What It Means to Be Expeditionary a Look at the French Army in Africa
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The Shifting Sands of Djibouti
DECEMBER 2019 ISSUE NO. 331 The Shifting Sands of Djibouti MONTY KHANNA ABSTRACT In spite of Djibouti being one of the smallest nations in Africa, its strategic location coupled with the shifting geo-politics of the region have increased its relevance manifold. Various events have influenced the position of Djibouti in the international reckoning: the secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia, the ‘Global War on Terror’, and increasing piracy off the Horn of Africa. Today Djibouti has the distinction of hosting military bases of four major countries, including China’s first overseas base. China has also started making deep inroads into the economy of Djibouti. This has created a large vulnerability for the United States, France and Japan, all of which depend on China-controlled ports for the sustenance of their bases. (This brief is part of ORF’s series, ‘Eye on China’. Find other research in the series here: https:// www.orfonline.org/series/eye-on-china/) Attribution: Monty Khanna, “The Shifting Sands of Djibouti”, ORF Issue Brief No. 331, December 2019, Observer Research Foundation. Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think tank that aims to influence the formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed analyses and in-depth research, and organising events that serve as platforms for stimulating and productive discussions. ISBN 978-93-89622-23-2 © 2019 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Mercenaries and the State: How the hybridisation of the armed forces is changing the face of national security Caroline Varin A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2012 ii Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <83,157> words. iii Abstract The military has been a symbol of nationhood and state control for the past two hundred years. As representatives of a society’s cultural values and political ambitions, the armed forces have traditionally been held within the confines of the modern state. Today, however, soldiers are expected to operate in the shadows of conflicts, drawing little attention to themselves and to their actions; they are physically and emotionally secluded from a civilian population whose governments, especially in the ‘West’, are proceeding to an unprecedented wave of demilitarisation and military budget cuts. -
Than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’S Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation
More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional Strengthening of Mexico’s Armed Forces in the Context of U.S.-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara February 2018 More than Neighbors New Developments in the Institutional strengthening of Mexico’s armed forces in the context of US-Mexican Military Cooperation By Iñigo Guevara “With Mexico, very, very strong, quiet military-to-military relations” … … “This is a relationship that has been many decades in the making. Just go back - just for an example - go back to World War II. It doesn't start with us. It will not end with us.” -U.S. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis1 Strategic Reasoning for Closer U.S. –Mexico Military Ties Despite the deep cultural and economic diversity of North America’s 486+ million inhabitants, the interconnectedness of the three countries means that they all face, to various degrees, the same threats, which range from serious to existential. Existential threats have long been narrowed to a nuclear war with Russia, to a much lesser degree China, and the now aspiring North Korea. The lack of an existential threat from the south has meant that Mexico was not a priority for the U.S. defense community. Mexico’s non-interventionist interior-looking foreign policy, the lack of an external threat, and an extremely complex politico-military relationship also meant that the defense relationship with the United States was cordial, but distant over several decades. Since the 1980’s, the Mexican Navy and Air Force did source their token conventional fighting capacity from the United States: a squadron of tactical jet fighters and a flotilla of second-hand destroyers and frigates; however, this was mainly out of convenience rather than a strategic decision to develop binational defense ties. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
The French Strategy in Africa: France’S Role on the Continent & Its Implications for American Foreign Policy
The French Strategy in Africa: France’s Role on the Continent & its Implications for American Foreign Policy Matt Tiritilli TC 660H Plan II Honors Program The University of Texas at Austin 11 May 2017 ____________________________________________________ J. Paul Pope Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs Supervising Professor ____________________________________________________ Bobby R. Inman, Admiral, U.S. Navy (ret.) Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs Second Reader Abstract In the post-World War II era, the nature of military interventions by traditional powers has changed dramatically due to changes in political priorities and the kinds of conflicts emerging in the world. Especially in the case of the French, national security interests and the decision-making process for engaging in foreign interventions has diverged significantly from the previous era and the modern American format. France has a long history of intervention on the African continent due in part to its colonial history, but also because of its modern economic and security interests there. The aim of this thesis is to articulate a framework for describing French strategy in the region and its implications for American foreign policy decisions. Contrary to the pattern of heavy-footprint, nation building interventions by the United States during this time period, the French format can instead be characterized by the rapid deployment of light forces in the attempt to successfully achieve immediate, but moderate objectives. French policy regarding Africa is based on the principles of strategic autonomy, the maintenance their status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, and the ‘Europeanization’ of future initiatives. In order to achieve these objectives, France has pursued a foreign policy designed to allow flexibility and selectivity in choosing whether to intervene and to maintain the relative balance of power within their sphere of influence with itself as the regional stabilizer. -
