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Altreitalie 52 ALTREITALIE gennaio-giugno 52/2016 Rivista internazionale di studi sulle migrazioni italiane nel mondo International journal of studies on Italian migrations in the world INDICE Saggi Gianfranco Cresciani Sidney’s Italians and the PCI 5 Sommario | Abstract | Résumé | Extracto 49 Stefano Villani L’Emanuello e la missione protestante episcopale di Filadelfia (1882-1945) [Emanuello and the Episcopal Protestant Mission (1882-1845)] 51 Sommario | Abstract | Résumé | Extracto 75 Marina De Zan Il protagonismo dell’arte italiana nel Giappone Meiji [The central role of Italian art in Meiji Japan] 77 Sommario | Abstract | Résumé | Extracto 106 Rassegna Convegni Harbors. Flows and Migrations of Peoples, Cultures, and Ideas. The U.S.A. in/and the World (Stefano Luconi) 108 Giornata di studio “Le radici della politica migratoria italiana” (Riccardo Roba) 110 Libri Michele Colucci e Stefano Gallo (a cura di), Tempo di cambiare. Rapporto 2015 sulle migrazioni interne in Italia (Pietro Pinna) 113 Francesca Fauri, Storia economica delle migrazioni italiane (Donato Verrastro) 115 Corrado Bonifazi, L’Italia delle migrazioni (Alessandra Gissi) 117 Michele Colucci e Stefano Gallo, L’emigrazione italiana. Storia e documenti (Mariavittoria Albini) 119 Stefano Gallo, Il Commissariato per le migrazioni e la colonizzazione interna (1930-1940). Per una storia della politica migratoria del fascismo (Matteo Pretelli) 121 Patrizia Audenino, La casa perduta. La memoria dei profughi nell’Europa del Novecento (Silvia Salvatici) 123 Simone Cinotto (ed.), Making Italian America. Consumer Culture and the Production of Ethnic Identities (Stephen Fielding) 125 Joseph Sciorra, Built with Faith. Italian American Imagination and Catholic Material Culture in New York City (David J. Puglia) 127 Edvige Giunta and Joseph Sciorra (eds.), Embroidered Stories: Interpreting Women’s Domestic Needlework from the Italian Diaspora (Raffaella Biagioli) 130 Travis Tomchuk, Transnational Radicals. Italian Anarchists in Canada and the U.S. 1915-1940; Kenyon Zimmer, Immigrants Against the State. Yiddish and Italian Anarchism in America (Nathan Jun) 134 Linda Barrett Osborne e Paolo Battaglia (a cura di), Trovare l’America. Storia illustrata degli Italo Americani nelle collezioni della Library of Congress (Sebastiano Martelli) 136 Luigi Fontanella, L’adolescenza e la notte (Sergio D’Amaro) 139 Luigi Bonaffini e Joseph Perricone (eds.), Poets of the Italian Diaspora. A Bilingual Anthology (Sergio D’Amaro) 140 Sarah Rolfe Prodan, Friulians in Canada (Javier P. Grossutti) 142 Segnalazioni 145 Riviste 147 Saggi Sidney’s Italians and the PCI Gianfranco Cresciani Historical Consultant, New South Wales Non si pretenda che i lavoratori italiani portino qui solo le braccia e lascino la testa a casa. (One cannot expect that Italian workers bring here with them only their muscles and leave at home their brains). (FIG/PCI, 1978/482/60) «It’s time». This slogan, emblematic of the coming to power of the Australian Labor Party in December 1972 under the leadership of Edward Gough Whitlam, had a profound effect on migrants of non-English speaking background. The venue chosen to launch the Party’s electoral campaign on 13 November, the Blacktown Civic Centre, was significant. Blacktown hosted one of the largest concentrations of migrants in the country, especially Italians. The two largest Italo-Australian companies employing several thousand Italian migrants, Electric Power Transmission (EPT) and Transfield, had their construction factories in the Blacktown area, the former at Marayong and the latter at Seven Hills. EPT had also a workshop on Parramatta Road, Leichhardt, a suburb where many Italians resided. Leichhardt was something of an US-style «Little Italy» by reason of its strong Italian presence, with shops, businesses, restaurants, clubs and entertainment places being managed almost exclusively by Italians. It also hosted a bookshop, the Libreria Italiana. Labor’s appeal to the «New Australians», as the assimilationist lore of the time dubbed newcomers, found its reason in the refreshing policies introduced by the new government after more than twenty years of stifling, unimagina- tive, monocultural conservative rule. The White Australia policy was finally repealed. Its legal end is usually placed in the year 1973, when the Whitlam 5 Altreitalie gennaio-giugno 2016 Labor government implemented a series of amendments preventing the enforce- ment of racial aspects of the immigration law. Multiculturalism was proclaimed, Australia opened to the world with the government recognizing the People’s Republics of Vietnam and China, as well as a spate of People’s Republics of Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe. Australia was coming out of the Cold War and bringing home its troops