TAB 5
Court File No. 006-40438 PROVINCIAL COURT OF MANITOBA
BETWEEN:
HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN
PLAINTIFF
AND:
WILLIAM NEAL GOODON
DEFENDANT
DEFENDANT'S DOCUMENTS RAY REPORT
Jean Teillet Pape Salter Teillet Barristers and Solicitors #460 - 220 Cambie Street VANCOUVER, BC V6B 2M9 Telephone: 604-681-3002 Facsimile: 604-681-3050
Solicitors for the Defenrinnt INDEX
TAB NO.
Curriculz~mVitae of Dr. Arthur J. Ray
Ray, Arthur, Me'tis Economic Communities and Settlements in the 1Ph Centuw - 4 THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Curriculum Vilnefor Fflcrrl?~Members
ARTHUR J. RAY, FRSC
PROFESSOR, HISTORY DEPARTMENT (Appointed 1981)
SCHOLARLY AND PROFESSIONAL ACTMTIES
ACADEMIC AWARDS AND DISTINCTIONS
Woodrow Wilson International Fellowship SSHRC Bora Laskin National Research Fellowship in Human Rights Appointed Co-Editor, Canadian Hisforical Review Elected Fellow, Royal Society of Canada Canada Council National Killam Research Fellowship, 2000-2002 Visiting Senior Fellow, Institute of Social Change and Critical Inquiry, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, Australia, May 2002 UBC I Certificate of Appreciation from the Gitxsan People for historical research and expert testimony in Delgamuukw vs. Regina Certificate of Appreciation, Office of the Treaty Commissioner of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST Economic history and geography of the North and of the Native Peoples of Canada Comparative history of Native-newcomer relations in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States Comparative history of litigation research in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. PUBLICATIONS BOOKS (from most recent) A. J. Ray, 2005 [1996], 1 Have Lived Here Since flre Worlrl Began, Toronto: Key Porter Books, Second Revised Edition, 398 pp. A. J. Ray, Jim Miller, and Frank G. Tough, 2000, Borrnfy and Benevolence: A History of Saskntchewan Trenties, Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 293 pp. Arthur 1. Ray Page 2 /. A. J. Ray, 1998 [1974], Indians in the Fur Trade: their Role as Trappers, Hrtnters, and Middlemen in the Lands Sortflr~vestof Hudson Bay, 1660-1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 242 pp. A. J. Ray, 1990, The Fur Trade in the Induslrial Age, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 283 pp. A. J. Ray and C. Judd, eds., 1980, ~ld'?railsandNe~v Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 337 PP. A. J. Ray ancl D. B. Freeman, 1978, Give Us Good Measure: An Economic Analysis of Relations between the Indians and the Hztdson's Bay Company before 1763, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 298 pp. A. J. Ray ancl C. Heidenreich, 1976, The Early Fur Trades: A Strrdy in Crrltural Interaction, Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 95 pp. REFEREED BOOK CHAPTERS (from most recent) A. J. Ray, 2002 [1987], "When Two Worlds Met," in Craig Brown, ecl., The Illustrated History of Canada. Toronto: Key Porter Books: 17-104. (This book is now in its 31d revised edition. There are also French and Spanish edition*.) A. J. Ray, 1999, "'OuldBetsy and Her Daughter': Fur Trade Fisheries in Northern Ontario," in D. Newell and R. Ommer, eds., Fishing Places, FishingPeople: Issues and Traditionsin Canadian Small-scale FiFheries. Toronto: University of Toronto Pres: 80-96. A. J. Ray, 1999, "Introduction," to H. A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada, 3'd edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press: v-xix. A. J. Ray, 1996, "Recent Trends in Northern Historiography," Special Issue, Essays on Canadian Writing, 59: 209-27. A. J. Ray, 1996, "The Northern Interior," in B. Trigger and W. Washburn, eds., Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the New World, Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 259-328. A. J. Ray, 1993, "Some Thoughts about the Reasons for Spatial Dynamism in the Early Fur Trade, 1580-1700," in H. Epp, ed., Three Hundred Prairie Years. Regina: Plains Research Centre: 113-23. A. J. Ray, 1993, "The Historical Geographer and the Gitksan and Wet'suet'en Comprehensive Claim: the Role of the Expert Witness," in Garth Cant et a]., eds., Indigenous Land Rights in Commonwealth Counfries: Dispossession, Negotiation and Commuraity Action. Christchurch, New Zealand: Dept. of Geography, University of Canterbury and the Ngai Tahu Maori Trust Board for the Commonwealth Geographical Bureau: 81-87. A. J. Ray, 1993, "At the Cutting Edge: Indians and the Expansion of the Land-Based Fur Trade in Northern North America, 1550-1750," in H. Nitz, ed., The Early Modem World-System in Geographical Perspective. Stuttgart, Germany: Steiner Verlag: 3 17-26. Arthur I. Ray Page 3 A. J. Ray, 1991,"Fur Trade History and the Gitksan-Wet'suwet'en Comprehensive Claim: Men of Property and the Exercise of Title," in Kerry Abel and Jean Friesen, eds., Aboriginal Resource Use in Canada: Historical and Legal Aspects. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press: 301-16. A. J. Ray, 1990, "The Decline of Paternalism in the Hudson's Bay Company Fur Trade, 1870-1945," in Rosemary Ommer, ed., Merchant Credit & Labour Strategies in Historical Perspective. Fredericton: Acadiensis Press: 188-202. A. J. Ray, 1988, "The Hudson's Bay Company and Native Peoples," in ~jlcomb Washington, ed., The Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 4: History of Indian-White Relations. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press: 335-50. A. J. Ray, 1985, "Buying and Selling Hudson's Bay Company Furs in the Eighteenth Century," in D. Cameron, ed., Explorations in Canadian Economic History: Essays in Honour of Irene M Spry. