Hippocrates in Context Studies in Ancient Medicine
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Didactic Poetry: the Hellenistic Invention of a Pre-Existing Genre
in Richard Hunter, Antonios Rengakos, and Evina Sistakou (eds.), Hellenistic Studies at a Crossroads: Exploring Texts, Contexts and Metatexts, Trends in Classics, Supplementary Volume 25 (Berlin 2014) David Sider Didactic poetry: The Hellenistic invention of a pre-existing genre For all that it is almost a cliché that Hellenistic poets were acutely aware of genre —who before Callimachus would or could have boasted of his πολυείδεια?—,¹ discussions, let alone definitions, of didactic poetry as a genre are scarce. Why bother, when it seems so obvious? Look at Aratus and Nicander, whose model was Hesiod, and nothing more need be said. Nonetheless, that will be my aim here. There have of course been many useful studies of classical didactic poetry,² some of which offer various classifications (see below); yet I have long felt that insufficient attention has been paid, both by the ancients themselves and by us today, to the development of the poems called didactic, although modern termi- nology and the ancients are not in complete agreement as to what constitutes a Bibliography at end. Some earlier poets did in fact write in more than one genre, but could have boasted of it only in particular terms, i.e., by specifying “I write poems of type X and Y,” as we see at the end of the Symposium 223d ὁμολογεῖναὐτοὺςτοῦαὐτοῦἀνδρὸςεἶναι κωμῳδίαν καὶ τραγῳδίαν ἐπίστασθαι ποιεῖν, καὶ τὸν τέχνῃ τραγῳδοποιὸν ὄντα <καὶ> κωμῳδοποιὸνεἶναι (“They agreed that the same man can know how to compose both comedy and tragedy, and that the skilled tragic poet is also a skilled writer of comedies”)—to which one can add that Plato has himself done this within this very dialogue, adding satyrography, as Bacon (1959) shows. -
The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC. -
The Cambridge Companion to Greek Mythology (2007)
P1: JzG 9780521845205pre CUFX147/Woodard 978 0521845205 Printer: cupusbw July 28, 2007 1:25 The Cambridge Companion to GREEK MYTHOLOGY S The Cambridge Companion to Greek Mythology presents a comprehensive and integrated treatment of ancient Greek mythic tradition. Divided into three sections, the work consists of sixteen original articles authored by an ensemble of some of the world’s most distinguished scholars of classical mythology. Part I provides readers with an examination of the forms and uses of myth in Greek oral and written literature from the epic poetry of the eighth century BC to the mythographic catalogs of the early centuries AD. Part II looks at the relationship between myth, religion, art, and politics among the Greeks and at the Roman appropriation of Greek mythic tradition. The reception of Greek myth from the Middle Ages to modernity, in literature, feminist scholarship, and cinema, rounds out the work in Part III. The Cambridge Companion to Greek Mythology is a unique resource that will be of interest and value not only to undergraduate and graduate students and professional scholars, but also to anyone interested in the myths of the ancient Greeks and their impact on western tradition. Roger D. Woodard is the Andrew V.V.Raymond Professor of the Clas- sics and Professor of Linguistics at the University of Buffalo (The State University of New York).He has taught in the United States and Europe and is the author of a number of books on myth and ancient civiliza- tion, most recently Indo-European Sacred Space: Vedic and Roman Cult. Dr. -
How to Restart an Oracle: Politics, Propaganda, and the Oracle of Apollo
How to Restart an Oracle: Politics, Propaganda, and the Oracle of Apollo at Didyma c.305-300 BCE The Sacred Spring at Didyma dried up when the Persians deported the Branchidae to central Asia at the conclusion of the Ionian revolt c.494. It remained barren throughout the fifth and most of the fourth centuries and thus prophecy did not flow. However, when Alexander the Great liberated Miletus in 334, the spring was reborn and with it returned the gift of prophecy. After nearly two centuries, the new oracle at Didyma was not the same as the old one. This begs the question, how does one restart an oracle? The usual account is that Alexander appointed a new priestess, who immediately predicted his victory over Persia and referred to him as a god. In the historical tradition, largely stemming from Callisthenes, the renewed oracle is thus linked to Alexander, but words are