from Vietnam, where some not yet naturalized Italian migrants had unwittingly been called to serve, thanks to the abhorred lottery system that forced people whose birthday date was drawn from the bar- rel to be compulsorily drafted. Some recently arrived young Italians had been influenced by the 1968 Italian student revolt, in the wake of the French one, that controversially preached l’imagination au pouvoir. They liked the imagination and drive manifested by the Whitlam government and were willing to take part in the process of making Australia a more progressive and egalitarian society. Multiculturalism became the dominant ideology of the time, paradoxically advo- cating the «levelling» of socio-economic differences by proclaiming slogans like «unity in diversity» and the rights of «ethnics». The invention of the «ethnic» and its «identity politics» furthered the obfuscation and then the destruction of class in the following decades and so paved the way to neoliberal hegemony. For the first time in many years, migrants felt – one doubts how realistic their expectations were – that they were called to contribute to this nation-building process by bringing their experience, their culture and their aspirations to the fore of the political debate. For the first time, they felt being «consulted» and not ignored on the assumption that they were mainly interested in their families and their material well-being. They objected being treated just as factory fodder, prodded to assimilate to the way of life of the dominant Anglo-Celtic culture after having discarded, if that would ever be possible, their language, heritage and traditions. However, they soon realized that the road ahead was not easy, that they had to fight for the recognition of their rights to education, social as- sistance and political participation. To do this, they needed an organisation to put forward their claims. Existing, long-standing Italian institutions were eminently unsuited to per- form this task. Traditionally, they were linked to the Catholic Church, to the Italo-Australian business establishment that included importers of foodstuffs from Italy, wool buyers, bankers, shipping agents, traders and owners of the Italo-Australian Press. During the Cold War years, these institutions looked with disdain and concern at the presence of «left-wing» or «communist» initiatives and of focolai di sovversivismo (subversive dens) such as the newspaper Il Risveglio, the Italo-Australian Club in George Street, Sydney and the Garibaldi Bar in Darlinghurst, owned or managed by Jewish refugees, anti-fascist militants and former partisans1. 6 Altreitalie gennaio-giugno 2016 The Cold War years were also coincidental with the mass migration of Italians to Australia. In 1947-51 some 42,600 Italians settled in this country, in 1952-60 arrivals totalled 177,600, in 1961-65 67,300, in 1966-70 62,200, to drastically diminish during 1971-75, when only 18,500 arrived2. Those were also the years of the witch-hunt against alleged communist fellow travellers, of the Red Peril, of the policy of assimilation. Before emigrating, Italians were screened by the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation’s (ASIO) Liaison Officer staffed at the Migration Office of Rome’s Embassy and by the Cara- binieri and if found to be a member of the Italian Communist Party, left-wing organisations or of the mafia, were excluded from being accepted. Those who made it were discouraged from supporting each other by forming in Australia their own political pressure groups, their enclaves, their commercial or cultural and formally apolitical Little Italies, and were prodded to instantly transmogrify from being a «weird mob» into «New Australians». In 1976, Michael McK- ellar, Minister for Immigration, in stating his reason for deporting journalist Ignazio Salemi, stated: «He is, of course, an active organiser amongst Italian migrants on behalf of the Communist Party of Italy. The Government respects the right of people to hold varying political beliefs. However, it has been the view of successive governments that it is not in the interests of Australia or of the migrants in Australia that political differences in their countries of origin should be pursued in Australia»3. Discrimination at school, in the workplace, in business, shops and places of public entertainment was of common occurrence, although it compared favourably with the inequity and corruption that compelled migrants, among other reasons, to leave Italy. A monocultural, dominant major- ity could hardly tolerate the assertion of their difference and of their rights by members of what in 1971 was the largest non-Anglo-Celtic community group in Australia, totaling, according the Census held in that year, 289,476 Italy-born people. The public
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