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press: 95-115. A. J. Ray, 1984, "Periodic Shortages, Native Welfare, and the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1930," in Shepard Krech 111, ed., The Subarctic Fur Trade: Native Social and Economic Adaptations. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press: 1-20. A. J. Ray, 1978, "Opportunity and Challenge: The Hudson's Bay Company Archives and Canadian Science and Technology," in R. Jarrell and Norman Ball, eds., Science, Technology, and Canadian History. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press: 45-59. A. J. Ray, 1978, "The Hudson's Bay Company Fur Trade in the Eighteenth Century: A Comparative Economic Study," in J. R. Gibson, ed., EtneopeanSettlement and Development in North America: Essays on the Geography of Change in Honor and Memory of Andrew H. Clark. Toronto: University of Toronto Press: 116-35. A. J. Ray, 1978, "Fur Trade History as an Aspect of Native History," in D. Smith and I. Getty, eds., One Century Later. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press: 7- 19. REFEREED ARTICLES (from most recent) A. J. Ray, 2005 "Constructing and Reconstructing Native History: A Comparative Look at the Impact of Aboriginal and Treaty Rights Claims in Australia, New Zealand and North America," Special Issue of Native Studies Review, 16 (1) January: 15-38. A. J. Ray, 2003, Facts, Theories, and Cultural-Historical Expertise in Aboriginal Title Claims Litigation in Australia and North America, 19462002," in I. McCalman and A. McGrath, editors, Proof and Truth: The Humanist As Expert. Occasional Papers. Canberra: Australian Academy of the Humanities, October, 97-120. A. J. Ray, 2003, "Native History on Trial: Confessions of An Expert Witness," Canadian Historical Review, 84 (2) June: 253-273. A. J. Ray, 2003, "Aboriginal Title and Treaty Rights Research: A Comparative Look at Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States," New Zealand Journal of History, 34 (1) (April): 5-21. Arthur J. Ray Page 4 A. J. Ray, 2000, "Regina v. Marshall: Native History, the Judiciary, and the Public," Acadiensis, 29 (Spring). A. J. Ray, 1999, "Treaty 8: An Anomaly of the First Nations History of British Columbia," BC Studies, 123 (Autumn): 5-58. R. Galois and A. J. Ray, 1993, "Fur Trade in the Cordillera to 1857," in L. Gentilcore, ed., Historical Atlas of CJnada, Vol. 2. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, plate 19. A. J. Ray, 1993, "Creating the Image of the Savage in Defense of the Crown: The Ethnohistorian in Court," Special Issue, Native Studies Review 6 (2): 13-28. A. J. Ray, 1988, "Measuring Dependency," in Proceedings, Overcoming Dependency. Chicago: Newbeny Library, D'Arcy McNickle Center of the History of the American Indian, Occasional Papers, 9: 95-100. A. J. Ray, 1987, "The Fur Trade in North America: An Overview from.an Historical and Geographical Perspective," in Resonrce Management and the Nortfi American Fzrr Trade. 'Toronto: Wildlife Branch, Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, 13-21. A. J. Ray, W. Moodie, and C. Heidenriech, 1987, "Rupert's Land," in R.C. Harris and G. J. Matthews, eds., Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol. 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, plate 57. A. J. Ray, 1987, "Bayside Trade, 1720-1780," in R.C. Harris and G. J. Matthews, eds., Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol. 1, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, plate 60. D.W. Moodie, B. Kaye, V.P. Lytwyn, and A. J. Ray, 1987, "Competition and Consolidation, 1760-1825," in R.C. Harris and G. J. Matthews, eds., His(orica1 Atlas of Canada, Vol. 1, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, plate 61. D.W. Moodie, B. Kaye, V.P. Lytwyn, and A. J. Ray, 1987, "Peoples of the Boreal Forest and Parkland," in R.C. Harris and G. J. Matthews, eds., Historical,Atlas of Canada, Val. 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, plate 65. A. J. Ray and Arthur Roberts, 1986, "Approaches to the Ethnohistory of the Subarctic: A Review of the Handbook of North American Indians: Subarctic," Ethnohistory, 32 (3): 270-80. A. J. Ray, 1984, "The Northern Great Plains: Pantry of the Northwestern Fur Trade, 1774-1885," Prairie Forum, Special Issue, "Man: User and Modifier of Canadian Plains Resources," 9 (2): 263-80. A. J. Ray, 1982, "Reflections on Fur Trade Social History and M6tis History in Canada," American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 6 (2): 91-207. A. J. Ray, 1980, "Indians as Consumers in the Eighteenth Century," in C. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions. Toronto: University of Toronto Press: 255-71. A. J. Ray, 1978, "Competition and Conservation in the Early Subarctic Fur Trade," Ethnohistory, 25 (4): 347-58. Arthur J. Ray Page 5 A. J. Ray, 1977, "Trade and Imperial Approaches: Introduction," in Approaches to Native History in Canada, National Museum of Man Mercury Series, History Division, Paper no. 25, Ottawa: 44-48. A. J. Ray, 1976, "Diffusion of Diseases in the Western Interior of Canada, 1830- 1850," The Geographical Review, 66 (2): 139-57. A. J. Ray, 1976, "The Early Hudson's Bay Company Account Books as Sources for Historical Research: An Analysis and Assessment," Archivaria, 1 (1): 3-38. A. J. Ray, 1976, "The Hudson's Bay Company Account Books as Sources for Comparative Economic Analyses of the Fur Trade: An Examination of Exchange Rate Data," Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, 6 (1): 30-45. A. J. Ray, 1976, "History and Archaeology of the Northern Fur Trade," American Antiquity, 43 (1): 26-34. D. W. Moodie and A. J. Ray, 1976, "Buffalo Migrations in the Canadian Plains," Plains