The Foreign Military Presence in the Horn of Africa Region
SIPRI Background Paper April 2019 THE FOREIGN MILITARY SUMMARY w The Horn of Africa is PRESENCE IN THE HORN OF undergoing far-reaching changes in its external security AFRICA REGION environment. A wide variety of international security actors— from Europe, the United States, neil melvin the Middle East, the Gulf, and Asia—are currently operating I. Introduction in the region. As a result, the Horn of Africa has experienced The Horn of Africa region has experienced a substantial increase in the a proliferation of foreign number and size of foreign military deployments since 2001, especially in the military bases and a build-up of 1 past decade (see annexes 1 and 2 for an overview). A wide range of regional naval forces. The external and international security actors are currently operating in the Horn and the militarization of the Horn poses foreign military installations include land-based facilities (e.g. bases, ports, major questions for the future airstrips, training camps, semi-permanent facilities and logistics hubs) and security and stability of the naval forces on permanent or regular deployment.2 The most visible aspect region. of this presence is the proliferation of military facilities in littoral areas along This SIPRI Background the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa.3 However, there has also been a build-up Paper is the first of three papers of naval forces, notably around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, at the entrance to devoted to the new external the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden. security politics of the Horn of This SIPRI Background Paper maps the foreign military presence in the Africa. -
Soldiers and Statesmen
, SOLDIERS AND STATESMEN For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $2.65 Stock Number008-070-00335-0 Catalog Number D 301.78:970 The Military History Symposium is sponsored jointly by the Department of History and the Association of Graduates, United States Air Force Academy 1970 Military History Symposium Steering Committee: Colonel Alfred F. Hurley, Chairman Lt. Colonel Elliott L. Johnson Major David MacIsaac, Executive Director Captain Donald W. Nelson, Deputy Director Captain Frederick L. Metcalf SOLDIERS AND STATESMEN The Proceedings of the 4th Military History Symposium United States Air Force Academy 22-23 October 1970 Edited by Monte D. Wright, Lt. Colonel, USAF, Air Force Academy and Lawrence J. Paszek, Office of Air Force History Office of Air Force History, Headquarters USAF and United States Air Force Academy Washington: 1973 The Military History Symposia of the USAF Academy 1. May 1967. Current Concepts in Military History. Proceedings not published. 2. May 1968. Command and Commanders in Modem Warfare. Proceedings published: Colorado Springs: USAF Academy, 1269; 2d ed., enlarged, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1972. 3. May 1969. Science, Technology, and Warfare. Proceedings published: Washington, b.C.: Government Printing Office, 197 1. 4. October 1970. Soldiers and Statesmen. Present volume. 5. October 1972. The Military and Society. Proceedings to be published. Views or opinions expressed or implied in this publication are those of the authors and are not to be construed as carrying official sanction of the Department of the Air Force or of the United States Air Force Academy. -
War and Peacekeeping in the Former Yugoslavia
War and Peacekeeping in the Former Yugoslavia Research Paper 95/100 12 October 1995 This paper provides a brief history of the war in the Former Yugoslavia and looks at the parties to the conflict from a military perspective. It examines the changed strategic situation since the spring of 1995 and the future roles of NATO and UN peacekeeping forces. A complimentary paper will look at political attempts at resolution of the Bosnian and Croatian conflicts since May. Tom Dodd International Affairs and Defence Section House of Commons Library Library Research Papers are compiled for the benefit of Members of Parliament and their personal staff. Authors are available to discuss the contents of these papers with Members and their staff but cannot advise members of the general public. Contents Page I The Start of the War 5 II The Conflicting Parties in Bosnia: Spring 1992-Spring 1995 6 III UN Peacekeeping Forces in the Former Yugoslavia 9 A. History and Structure 9 B. The British Contingent 10 C. Role 11 IV NATO Forces 13 V The Formation of the UN Rapid Reaction Force 14 VI The Croatian August Offensive and the Fall of Serb Krajina 16 VII Sarajevo and Operation Deliberate Force 18 VIII The September Offensive 20 IX The Peace Implementation Force 21 XThe Future 22 Annex A Factions in the Bosnian Conflict 25 Annex B The UN Rapid Reaction Force 26 Research Paper 95/100 I The Start of the War The final collapse of Yugoslavia began on 25th June 1991, when Slovenia and Croatia, two of the constituent republics of the Federal Republic, declared their independence. -
The UN Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect
