War and Peacekeeping in the Former Yugoslavia
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MSF and Srebrenica 1993 - 2003
MSF AND SREBRENICA 1993 - 2003 MSF SPEAKS OUT MSF Speaks out In the same collection, “MSF Speaking Out”: - “Salvadoran refugee camps in Honduras 1988” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - December 2013] - “Genocide of Rwandan Tutsis 1994” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Rwandan refugee camps Zaire and Tanzania 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “The violence of the new Rwandan regime 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Hunting and killings of Rwandan Refugee in Zaire-Congo 1996-1997” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [August 2004 - April 2014] - ‘’Famine and forced relocations in Ethiopia 1984-1986” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2005 - November 2013] - “Violence against Kosovar Albanians, NATO’s Intervention 1998-1999” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [September 2006] - “War crimes and politics of terror in Chechnya 1994-2004’” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [June 2010-September 2014] - “Somalia 1991-1993: Civil war, famine alert and UN ‘military-humanitarian’ intervention” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2013] - “MSF and North Korea 1995-1998” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [November 2014] Editorial Committee: Laurence Binet, Françoise Bouchet-Saulnier, Marine Buissonnière, Rebecca Golden, Michiel Hofman, Paul Mac Phun, Jerome Oberreit, Darin Portnoy - Director of Studies (project coordination-research-interview-editing): Laurence Binet - Assistant: Martin Saulnier - Translation into English: Mark Ayton, Leah Brumer, Kristin Cairns, Amanda Dehaye, Nina Friedman, Justin Hillier, Derek Scoins, Caroline Serraf (coor- dination), Ros Smith-Thomas, Karen Stokes, Karen Tucker, Riccardo Walker - Editing/Proof Reading: Liz Barling, Rebecca Golden - Design and Layout: tcgraphite - Video research: Martin Saulnier - Website Designer and Administrator: Sean Brokenshire. -
The Shifting Sands of Djibouti
DECEMBER 2019 ISSUE NO. 331 The Shifting Sands of Djibouti MONTY KHANNA ABSTRACT In spite of Djibouti being one of the smallest nations in Africa, its strategic location coupled with the shifting geo-politics of the region have increased its relevance manifold. Various events have influenced the position of Djibouti in the international reckoning: the secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia, the ‘Global War on Terror’, and increasing piracy off the Horn of Africa. Today Djibouti has the distinction of hosting military bases of four major countries, including China’s first overseas base. China has also started making deep inroads into the economy of Djibouti. This has created a large vulnerability for the United States, France and Japan, all of which depend on China-controlled ports for the sustenance of their bases. (This brief is part of ORF’s series, ‘Eye on China’. Find other research in the series here: https:// www.orfonline.org/series/eye-on-china/) Attribution: Monty Khanna, “The Shifting Sands of Djibouti”, ORF Issue Brief No. 331, December 2019, Observer Research Foundation. Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think tank that aims to influence the formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed analyses and in-depth research, and organising events that serve as platforms for stimulating and productive discussions. ISBN 978-93-89622-23-2 © 2019 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Mercenaries and the State: How the hybridisation of the armed forces is changing the face of national security Caroline Varin A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2012 ii Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <83,157> words. iii Abstract The military has been a symbol of nationhood and state control for the past two hundred years. As representatives of a society’s cultural values and political ambitions, the armed forces have traditionally been held within the confines of the modern state. Today, however, soldiers are expected to operate in the shadows of conflicts, drawing little attention to themselves and to their actions; they are physically and emotionally secluded from a civilian population whose governments, especially in the ‘West’, are proceeding to an unprecedented wave of demilitarisation and military budget cuts. -
Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
The French Strategy in Africa: France’S Role on the Continent & Its Implications for American Foreign Policy
The French Strategy in Africa: France’s Role on the Continent & its Implications for American Foreign Policy Matt Tiritilli TC 660H Plan II Honors Program The University of Texas at Austin 11 May 2017 ____________________________________________________ J. Paul Pope Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs Supervising Professor ____________________________________________________ Bobby R. Inman, Admiral, U.S. Navy (ret.) Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs Second Reader Abstract In the post-World War II era, the nature of military interventions by traditional powers has changed dramatically due to changes in political priorities and the kinds of conflicts emerging in the world. Especially in the case of the French, national security interests and the decision-making process for engaging in foreign interventions has diverged significantly from the previous era and the modern American format. France has a long history of intervention on the African continent due in part to its colonial history, but also because of its modern economic and security interests there. The aim of this thesis is to articulate a framework for describing French strategy in the region and its implications for American foreign policy decisions. Contrary to the pattern of heavy-footprint, nation building interventions by the United States during this time period, the French format can instead be characterized by the rapid deployment of light forces in the attempt to successfully achieve immediate, but moderate objectives. French policy regarding Africa is based on the principles of strategic autonomy, the maintenance their status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, and the ‘Europeanization’ of future initiatives. In order to achieve these objectives, France has pursued a foreign policy designed to allow flexibility and selectivity in choosing whether to intervene and to maintain the relative balance of power within their sphere of influence with itself as the regional stabilizer. -
The Foreign Military Presence in the Horn of Africa Region
SIPRI Background Paper April 2019 THE FOREIGN MILITARY SUMMARY w The Horn of Africa is PRESENCE IN THE HORN OF undergoing far-reaching changes in its external security AFRICA REGION environment. A wide variety of international security actors— from Europe, the United States, neil melvin the Middle East, the Gulf, and Asia—are currently operating I. Introduction in the region. As a result, the Horn of Africa has experienced The Horn of Africa region has experienced a substantial increase in the a proliferation of foreign number and size of foreign military deployments since 2001, especially in the military bases and a build-up of 1 past decade (see annexes 1 and 2 for an overview). A wide range of regional naval forces. The external and international security actors are currently operating in the Horn and the militarization of the Horn poses foreign military installations include land-based facilities (e.g. bases, ports, major questions for the future airstrips, training camps, semi-permanent facilities and logistics hubs) and security and stability of the naval forces on permanent or regular deployment.2 The most visible aspect region. of this presence is the proliferation of military facilities in littoral areas along This SIPRI Background the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa.3 However, there has also been a build-up Paper is the first of three papers of naval forces, notably around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, at the entrance to devoted to the new external the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden. security politics of the Horn of This SIPRI Background Paper maps the foreign military presence in the Africa. -
The Negro in France
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Black Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 1961 The Negro in France Shelby T. McCloy University of Kentucky Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation McCloy, Shelby T., "The Negro in France" (1961). Black Studies. 2. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_black_studies/2 THE NEGRO IN FRANCE This page intentionally left blank SHELBY T. McCLOY THE NEGRO IN FRANCE UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY PRESS Copyright© 1961 by the University of Kentucky Press Printed in the United States of America by the Division of Printing, University of Kentucky Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 61-6554 FOREWORD THE PURPOSE of this study is to present a history of the Negro who has come to France, the reasons for his coming, the record of his stay, and the reactions of the French to his presence. It is not a study of the Negro in the French colonies or of colonial conditions, for that is a different story. Occasion ally, however, reference to colonial happenings is brought in as necessary to set forth the background. The author has tried assiduously to restrict his attention to those of whose Negroid blood he could be certain, but whenever the distinction has been significant, he has considered as mulattoes all those having any mixture of Negro and white blood. -
Bombs Over Bosnia the Role of Airpower in Bosnia-Herzegovina
Bombs over Bosnia The Role of Airpower in Bosnia-Herzegovina MICHAEL O. BEALE, Major, USAF School of Advanced Airpower Studies THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED AIRPOWER STUDIES, MAXWELL AIR FORCE BASE, ALABAMA, FOR COMPLETION OF GRADUATION REQUIREMENTS, ACADEMIC YEAR 1995–96. Air University Press Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama August 1997 DISCLAIMER Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author(s), and do not necessarily represent the views of Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency. Cleared for public release: distribution unlimited. ii Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . ii ABSTRACT . v ABOUT THE AUTHOR . vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . ix 1 A HISTORY OF DIVISION AND CONFLICT . 1 2 THE DEATH OF YUGOSLAVIA ACCELERATES . 9 3 DENY FLIGHT: THE DETERRENT USE OF AIRPOWER . 19 4 OPERATION DELIBERATE FORCE . 31 5 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . 43 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 53 iii iv Abstract The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated Operation Deny Flight at the request of the United Nations (UN) Security Council in April 1993, in response to the ongoing war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Two and one-half years later, in December 1995, Deny Flight officially ended after an almost continuous 970-day aerial presence constituting over 100,000 aircraft sorties. In that time, NATO aircraft dropped more than 3,000 bombs while participating in combat operations for the first time in alliance history. Deny Flight’s initial mission was to enforce a UN Security Council mandated no-fly zone over Bosnia. This mission expanded in the ensuing months to include close air support when requested for UN protection forces (UNPROFOR) on the ground and to deter Serb aggression against six UN-designated safe areas. -