Anthropologist, 21 (71): 45-52. C.A. Bishop and A. J. Ray, 1976, "Ethnohistoric Research in the Central Subarctic: Some Conceptual and Methodological Problems," Western Canadian Jozrrnal of Anthropology, 6 (I): 116-44. A. J. Ray, 1975, "The Factor and the Trading Captain in the Hudson's Bay Company Fur Trade before 1763," Mercury Series, National Museum of Man, Ethnology Service, Paper 28: 586-602. A. J. Ray, 1975, "Some Conservation Schemes of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1821- 50: An Examination of the Problems of Resource Management in the Fnr Trade," Journal of Historical Geography, 1 (1): 49-68. A. J. Ray, 1972, "Early French Mapping of the Western Interior of Canada: A View from Hudson Bay," The Canadian Cartographer, 9 (2): 85-98. A. J. Ray, 1972, "Indian Adaptations to the Forest-Grassland Boundary of Manitoba and Saskatchewan, 1650-1821: Some Implications for Inter-Regional Migration," Canadian Geographer, 16 (2): 103- 118. Reprinted Articles A. J. Ray, 2003 [1984], "Periodic Shortages, Native Welfare, and the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1930," reprinted in K. S. Coates and W. R. Morrison, eds., Interpreting Canada's North. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman. A. J. Ray, 1996 [1980], "Indians as Consumers in the Eighteenth Century," reprinted in R. Fisher and I<. Coates, eds., Out of the Background: Readings on Canadian Native History. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman. A. J. Ray, 1993 [I9781 "Competition and Conservation in the Early Subarctic Fur Trade," Ethnohistory, 25 (4): 347-58, 1978," reprinted in Craig E. Colten and L. Dilsaver, eds., Historical Geography and the American Environment. Savage, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. Arthur J. Ray Page 6 A. J. Ray, 1993 [I9781 "Competition and Conservation in the Early Subarctic Fur Trade," reprinted in Craig E. Colten and L. Dilsaver, eds., Historical Geography and the American Environment. Savage, Marylancl: Rowman & Littlefield. A. J. Ray, 1986 [1978], "Fur Trade History as an Aspect of Native History," reprinted in R. D. Francis and D. B. Smith, ed., Readings in Canadian History: Pre- Confederation, 2nd edition. Toronto: Qolt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada. A. J. Ray, 1981 and 1990 [1976], "Diffusion of Diseases in the Western Interior of Canada, 1830-1850," reprinted in S.E.D. Shortt, ed., Medicine in Canadian Society: Historical Perspectives. Montreal, McGill-Queen's University Press; also, G. Wynn, ed., People, .Places, Patterns and Processes: Geographic Perspectives oh Canada's Past. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman. Forthcoming (peer review completed ancl publication scheduled) A. J. Ray, "Kroeber and the California Claims:Historical Particularism and Cultural Ecology in Court," in Richarcl Handler, editor, Central Sites, Peripheral Visions: Czrltural and Institutional Crossings in the History of Anthropology History of Anthropology, Vol. 11. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press [2006]: 35 pp," A. J. Ray, 'From the United States Indian Claims Commission Cases to Delgamnzrkw.' In Louis Knafla, Aboriginal Title and Indigenous Peoples: Comparative Essays on Australia, New Zealand, and Western Canada. calgary: University of Calgary Press [2006]: 25 pp. A. J. Ray, "Anthropology, History and Aboriginal Rights: Politics and the Rise of Ethnohistory in North America in the 1950s," in Arif Derlik, ed., From Colonialism to Globalism: Changing Times, Changing Spaces, and Our Ways of Knowing. Savage, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield [Autumn 20061: 35 pp. A. J. Ray, "I.and, Livelihood and Aboriginal Rights: the MCtis of Sa~rltSte. Marie," in Marc Pinkoski, ed., Anthropology, First Nations and the Law. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press [2006]: 30 pp. Other Publications and Reports: Dictionaries, Encyclopedias, Magazines A. J. Ray, 'Aboriginals in the fur Trade,' 'Aboriginal title and Treaty ~i'~hts,' 'bottom of the bay,' 'fur trade,' and 'Hudson's Bay Company,' in G. Hallowell, Oxford Dictionary of Canadian History. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2004: 12, 14-16, 80, 246-8, and 297-8. A. J. Ray, "Adventurers at the Crossroads," The Beaver, AprilIMay 1986: 4-12. A. J. Ray, "Hudson's Bay Company," The Canadian Encyclopedia, Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1985, 843-44. A. J. Ray, "William Todd," Dictionary of Canadian Biography, 1985, 8: 888-90. A. J. Ray, "York Factory: The Crises of Transition, 1870-1880," The Beaver, 1982, 312: 26-31. Arthur J. Ray Page 7 A. J. Ray, "Higgling and Haggling at Ye Bay," The Beaver. 1977, 308: 38-46. A. J. Ray, "The Historical Landscape of Albion Township: A Preliminary Survey," prepared and published by Policy Division, Planning Department, Regional Municipality of Peel, Ontario, 1976. A. J. Ray, "Smallpox: The,Epidemic of 1837-38," The Beaver, 1975, 306: 8-13. Consulting Reports Aboriginal and treaty rights litigation/negotiation support* A. J. Ray, Frank Tough, and Jim Miller, 1998, "Bounty and Benevolence: A History of Treaty-Making in Canada," 455 pp. (Prepared for Office of the Treaty Commission of Saskatchewan for use in its education program and for negotiation purposes.) A. J. Ray, 1998, "The Economic Background to Treaty 6," 108 pp. (Prepared for Samson Cree First Nation for use in Victor Buffalo v, Regina. This litigation is at trial.) A. J. Ray, 1998, "An Economic History of the Robinson Treaty Area before 1850," 55 pp. (Prepared for Ruby, Salter, Teillet and Associates for use in the Mktis rights case, Regina v. Powley. The trial judge, the Ontario Court of Appeal, and the