wind and tradition can be manipulated. There are issues with the canonical chronology: Miletus reverted briefly to Persian control in Alexander’s wake; the Branchidae, the hereditary priests, still lived in central Asia (Hammond 1998; Parke 1985); and, most tellingly, construction on a new temple did not start for another thirty years. In fact, the renewal of the oracle only appears after Seleucus, who supposedly received three favorable oracles in 334, found the original cult statue and returned it to Miletus (Paus. 1.16.3). In the satiric account of the prophet Alexander, Lucian of Samosata declares the oracles of old, including Delphi, Delos, Claros, and Branchidae (Didyma), became wealthy by exploiting the credulity and fears of wealthy tyrants (8). -
Plato Apology of Socrates and Crito
COLLEGE SERIES OF GREEK AUTHORS EDITED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE, LEWIS R. PACKARD, a n d THOMAS D. SEYMOUR. PLATO A p o l o g y o f S o c r a t e s AND C r i t o EDITED ON THE BASIS OF CRON’S EDITION BY LOUIS DYER A s s i s t a n t ·Ρι;Οχ'ε&^ο^ ι ν ^University. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY GINN & COMPANY. 1902. I P ■ C o p · 3 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1885, by J o h n W il l ia m s W h i t e a n d T h o m a s D. S e y m o u r , In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. J . S. C u s h in g & Co., P r i n t e r s , B o s t o n . PREFACE. T his edition of the Apology of Socrates and the Crito is based upon Dr. Christian Cron’s eighth edition, Leipzig, 1882. The Notes and Introduction here given have in the main been con fined within the limits intelligently drawn by Dr. Cron, whose commentaries upon various dialogues of Plato have done and still do so much in Germany to make the study of our author more profitable as well as pleasanter. No scruple has been felt, how ever, in making changes. I trust there are few if any of these which Dr. Cron might not himself make if he were preparing his work for an English-thinking and English-speaking public. -
The Three Schools of Medicine
Appendix 2: The Three Schools of Medicine Greek names, especially those of more obscure figures, are often cor- rupted in Arabic translations from Greek, the Arabic texts citing those translations, and the Hebrew and Latin texts dependent upon Arabic sources. The list of prominent Greek adherents of the Empiricist, Rationalist (or Dogmatist), and Methodist schools of medicine as found in the introduction to the epitome of The Medical Sects has not escaped this fate; I have not bothered to record all the variations of dotting and the like found in my six manuscripts. These lists obviously represent a Late Antique trope preserved with more or less fidelity in various Greek, Latin, and Arabic texts. The list of members of the three schools as found in our text is essentially identical to that of two other works: Yaḥyā al-Naḥwī’s talkhīṣ of The Medical Sects and a set of Latin lectures on The Medical Sects by one Agnellus of Ravenna (see table 4). Closely related is the list of names from the pseudo-Galenic Introduction to Medicine (Eisagōgē Iātros), which I have translated below. Another commentary on The Medical Sects by one John of Alexandria gives a somewhat different list, as does the list of Empiricists in Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah, most of whose names are indecipher- able. The one major textual difficulty with regard to these lists involves the list of Methodists, where MSS A and M, which were both copied around 1240 from an exemplar originating in the circle of Ibn al-Tilmīdh, add two names, Menodotus and Mnesitheus, and give the names in a slightly different order. -
MONEY and the EARLY GREEK MIND: Homer, Philosophy, Tragedy
This page intentionally left blank MONEY AND THE EARLY GREEK MIND How were the Greeks of the sixth century bc able to invent philosophy and tragedy? In this book Richard Seaford argues that a large part of the answer can be found in another momentous development, the invention and rapid spread of coinage, which produced the first ever thoroughly monetised society. By transforming social relations, monetisation contributed to the ideas of the universe as an impersonal system (presocratic philosophy) and of the individual alienated from his own kin and from the gods (in tragedy). Seaford argues that an important precondition for this monetisation was the Greek practice of animal sacrifice, as represented in Homeric epic, which describes a premonetary world