The UN Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect FAVORITA PapeRs 01/2010 01/2010 S The UN Security Council PAPER A and the Responsibility to Protect FAVORIT Policy, Process, and Practice DA 39th IPI VIenna SemInar BN 978-3-902021-67-0 s I "FAVORITA PAPERS" OF THE DIPLOMATIC ACADEMY OF VIENNA The ‘Favorita Papers’ series is intended to complement the academic training for international careers which is the core activity of the Diplomatic Academy. It reflects the expanding conference and public lectures programme of the Academy by publishing substantive conference reports on issues that are of particular relevance to the understanding of contemporary international problems and to the training for careers in diplomacy, international public service and business. The series was named ‘Favorita Papers’ after the original designation of the DA’s home, the imperial summer residence ‘Favorita’ donated by Empress Maria Theresia to the ‘Theresianische Akademie’ in 1749. Contributions to this series come from academics and practitioners actively engaged in the study, teaching and practice of international affairs. All papers reflect the views of the author. THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL AND THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT: POLICY, PROCESS, AND PRACTICE 39th IPI Vienna Seminar Diplomatic Academy of Vienna Favorita Papers 01/2010 Edited by: Hans Winkler (DA), Terje Rød-Larsen (IPI), Christoph Mikulaschek (IPI) ISBN 978-3-902021-67-0 ©2010 The Diplomatic Academy of Vienna The Diplomatic Academy of Vienna is one of Europe’s leading schools for post-graduate studies in international relations and European affairs. It prepares young university graduates for the present-day requirements of successful international careers in diplomacy, public administration and business. -
Introduction Chapter 1 the Congo 1960-1965 Chapter 2 the Nigerian
Notes Introduction I. George Thayer, The War Business, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1969, p 169. 2. Wilfred Burchett and Derek Roebuck, The Whores of War, Penguin Books, 1977, p. 156. 3. Thayer, op. cit., p. 169. 4. Defence Today, 08/09/1990. Chapter 1 The Congo 1960-1965 I. Thayer, op. cit., p 173. 2. Ibid., p 174. 3. The Times, 26/10/1960. 4. Africa Digest, June 1961. 5. The Guardian, 08/05/1961. 6. The Times, 29/08/1961. 7. The Guardian, 30/08/1961. 8. The Times, 22/12/1961. 9. The Observer, 29/04/1962. 10. Patrick Keatley, The Guardian, 17/11/1962. 11. The Times, 31/12/1962. 12. Financial Times, 08/04/1964. 13. The Guardian, 30/04/1964. 14. The Observer, 30/08/1964. 15. The Guardian, 25/08/1964. 16. The Times, 15/09/1964. 17. Derek Wilson, Sunday Times, 29/11/1964. 18. Colin Legum, The Observer, 29/11/1964. 19. The Times, 31/01/1965. 20. The Times, 27/04/1965. 21. Colin Legum, The Observer, 18/04/1965. 22. The Observer, 29/08/1965. 23. Ian Davidson, Financial Times, 24/08/1967. 24. John de St Jorre, The Observer, 27/08/1967. 25. David Paskov, Daily Telegraph, 28/11/1967. 26. Le Monde, 18/11/1967. Chapter 2 The Nigerian Civil War I. John de St Jorre, The Nigerian Civil War, Hodder & Stoughton, 1970, p 313. 175 176 Notes 2. Thayer op. cit., p 169. 3. African Digest, February 1968. 4. Thayer, op. cit., p 170. 5. African Digest, February 1968. -
One of the French Foreign Legion's Finest
ONE OF THE FRENCH FOREIGN LEGION’S FINEST - A KIWI Sedd-el-Bahr was an old Ottoman Fort, located at the tip of the Gallipoli Peninsula. In the lead up to the Gallipoli Landings, the Fort was a Turkish strong point and an easily identifiable target for bombardment by British and French warships. The Fort was located at one end of V Beach one of the British landing sites on 25 April 1915. It was on this beach that the collier SS River Clyde grounded almost directly beneath what remained of Sedd-el-Bahr and became the site where four Victoria Crosses were won by British sailors and soldiers during the first morning of the landings. It was the aftermath of this scene that greeted a 41 year old Kiwi, Captain James Waddell of the French Foreign Legion as he came ashore alongside the River Clyde on 26 May 1915. This was the start of his war. Over the next three and half years he was to become one of France’s most decorated soldiers and one of its finer battalion commanders who survived. Yet, despite his exploits in the ravines of Gallipoli and the desolation of the fields of the Somme, Champagne, Verdun and the Marne, his story has remained largely unknown. James Waddell was born 11 October 1873 in Dunedin, New Zealand. The son of a saddler, he was a bright student who won a scholarship to Otago Boys High in 1888 at the age of 14. In April 1916, the Otago High School Magazine records the recollections of an Old Boy: “I was at School with Waddell… He was mad on soldiering from a child upwards … As a schoolboy he had a passion for reading French; it was his best subject…”1 After leaving school in 1890 Waddell became a student teacher at Mornington. -
Views Expressed in This Work Are Those of the Author and Do Not Reflect the Official
“With A Little Help From Our Friends:”1 The Development of Combat Intelligence in the American Expeditionary Forces, 1917-1918 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By James L. Doty III, M.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Dr. John F. Guilmartin, Advisor Dr. Nathan Rosenstein Dr. Stephanie J. Smith 1 The title is inspired by the Beatles song, “With a Little Help From My Friends,” Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band, 1967. Copyright by James L. Doty III 2010 Disclaimer The views expressed in this work are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the United States Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Abstract The United States Army, like its counterparts in Europe, especially the United Kingdom, struggled to achieve recognition as a profession during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Army developed educational institutions, improved standards of conduct, and further developed specialized knowledge in areas such as intelligence. US army officers and military officials sponsored these changes knowing and sometimes adapting from similar developments in other armies. When the First World War started in 1914, the American army was close to par with the British army in its development of intelligence as a specialized field and body of military knowledge. By 1917, Britain and the other belligerents had tremendously advanced their intelligence practices as part of the broader development of warfighting techniques through three years of warfare.