Supreme Court of Canada cited this report favourably. It is a landmark Mbtis rights decision.) A. J. Ray, "Flying Post: An Economic History," 55 pp. (Prepared for Joyce L. Pelletier, 1996.) A. J. Ray, 1994, "Aboriginal Fishing for Commercial Purposes in Northern Ontario Before Treaty 9," 300 pp. (Prepared for Francis Thatcher and Martin.Falls First Nation for use in Regina vs. Monias.) A. J. Ray, 1986, "Economy of North Eastern B.C., 1980s," 22 pp. (Prepared for B.C. Legal Aid Society for use in Regina vs. Walker, 1987; I presented it at trial.) A. J. Ray, 1985, "Economy of the Peace River, 1870-1930," 25 pp. (Prepared for Alberta Indian Federation for use in Regina v. Horseman. The trial judge and the Supreme Court of Canada cited it favourably. This is a landmark treaty rights decision.) A. J. Ray, 1985, "The Early Economic History of the Gitksan and Wet'suwet'en- Babine Tribal Territories: 1822-30," 85 pp. (Prepared for Gitksan-Wet'suwet'en Tribal Council. The trial judge and the British Columbia Court of Appeal cited it favourably. This is a landmark aboriginal land claims case.) *Note: In its R. vs. Marshall of 5 November 1999 the Supreme Court of Canada also cited my 1993 article "Creating the Image of the Savage in Defense of the Crown: The Etbnohistorian in Court," Special Issue, Native Studies Review 6 (2): 13-28. Heritage Reports Arthur J, Ray Page 8 A. J. Ray, 1989 (March), "The Land-Based Fur Trade of British Columbia, 1820-24," Final Research Report to British Columbia Heritage Trust, 41 pp, A. J. Ray, 1982, "Moose Factory Museum Design Proposal," 50 pp. (Pfepared for Ontario Ministry of Citizenship and Culture, 77 Bloor Street West, Toronto.) A. J. Ray and C. Judd, 1982, "Moose'Factory's Maritime Heritage," 98 pp. (Prepared for Ontario Ministry of Citizenship and Culture, 77 Bloor Street West, Toronto.) A. J. Ray, 1981, "Report of Moose Factory Community Heritage Survey," 310 pp. (Prepared for Ontario Ministry of Citizenship and Culture, 77 Bloor Street West, Toronto.) A. J. Ray, 1978, "Does York Factory's Past Have a Future?" 25 pp. (Prepared for Parks Canada, Prairie Regional Office, 114 Gamy Street, Winnipeg.) RECENT INVITED PRESENTATIONS [ last 5 years] 2005 'Aboriginal land claims and ethnohistory: making a case with historical evidence,' Aboriginal and Treaty Rights Conference, Sponsored by Maurice Law, Calgary, July. 2005 Wistory Wars' and Treaty Rights in Canada: the case of Victor Buffalo ef 01, v. Regina, 'Pacific Northwest Indian Treaties in National and International contexts, Sponsored by University of Washington, Seattle, May. 2005 4Anthropologists/historians as Expert Witnesses,' Society for Applied Anthropology, Santa Fe, April. 2004 'Ethnohistorical experts and evidence in claims litigationlresolution: reflections on the problems and attempted solutions,' Keynote address, Federal Justice Department, National Aboriginal Affairs Portfolio Litigation Lawyers Conference, Vancouver, March. 2004 "Metis History and Regina v. Powley," Metis Law Conference, Native Law Students Association, University of Alberta, Edmonton, hilarch. 2003, "The Facts of MBtis History," Keynote address Pacific Business and Law Institute Symposium, "The Supreme Court of Canada Recognizes MBtis Rights, Toronto, November. 2003 "The Facts of M6tis History," Symposium, "The Supreme Coult of Canada Recognizes Mitis Rights," sponsored by Pacific Business and Law Institute, Toronto, 20-2 1 November. 2003 "The Claims Process in Australia and North America: A Comparative Perspective," Indigenous Bar Association, Annual Meeting: Student Day, First Nations House of Learning, University of British Columbia, October. 2003 "Ethnohistorical Experts and Evidence: Oral and Documentary Sources," Symposium, "Aboriginal Law 2003," sponsored by Pacific Business and Law Institute, ArUlur J. Ray Page 9 Ottawa, September. 2003 'From the United States Indian Claims Commission Cases to Delgamuukw.' Delgamu'ukw, Mabo, and Ysleta: Native Title in Canada, Australia, and the United States, A conference sponsored by Socio-Legal Studies (RUSLS), University of Calgary, Calgary, September. 2003 "Constructing and Reconstructing Native History: A Comparative Look at Aboriginal Title and Treaty Rights Claims in North America and Australia," Lecture Series, St. John's College, University of British Columbia, September. 2003 Symposium, "Native-Newcomer Relations: Comparative Perspectives," History Department, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, May. 2003 "A Brief History of Native Claims Research in North America," Guest Lecture, Faculty of Law, University of Alberta, March. 2003 "Ethnohistorical Evidence and Changing Anthropological Theories in North America," Canada, Justice Department, Native Litigation Section (Toronto office), November. 2002 "Facts, Theories, and Cultural-Historical Expertise in Aboriginal Title Claims Litigation in Australia and North America, 1946-2002," Keynote address Seminar, "Proof and Truth: the Humanist as Expert," Australian Academy of the Humanities, Canberra, November. 2002 "The United States Indian Claims Commission and the Rise of Ethnohistory in North America," University of Wollongong, Australia, May. 2002 'Aboriginal title and Treaty rights Research: A Comparative Perspective,' Connections: From Local to global,' Keynote address Christchurch, , New Zealand Historical Society, December. 2001 "Native History and Native Claims in North America," School of Native Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, November 2001; Saskatchewan Federated Indian Colleges, Saskatoon and Regina, November. 2001 "The United States Indian Claims Commission and the Rise of Ethnohistory in North America," University Lecture, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, October. 