on the point of producing money. This book combines social history, economic anthropology, numismatics and the close reading of literary, inscriptional, and philosophical texts. Questioning the origins and shaping force of Greek philosophy, this is a major book with wide appeal. richard seaford is Professor of Greek Literature at the University of Exeter. He is the author of commentaries on Euripides’ Cyclops (1984) and Bacchae (1996) and of Reciprocity and Ritual: Homer and Tragedy in the Developing City-State (1994). MONEY AND THE EARLY GREEK MIND Homer, Philosophy, Tragedy RICHARD SEAFORD cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521832281 © Richard Seaford 2004 This publication is in copyright. -
The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae
historia 68, 2019/4, 413–435 DOI 10.25162/historia-2019-0022 Jeffrey Rop The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae Abstract: This article makes three arguments regarding the Battle of Thermopylae. First, that the discovery of the Anopaea path was not dependent upon Ephialtes, but that the Persians were aware of it at their arrival and planned their attacks at Thermopylae, Artemisium, and against the Phocians accordingly. Second, that Herodotus’ claims that the failure of the Pho- cians was due to surprise, confusion, and incompetence are not convincing. And third, that the best explanation for the Phocian behavior is that they were from Delphi and betrayed their allies as part of a bid to restore local control over the sanctuary. Keywords: Thermopylae – Artemisium – Delphi – Phocis – Medism – Anopaea The courageous sacrifice of Leonidas and the Spartans is perhaps the central theme of Herodotus’ narrative and of many popular retellings of the Battle of Thermopylae in 480 BCE. Even as modern historians are appropriately more critical of this heroizing impulse, they have tended to focus their attention on issues that might explain why Leo- nidas and his men fought to the death. These include discussion of the broader strategic and tactical importance of Thermopylae, the inter-relationship and chronology of the Greek defense of the pass and the naval campaign at Artemisium, the actual number of Greeks who served under Leonidas and whether it was sufficient to hold the position, and so on. While this article inevitably touches upon some of these same topics, its main purpose is to reconsider the decisive yet often overlooked moment of the battle: the failure of the 1,000 Phocians on the Anopaea path. -
Copyright by Kyle Austin Sanders 2018
Copyright by Kyle Austin Sanders 2018 The Dissertation Committee for Kyle Austin Sanders Certifies that this is the approved version of the following Dissertation: Pindar and the Enigmatic Tradition Committee: ____________________________________ Thomas Hubbard, Supervisor ____________________________________ Deborah Beck ____________________________________ Lesley Dean-Jones ____________________________________ Ayelet Haimson Lushkov ____________________________________ Joshua Katz Pindar and the Enigmatic Tradition by Kyle Austin Sanders Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2018 Acknowledgments The germ of this project came in a graduate seminar on Pindar offered by Thomas Hubbard, whose expertise and guidance has informed every step of this process. I have also benefited from the lively discussion and feedback of many fellow graduate students. I am especially grateful to my colleague and dear friend Laura Takakjy, who closely read countless drafts over breakfasts at Kerbey Lane. I thank as well the numerous friends and fellow graduate students at Texas, including Chuck Oughton, Paul Hay, and the others in our dissertation reading group, who advised on preliminary versions of several chapters. My time in graduate school would surely not have been so productive and enriching were it not for the wide-ranging acumen and camaraderie of Matt Sibley and Olga Koutseridi. I deeply appreciate the contributions of my dissertation committee, whose careful feedback greatly shaped the later revisions I made to this project. Joshua Katz was very generous in commenting on the manuscript and in travelling to Austin to attend my defense. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-48147-2 — Scale, Space and Canon in Ancient Literary Culture Reviel Netz Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-48147-2 — Scale, Space and Canon in Ancient Literary Culture Reviel Netz Index More Information Index Aaker, Jennifer, 110, 111 competition, 173 Abdera, 242, 310, 314, 315, 317 longevity, 179 Abel, N. H., 185 Oresteia, 197, 200, 201 Academos, 189, 323, 324, 325, 337 papyri, 15 Academy, 322, 325, 326, 329, 337, 343, 385, 391, Persians, 183 399, 404, 427, 434, 448, 476, 477–8, 512 portraits, 64 Achilles Tatius, 53, 116, 137, 551 Ptolemaic era, 39 papyri, 16, 23 Aeschylus (astronomer), 249 Acta Alexandrinorum, 87, 604 Aesop, 52, 68, 100, 116, 165 adespota, 55, 79, 81–5, 86, 88, 91, 99, 125, 192, 194, in education, 42 196, 206, 411, 413, 542, 574 papyri, 16, 23 Adkin, Neil, 782 Aethiopia, 354 Adrastus, 483 Aetia, 277 Adrastus (mathematician), 249 Africa, 266 Adrianople, 798 Agatharchides, 471 Aedesius (martyr), 734, 736 Agathocles (historian), 243 Aegae, 479, 520 Agathocles (peripatetic), 483 Aegean, 338–43 Agathon, 280 Aegina, 265 Agias (historian), 373 Aelianus (Platonist), 484 agrimensores, 675 Aelius Aristides, 133, 657, 709 Ai Khanoum, 411 papyri, 16 Akhmatova, Anna, 186 Aelius Herodian (grammarian), 713 Albertus Magnus, 407 Aelius Promotus, 583 Albinus, 484 Aenesidemus, 478–9, 519, 520 Alcaeus, 49, 59, 61–2, 70, 116, 150, 162, 214, 246, Aeolia, 479 see also Aeolian Aeolian, 246 papyri, 15, 23 Aeschines, 39, 59, 60, 64, 93, 94, 123, 161, 166, 174, portraits, 65, 67 184, 211, 213, 216, 230, 232, 331 Alcidamas, 549 commentaries, 75 papyri, 16 Ctesiphon, 21 Alcinous, 484 False Legation, 22 Alcmaeon, 310 -
Select Epigrams from the Greek Anthology
SELECT EPIGRAMS FROM THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY J. W. MACKAIL∗ Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. PREPARER’S NOTE This book was published in 1890 by Longmans, Green, and Co., London; and New York: 15 East 16th Street. The epigrams in the book are given both in Greek and in English. This text includes only the English. Where Greek is present in short citations, it has been given here in transliterated form and marked with brackets. A chapter of Notes on the translations has also been omitted. eti pou proima leuxoia Meleager in /Anth. Pal./ iv. 1. Dim now and soil’d, Like the soil’d tissue of white violets Left, freshly gather’d, on their native bank. M. Arnold, /Sohrab and Rustum/. PREFACE The purpose of this book is to present a complete collection, subject to certain definitions and exceptions which will be mentioned later, of all the best extant Greek Epigrams. Although many epigrams not given here have in different ways a special interest of their own, none, it is hoped, have been excluded which are of the first excellence in any style. But, while it would be easy to agree on three-fourths of the matter to be included in such a scope, perhaps hardly any two persons would be in exact accordance with regard to the rest; with many pieces which lie on the border line of excellence, the decision must be made on a balance of very slight considerations, and becomes in the end one rather of personal taste than of any fixed principle. For the Greek Anthology proper, use has chiefly been made of the two ∗PDF created by pdfbooks.co.za 1 great works of Jacobs, -
Greek Word Index
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-76517-6 - Galen: Psychological Writings Edited by P. N. Singer Index More information Greek word index Comprehensive word indexes are available in the modern editions of the Greek texts translated in this volume (though in the case of Capacities of the Soul, only in the recent edition of Bazou, not in that of Müller). The present index contains a selection of terms with their translations, referenced by page and line numbers of the edition used, and is intended to be of help in finding both the translation and the occurrences of technical or otherwise interesting terminology. For certain very commonly used terms (e.g. agathos, anthrōpos, psuchē), where no problem of translation arises, only a few passages are given by way of example; for terms of particular importance to the argument of the texts, most or all occur- rences have been listed. Compound verbs are listed under the main verbal form and adverbs under the corresponding adjective. ἀγαθός good Ind. 18,19; 20,13; 21,6 QAM ἀδιανόητος incomprehensible QAM 48,18 40,22 (Hesiod); 73,14; 74,5-11; τὰ ἀγαθά ἀδικεῖν harm QAM 74,15.17 (matters of) good Aff. Pecc. Dig. 42,11-19; ἀερώδης airy (substance) QAM 45,10 44,13 (with note); τὸ ἀγαθόν the good Ind. ἀήρ air QAM 45,11.23; 66,11 20,1.4 Aff. Pecc. Dig. 42,21; 43,9 QAM 73,17; ἀθάνατος immortal QAM 36,14; 38,4; 42,14 what someone enjoys Aff. Pecc. Dig. 24,14 ἀθυμεῖν be dispirited Aff.