The UN Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect
The UN Security Council and the Responsibility to Protect FAVORITA PapeRs 01/2010 01/2010 S The UN Security Council PAPER A and the Responsibility to Protect FAVORIT Policy, Process, and Practice DA 39th IPI VIenna SemInar BN 978-3-902021-67-0 s I "FAVORITA PAPERS" OF THE DIPLOMATIC ACADEMY OF VIENNA The ‘Favorita Papers’ series is intended to complement the academic training for international careers which is the core activity of the Diplomatic Academy. It reflects the expanding conference and public lectures programme of the Academy by publishing substantive conference reports on issues that are of particular relevance to the understanding of contemporary international problems and to the training for careers in diplomacy, international public service and business. The series was named ‘Favorita Papers’ after the original designation of the DA’s home, the imperial summer residence ‘Favorita’ donated by Empress Maria Theresia to the ‘Theresianische Akademie’ in 1749. Contributions to this series come from academics and practitioners actively engaged in the study, teaching and practice of international affairs. All papers reflect the views of the author. THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL AND THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT: POLICY, PROCESS, AND PRACTICE 39th IPI Vienna Seminar Diplomatic Academy of Vienna Favorita Papers 01/2010 Edited by: Hans Winkler (DA), Terje Rød-Larsen (IPI), Christoph Mikulaschek (IPI) ISBN 978-3-902021-67-0 ©2010 The Diplomatic Academy of Vienna The Diplomatic Academy of Vienna is one of Europe’s leading schools for post-graduate studies in international relations and European affairs. It prepares young university graduates for the present-day requirements of successful international careers in diplomacy, public administration and business. -
Introduction Chapter 1 the Congo 1960-1965 Chapter 2 the Nigerian
Notes Introduction I. George Thayer, The War Business, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1969, p 169. 2. Wilfred Burchett and Derek Roebuck, The Whores of War, Penguin Books, 1977, p. 156. 3. Thayer, op. cit., p. 169. 4. Defence Today, 08/09/1990. Chapter 1 The Congo 1960-1965 I. Thayer, op. cit., p 173. 2. Ibid., p 174. 3. The Times, 26/10/1960. 4. Africa Digest, June 1961. 5. The Guardian, 08/05/1961. 6. The Times, 29/08/1961. 7. The Guardian, 30/08/1961. 8. The Times, 22/12/1961. 9. The Observer, 29/04/1962. 10. Patrick Keatley, The Guardian, 17/11/1962. 11. The Times, 31/12/1962. 12. Financial Times, 08/04/1964. 13. The Guardian, 30/04/1964. 14. The Observer, 30/08/1964. 15. The Guardian, 25/08/1964. 16. The Times, 15/09/1964. 17. Derek Wilson, Sunday Times, 29/11/1964. 18. Colin Legum, The Observer, 29/11/1964. 19. The Times, 31/01/1965. 20. The Times, 27/04/1965. 21. Colin Legum, The Observer, 18/04/1965. 22. The Observer, 29/08/1965. 23. Ian Davidson, Financial Times, 24/08/1967. 24. John de St Jorre, The Observer, 27/08/1967. 25. David Paskov, Daily Telegraph, 28/11/1967. 26. Le Monde, 18/11/1967. Chapter 2 The Nigerian Civil War I. John de St Jorre, The Nigerian Civil War, Hodder & Stoughton, 1970, p 313. 175 176 Notes 2. Thayer op. cit., p 169. 3. African Digest, February 1968. 4. Thayer, op. cit., p 170. 5. African Digest, February 1968. -
Like Much of the Content of the United Nations Charter, the Provisions
NATO and the United Nations During UNPROFOR (Abstract) - Jane Boulden The conflict in Bosnia in the early 1990s was the source of a number of firsts for the international community. For NATO it marked the first time that its troops were involved in military action. For both the United Nations and NATO it was the first time that the two organizations worked together in dealing with a situation of conflict. And for both organizations, this experience occurred at a time of transition. NATO was seeking to redefine itself in the post-Cold War era and was debating the possibility of enlargement. The United Nations was riding a post-Cold War wave of optimism about its ability to deal with international peace and security issues. For both organizations the experience was a harsh one, almost bringing both to the breaking point. A number of lessons flow from this, for the organizations individually and together, as well as for the international community as a whole. This paper examines the NATO-UN relationship as it developed and evolved during the UNPROFOR operation in Bosnia. It does so by first exploring the origins of both organizations and how they each envisaged their relationship with the other. The specific experience in Bosnia is then examined with a special focus on the debate and decision- making surrounding the use of air power and air strikes. A number of conclusions and questions flow from the analysis. First, NATO survived a very severe test of its unity and capabilities. Its involvement in the Bosnian crisis and the various problems that this created for the alliance occurred precisely at the time when the alliance itself was in the midst of a major political transition.