2001 "A. L. Kroeber and the California Indian Claims, 1955-56," Seminar, Anthropology and History Departments, University of Illinois, Champaign, Illinois, October. 2001 "California Claims to Delgamuukw," Law and Society Lecture Series, Green College, University of British Columbia, September. 2000 "Economic History in Court," Keynote Address, Canadian Indigenous and Native Studies Association, Edmonton, June. 2000 "Native Economic History and Treaty Livelihood Rights: Along the Road from Horseman to Marshall, Conference of the Canadian Bar Association, 'Wegotiation or Litigation?" Winnipeg,. Arthur J. Ray Page 10 SERVICE Editorships Co-Editor, Canadian Historical Review, July 2003-2006 Editorial Board Member, Canadian Histovical Review, 2001-2003 , Editorial Board Member, Native Studies Review , 1985 to present Guest Editor, Native Studies Review 1 l(1) 1996 I. Consultancies Aboriginal claims With Frank Tough and Jim Miller for the Office of the Treaty commissioner, Saskatchewan, 1998 In support of Chief Victor Buffalo (Sampson Cree First Nation) in Chief Victor Buffalo, et al. v. Regina, Alberta, 1998 In support of Cingee (Department of Indian Affairs - Litigation support) in Cingee v. B.C. and Canada, B.C., 1997 In support of Powley in Regina v. Powley, Ontario, 1998 In support of Flying Post First Nation, Ontario, 1995 (settled out of court) In support of Nishnawbe-Aski Nation in Regina v. Moonias and Regina vs. Mishenene, Ontario, 1993-4 In support of George Walker in Regina v. Walker, B.C., 1987 In support of Mishkeegogamang First Nation in Regina v. Spade. and Wassaykeesic, Ontario, 1992 In support of Gitksan-Wet'suwet'en Tribal Council, Hazleton, B,C., for Delgamuukw v. Her Majesty the Queen in Right of the Province of British Columbia and the Attorney General of Canada, 1983-90 In support of Bert Horseman in Regina v. Horseman, Alberta, 1987 Appearances as an expert witness Victor Buffalo et al. v. Regina, 2000 Regina vs. Powley (Ontario, 1998) Regina vs. Wasseykessic (Ontario, 1992) Delgamuuhw vs. Regina (B.C. 1990) Regina vs. Walker (B.C., 1986) Regina vs. Horseman (Alberta, 1985) Heritage Advisor to assessors of Hudson's Bay Company archives, 1994 Advisor, Nipawin Archaeological Survey, Saskatchewan Research Council, 1979-1989 Director, Moose Factory Community Heritage Survey, Ministry of Citizenship and Culture, Province of Ontario, Toronto, 1980-83 Service to the Academic community 1. Co-editor, Canadian Historical Review 2. Appointed to the College of Reviewers, The Canada Research Chairs Program, 2000 to the present. 3. External Reviewer of Native Studies Department, University of Saskatchewan, Spring 1992 Arthur J. Ray Page I I 4. External Reviewer of University of Western Ontario, Graduate Program in History for Ontario Council for Graduate Studies, February 2000 TEACHING Areas of Special Interest and Accomplishments Courses Introduced at UBC History 302 Native History History 475 Aboriginal and European Contact in the Pacific History 427 Seminar in Native History History 502 Native History: Readings Teaching Recognition Rated as one of the University of British Columbia's ten most popular professors by Maclean's Survey of Canadian Universities in 1998-99 and 1999-2000 METIS ECONOMIC COMMUNITIES AND SETTLEMENTS IN THE 19~~CENTURY August 2005 DR. ARTHUR J. RAY, FRSC HISTORY DEPARTMENT UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 0 r Ray, Arthur: MBtls Economic Communities and Settlements in the I@ Century -1 - 'II. Table of Contents " I I I. Introduction I2 I 2. Metis History: Perspectives, theoretical constructs, and terminology 13 3. The Formation of Metis Settlements in the Central and Western Interior I Areas of Canada Before 1870 1 21 4. Regional Patterns to 1820-70 1 47 5. Conclusion I77 6. Sources Cited 181 Ray, Arthur: MBtis Economic Communifles and Setflemenfsin the I@Century -2- 1 Introduction The purpose of this report is to explore several basic questions that have arisen regarding the determination of Metis rights in Canada: (1) What were the socio- economic characteristics of the Nineteenth Century Metis Nation and its regional expressions in the central and western interior areas of Canada? (2) What were the spatial characteristics of Metis settlements and communities in general and in site-specific terms in the Nineteenth Century? In this report Iwill focus on the central (upper Great Lakes-Boundary Waters) and western (Prairie Provinces of ' Manitoba and Saskatchewan) regions, emphasizing the socio-economic and spatial dimensions of Metis culture in the Nineteenth Century drawing mostly, but not exclusively, on the extant literature relating to this question. 1 I would like to thank my research assistants, Patti Alison md Dr. Kenichi Matsui, for their important contributions. Ray, Arthur: MBNs Economic Communities and Settlements In the 1!f' Century -3- I M~ISHISTORY: PERSPECTIVES, THEORETICAL CONSTRUCTS, AND TERMINOLOGY Historical terms used to identify the M6tis Ideally, Metis history should provide dual perspectives -one from that of the insiders' and the other from that of the outsiders (Figure 1). In reality the history of these people largely has been written by outsiders, mostly academics. This has had several important consequences. Typically historians (broadly defined) largely have relied on documentary records. With some notable exceptions, mostly these records were created by outsiders who were associated with one of the two distinctive pre-1821 fur-trading traditions. The French initiated the first of these at the beginning of the Seventeenth Century. It was rooted in the St. Lawrence River valley. The