC to the early second century but there is an outstanding exception: Apollonios, AD. The author publishes several recently found son of Eptaikenthos, hitherto known through five inscriptions and proposes revised reading for oth- inscriptions, four dedicated by him, and one set ers. Two honorary decrees from the temple of the up by his wife Leonto. In 2015, two more in- Pontic Mother of gods in Dionysopolis belong to scriptions of Apollonios on marble slabs from the period of King Rhoimetalkes I (ca. 11 BC - monumental altars were found in Aquae Calidae. AD 12). The first one (No. 1, fig. 1) is for Moka- The first one (No. 3, fig. 3), entirely preserved, poris, son of Aulouporis, strategos of King Rhoi- is a dedication to Demeter by Apollonios, son of metalkes for Apsioupolis (= Axio(u)polis) and E<p>taikenthos, strategos for Anchialos, “for the Daotike who organised sumptuous processions safety of King Rhoimetalkes (II) and Pythodoris and sacrifices in Dionysopolis and held a military (II), daughter of Kotys (III) son of King Rhoime- campaign “beyond Istros, against the common talkes (I), and their children”. The text underwent enemy, the Iazyges”. The second decree (No. a rewriting: of the original version, which occu- 2, fig. 2) honours Zeibas, son of A(u?)louzenis, pied l. 1-8, only the text to the middle of l. 3 is seemingly a strategos, who helped the envoys of preserved; the rest (l. 3-8) was erased and a new, the city to King Rhoimetalkes. longer text was inscribed (l. 3-10). This could These two inscriptions are the latest honorary have happened after the change of Rhoimetalkes’ decrees for strategoi; the evidence for the later title from dynastes to basileus in AD 26 - as in period is to be found in inscriptions (mostly dedi- two other inscriptions of the strategos Apollo- 76 nios, which were similarly rewritten, from Abrit- early second century date, was dedicated to the tus (IGBulg II, No. 743) and Atanasovo/Burgas Heros of Bolb[e?] by a certain Flavius: either (IGBulg I2, No. 378). It is noteworthy that the “Flavius D[inis, son of] Longin[us]”, or “Flavius text refers only to Pythodoris’ father and grand- Longin[us, son of] D[inis]”. The dedicant ap- father, but not to the ancestors of Rhoimetalkes parently belonged to the same family, and if we - seemingly because Rhoimetalkes’ father Rhes- accept the second restoration for his names, he kouporis was the murderer of Pythodoris’ father could fill the gap in the stem of the family pro- Kotys, and his mention would have been consid- posed by G. Mihailov (fig. 10). ered offensive (cf. IGBulg I2, No. 399); the in- The family of the strategos Flavius Dizalas, son scription for the first time provides evidence that of the strategos Ezbenis, son of Amatokos, was in- Rhoimetalkes II and Pythodoris had children, one volved in the foundation of a sanctuary of Artemis of whom could be “Gaius Iulius Rhaskos, son of near Nicopolis ad Nestum (IGBulg IV, No. 2338). Rhoimetalkes” attested in a list of initiates from The author proposes a few emendations to the text Samothrace. The second inscription from Aquae of this inscription (No. 7), now lost and known only Calidae (No. 4, fig. 4) is a fragment of a dedi- from old editions based on an imperfect (and after- cation to an unknown deity. Its text has been re- wards lost) copy: a form of the verb ὀρνεοσκοπέω written as well: the title of Apollonios has been for the copy’s ΟΙΝΕΟΡΚΟΠΗΣΑΝΑ; Εζβενις changed from [στρατη]γὸς Ἀν[χιάλου etc.] to Τηρου ἀ<δ>[ελ]φι<δ>ὴς αὐτῶν for AY//// [στρατη]γὸς πε[ρὶ Ἀνχίαλον]. The date of the ΦΙΛΗΣ; and ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ <Τηρ>ης in- inscription should be set to the 20s AD. stead of ἱκέτης. A stem for the family is proposed The six dedications by Apollonios and the (fig. 11). presence of corrections in five of them indicate A new reading of a partially preserved inscrip- not only the scope of his activities in the organisa- tion of unknown provenance (No. 8), dedicated tion and support of sanctuaries, but also his great by an anonymous strategos, son of [Demo]- concern for his own reputation and fame. sthenes, reveals the names of a Heros Megas The dedicant of an inscription for Zeus Progo- Arbise[nos], which is apparently identical with nikos from Apollonia (No. 5, fig. 7), “Tib. Claudi- the Kyrios Arbesenos worshipped near the village us Proc(u)lus, son of Rhoimetalkas, a priest”, of Ribnovo. could be identified as grandson of the strategos Two fragments from the sanctuary of Askle- Apollonios and son of the strategos “Tib. Claudi- pios Zylmyzdrienos at Batkun (IGBulg III.1, No. us Rhoimetalkas, son of Apollonios”, attested in 1116+1115), hitherto considered as different in- the list of strategoi from Topeiros of AD 46-60 scriptions, are shown to be joining parts of the (fig. 6; IThrAeg, No. E84). At the same sanctuary, same statue base (No. 9, fig. 12). The restored Proclus’ grandmother Leonto dedicated a column inscription reads: “Dizalas, son of Kotys, from to Zeus Patrios (IGBulg I2, No. 402). The identi- ---, strategos of S[---] and Asutike, together with fication of Proclus provides us with a new stem of the people who [came (?)] with his brother Rhoi- the family (fig. 8). mos and jointly raised funds for the dedication The inscription of Proclus is one amongst nu- of the statue, dedicated (the image of) the god to merous dedications of Romanized Thracian aris- Asklepios Zylmyzdrienos for their own safety and tocrats of the second half of the first and early health as well as (for that) of the entire fatherland second century AD, which were aimed at both and strategia. [In the consulship of] Emperor preservation of ancestral cults and legitimating [Nerva] Trajan Caesar [Augustus (for the - time?) of the dedicants as heirs to ancient families and and ---]”. This dedication is to be dated to one traditions. of Emperor Trajan’s consulships, AD 100, 101, Titus Flavius Dinis, son of Skeles, archiereus 103, or 112, and obviously marks the foundation of the Thracian koinon, lifelong priest of Zeus of the sanctuary, for no earlier materials have Sabazios, and seemingly a descendant of stra- been found there. Afterwards, the popularity of tegoi, is attested in a late first or early second cen- this cult increased so much, that in the first half of tury dedication from the region of later Augusta the third century it reached Rome, where the god Traiana (IGBulg V, No. 5592); Flavius Dinis, from Batkun was worshipped by the praetorian son of Longinus, and his son T. Flavius Nepos soldiers coming from the region of Philippopolis (IGBulg V, No. 5577-5578) were supposedly his and even had his own priest. While the early dedi- descendants. A recently published inscription cations at Batkun were made only by members of from Kirilovo (No. 6, fig. 9), of late first or rather the elite, the late second century AD already saw 77 dedicants of different origin and social status who ergetism which was so typical for the Hellenistic have adopted the model of worshipping the gods and Roman world. The strategoi - both when re- through reliefs and Greek inscriptions. organizing older cults and founding new sanctu- In the Roman period, most inscriptions of stra- aries - introduced a new model of worshipping tegoi are from sanctuaries and are often connect- the gods through Greek inscriptions, monumental ed with the foundation of a sanctuary. The protec- altars, statues, and reliefs with Greek iconogra- tion of cults and cult places, which was initially phy.
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