second tradition spread from Hudson Bay. It was spearheaded by the English Hudson's Bay Company [HBC], which was founded in 1670.' The two traditions blended together after 1821 when the North West Company [NWC], which had replaced the French, and the HBC merged. Of particular relevance to the scholarship about Metis history, these two fur trading traditions produced records that reflect the different attitudes of the St. Lawrence-based and Hudson Bay-based traders toward interracial marriage and the new people who sprang from these unions. The terms these two groups of traders and their associates ascribed to the Metis reflected their different *The company was initially established using a French fur trading model but rapidly developed its own tradition. Ray, Arthur: MBNs Economlc Communltles end Settlements in the lpCentury -4- attitudes (Table 1). The French commonly used two terms: 'bois brul8' (or simply brul6) and Metis. The former term apparently was a reference to the slash-and- burn agriculture that Metis practiced at their summer settlements in the Great Lakes area3. The Hudson Bay-based English rivals of the French, and the Nor' Westers who succeeded the French after 1763, occasionally also used these terms after 1816. More commonly, the HBC traders identified people of mixed ancestry who were associated with the company as being either 'Indians.' 'Native,' or 'English' depending on how closely they were affiliated with either of the two parent cultural group^.^ Less frequently, HBC traders also used the terms 'mixed-bloods' and 'country-born.' MBtis oral tradition in Manitoba holds that the term refers to the colour of their skin. 'Jennifer Brown noted that these designations offered important clues about fur trade society and the affiliations of individuals within in it. Jennifer S.H. Brown, "Linguistic Solitudes and Changing Social Categories," Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds., Old 1Pails and New Directions: Papers ofthe Third North American Fur Trade Conference (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 153-157. I Ray, Arthur: MBfis Economlc Communiflesand Seftiements In the I@ Cenfury -5- I FW 1: M& HISDM INSIDERS' PERSPECTIVES OUTSIDERS' /' pERspEcTms \ ST.LAWRENCE 1 HUDSON'S BAY FRENCH-ENGLISH j ENGLISH BEFORE PRIG1763 AND AFTER 1763 -- -. ------Ray, Arthur: MBtis Economic Communities andsettlements in fhe 19th Century -6- I TABLE 1 Prior to 1821, the HBC writers also used the term 'freemen' to describe local men who were no longer under labour contracts to the company or its rival traders. French speakers and Nor' Westers commonly referred to these individuals as 'gens libres.' Some 'Freemen' who had been employees of the NWC were of French CanadianlNative (sometimes lroquoian) descent5 Often traders also referred to people of French Canadianlnative ancestry as being '~anadians.'~Most 'Freemen' married local women, a la fac;on du pays [in the custom of the country], and raised families. After the merger of the Hudson's Trudy Nicks, "Iroquois and the Fur Trade in Westem Canada," in Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds, Old Tiils and New Directions: Papersfrom the Third North American Fur Trade Conference. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980, 85-101; and Brown, 'MBtis,' The Canadian Encyclopedia (Edmonton: Hartig Publisher, 1985), 1124-1127, "TheMbtis: Genesis and Rebirth," Bruce Cox, ed., Nalive People, Native Lands: Canadian Indians, Intrit ond Metis (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1987), 138-140. '3acqueline Peterson, "Ethnogenesis: The Settlement and Growth of a 'New People' in the Grent Lakes Region, 1702-1815," American Indian Cuiltrre andResearch Jorrrnal6, no. 2 (1982): 25. Ray, Arthur: MBtis Economic Communities and Sefflements in the ldhCentury -7- "- Bay and North West companies in 1821, the word 'half-breed' was widely used in the fur trade. This term took on an increasingly pejorative meaning after 1870- 85, especially in English-speaking circles outside of the fur trade. After the 1870s, legal categorization, treaties and scrip schemes created additional complications for the identification of Metis in HBC records. In treaty areas, 'Indians' was the term often applied both to Native people who opted for treaties to obtain annuities and those who opted for scrip. Company accountants sometimes included Metis as 'customers' rather than as 'Indians' because they considered them as greater credit risks. The reason was that treaty 'Indians' at minimum, had a regular annuity income whereas Metis did not? 'Indians accounts' also could include Metis. Scholarly approaches and theoretical frameworks Two pioneering studies had an enduring impact on the development of historical scholarship concerning the Metis. One was George Stanley's The Birth of Western Canada (1936)' and the other was Marcel Giraud's Le metis canadien, son r6Ie dans I'histoire des provinces de I'Ouest (1945).' Both approached their studies from cultural evolutionary perspectives that were popular at the time. Stanley interpreted the Nineteenth Century Metis resistance to Canadian For example, the Manitoba House Inspection Report for 1891 makes the following remark about a list of hunters that was included: 'the list includes the Accounts of a large number of Fur hunters, who should have been treated as Indians; the reason given for their being treated as customers [see Table 6 below] was that they did not take Treaty money, having accepted scrip, but they have no means of paying their debts except by Furs.' Provincial Archives of Mantioba: Hudson's Bay Company Archives (PAMHBC), Inspection Report, Manitoba House Post, Lake ManitobaDistrict, 1891, B 53lel5, 6. ' George F. G. Stanley, The Birth of Western Canada: A History of tlze Riel Rebellions. London: Longmans, Green and Company, 1936. Marcel Giraud, Le mgtis ccanadien, son r6le dans I'histoire desprovinces de 1'Onest. Paris, Institut d'ethnologie, 1945. Ray, Arthur: MBtls Economic Communltles and Sefflemenfslnthe 19th Century -8- expansion in the Prairie West as being a clash of civilization: the primitive Metis 'T hunters fought against an expanding industrial state economy. Giraud, on the .- other hand, saw the Metis as having an economy and society that was partly primitive (their Aboriginal heritage) and partly civilized (their Euro-Canadian .- heritage).'' Although later generations of scholars faulted these two scholars for their evolutionary outlooks, nonetheless historians have continued to deploy evolutionary perspectives when writing about the Metis. For example, some scholars employ Marxist perspectives that envision a progression from primitive'1 to industrial societies. These studies have tended to portray the Metis as a class of people and downplay their existence as a social-cultural c~mmunity.'~Others, such as Irene Spry and Gerhard ~ns,'~deploy the scheme of economic historian Karl Polanyi, who imagined economic evolution as being a path leading from 'O Marcel Giraud, The Mdtis in the Canadian West, translated by Woodcock (Edmonton: University of Alberta, 1986 [1945]). " Historians of anthropology have obsenred that the notion, or rather, invention of the primitive, has been one of the most persistent ideas of their discipline because initially it was the concept that set anthropology apart fiom the other social sciences. 'Primitive people' were anthropology's domain. See, for example, John and Jean Comaroff, Ethnography and the Historical Imagination. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1992); Adam Kuper, The Invention of Primitive Society: Transformations of an Illusion. London and New York: Routledge, 1988: 3-5; Arthur J. Ray, "Reflections on Fur Trade Social History in Canada," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6, no. 2 (1982), 93; "Native History onTrial: Confessions of an Expert Witness," Canadian Historical Review 84, no. 2 (June 2003), 256; Nicholas Thomas, Out of Time: History ondEvoltrtion in Anthropological Discourse, 20d ed. , Ann Arbor: University of Michigan press, 1996. "J. E. Michael Kew, CumberlandHouse ,Saskatoon: Centre for Community Studies, University of Saskatchewan, 1962); and Nicole St-Onge, Saint-Laurent, Manitoba: EvolvingMdtis Identities. 1850-1914. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina, 2004. l3 1rene M. Spry, "The Great Transformation: The Disappearance of the Commons in Western Canada," in R.A. Allen, ed., Man and Nature on theprairies. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Centre, University of Regina, 1976,21-45; "The M6tis and Mixed-bloods of Rupert's Land before 1870," in Jennifer S.H. Brown and ~ac~uelinePeterson, eds., The New Peoples: Being aid ~ecomin~Melis in North America. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1985,95-118; and Ens, Homeland to Hinterland: The Changing World ofthe ~ed~ivei~etisin the Nineteenth Century. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996. -- Ray, Arthur: MBtls Economic Communities and Sefflementsh the lp Century -9- primitive (pre-capitalist) through archaic to modem (capitalist) ec~nomies.'~A -c- i variant of this scheme, which also echoes Girard's depiction, is the dual economy - model that is largely rooted in the economic development and dependency literature of the 1950s and 1960s.I5 Based on this perspective, Ens imagines that the nineteenth century Metis economy had 'pre-capitalist' and 'capitalist' modes of production.'" These remarkably persistent evolutionary economic schemes have two very important implications for the current struggle of the Metis for their rights. First, an underlying assumption is that making a livelihood off of the land by fishing, hunting, and trapping is an outmoded practice that is bound to be supplanted by more modern ways of making a living. In other words, these models serve to relegate such practices to the realm of lingering cultural traditions that are (or will be) of marginal economic significance. Second, a number of theories of identity formation17 and dissol~tion'~are linked to these l4 Karl Polanyi, The Great Trangfonnation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1944); George Dalton, ed., Primitive, Archaic, and Modern Economies: Essays ofKarl Polanyi. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1968. Eleanor M. Blain, "Dependency: Charles Bishop and the Northern Ojibwa," in Kerry Abel and Jean Friesen, eds., Aboriginal Resource Use in Canada: Historical and Legal Aspects (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1991); Donald Creighton, The Empire of the St, Lawrence (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1956), 16, 89-90,185-187; "The 18609," in J.M.S. Careless and R. Craig Brown, eds., The Canadians, 1867-1967 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1967): 3-36; George Dalton, "Economic Theory and Primitive Society," American Anthropologist 63 (1961): 1-25; Joseph Kinsey Howard, Strange Empire: Louis Riel A Narrative of the Northwest (New York: Morrow) 1952; W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); E. E. Rich, "Trade Habits and Economic Motivation among the Indians of North America," Canadian Journrzl ofEconomics andPoliticcr1 Science 26 (1960): 35-53; The History of Hudson's BvCompany, 1670-1870,2 vols. (London: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1958-59); The History ofthe Northwest lo 16157 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967), 102; FrankTough, "The Northern Fur Trade: A Review of Conceptual nnd Methodological Problems," Musk-Ox 36 (1988): 66-79. " Ens, Homeland lo Hinterland, 4-8; "Metis Ethnicity, Personal Identity and the Development of Capitalism in the Western Interior," in Ted Binnema, Ens, and R.C. Macleod, eds., From Rtpert's Land fo Canada. (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2001, 162. '' Frederik Barth, "Introduction," in Bnrth, ed., Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Orgnnizafion of Culture Diyerence. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1969; Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic ofpractice. - Ray, Arlhur: MBfis Economic Communities and Settlements in the IS@ Century -10- models. Put simply, they envision the Metis as being a people who bridged the native (primitive) and capitalist (western and modern) worlds. The assumption is that when the 'primitive component' dissolved (dissolves) or was (is) marginalized-- the Metis ceased (cease) to exist as distinct comm~nities.'~ According to this interpretive framework, the Metis are believed to have become merely an underprivileged class within the larger capitalist s~ciety.'~ A number of non-economic explanations also have been advanced to explain the emergence of the Metis Nation. Giraud, for example, thought that another reason why the Metis developed a self-conscious identity in the prairie west was because their settlements had developed in relative isolation for a half- century or more (the isolation thesis). He thought that external forces, especially the clash between the HBC and NWC in the early Nineteenth Century, served as a catalyst because the NWC used people of mixed ancestry as pawns.21 Later, Olive Dickason advanced a very similar argument to explain why the Metis emerged only in the Canadian Northwest even though interracial marriages Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990; Jennifer S.H. Brown, "Diverging Identities: The Presbyterian Mktis of St. Gabriel Street, Montrt5a1," Brown and Peterson, eds., The New Peoples: 195-206; David V. Burley, Gayel A. Horsfall, and John D. Brandon, Struclural Considerations ofM6tis Ethnicity: An Archaeological, Architecfural, and Hi.~toricalStudy. Vermillion, SD: University of South Dakota Press, 1992), 3-40; JobnFoster, "Some Questions and Perspectives on the Problem of Metis Roots," inBrown and Peterson, TheNew Peoples, 73-91; James B. Waldram, "Ethnostatus Distinctions in the Western Subarctic: Implications for Inter-Ethnic and Interpersonal Relations," in Joe Sawchuk, ed., Readings in Aboriginal Studies, vol. 2: Identities nnd State Structures. Brandon, Manitoba: Bearpaw Publishing, 1992,9-23. I8~ns,Homeland to Hinterlund, 169; Nicole J.M. St-Onge, 'The Dissolution of a MBtis Community: Pointe A Grouette, 1860-1885,"Studies in Political Economy 18 (Autumn 1985), 149-172. Associating the survival of the MBtis with the mercantile ('classical') fur trade also reinforced this perspective. The mercantile fur trade commonly is regarded as marking the first stage in Canadian economic development. 20 Examples are: Kew and St. Onge Giraud was one of the first to advance this idea. Giraud, The Mitis in the Canadian West, vol. 1,407- 430,453. .- Ray, Arthur: MBtis Economic Communities and Settlements in the I@ Century -11 - occurred as an aspect of the fur trade across the c~ntinent.~'Historian John Foster developed a more nuanced model that acknowledged the diversity of the northwestern MBtis. Drawing upon the work of anthropologist/socioldgist Frederik Barth and historians Louis HartzZ3and Jacqueline Peterson, Foster emphasized the importance of micro environmental factors, kinship relations, and the gender and family experiences of people of mixed ancestry who were involved in the fur trade.24 Numerous authors have offered other, less often cited, theoretical interpretations that give different weight to the variables noted above. What all of these theoretical models have in common is that they envision that the Metis existed for a short time in a few places. Put simply, they were a people born of the mercantile fur trade who died with its demise. These theories are problematic because most of them: (1) assume that Metis sense of being a distinct people did not develop outside of the Great Lakes and prairie west?5 (2) they focus on the historical experience of the buffalo-hunting ~.4tis?~(3) they 22 Olive Patricia Dickason, "From 'One Nation' in the Northeast to 'New Nation' in the Northwest: A Look at the Emergence of the MBtis," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 62 (1982): 1-21. Barth, ed., Ethnic Groups andBoundaries, 9-38; Foster, "Some Questions and Perspectives," 79; Peterson, "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Metis," Ethnohistory 25 (Winter 1978): 41-67; "Many Roads to Red Rivet: MBtis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," inBrown and Peterson, The New Peoples, 38, 65.; and Louis Hartz, editor, Thefounding ofNew Societies: Studies in the History of the UnifedStates,Latin America, South Africa, Canada, and Australia. Toronto: Longman's, 1964. "~ohnE. Foster, "Some Questions and Perspectives on the Problem of the MBtis roots," in The New Peoples, eds., Peterson and Brown (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1985) pp. 73-91. 25 Examples are: David Boisvert and Keith Turnbull, "Who Are the MBtis?" in Sawchuk, ed., Readingx in Aboriginal Studies, 115-1 16; Burley, Hotsfall, and Brandon, Structural Considerations ofMdtis Etl~niciry, 17-24; Dickason, "From 'One Nation' in the Northeast to 'New Nation' in the Northwest: A Look at the Emergence of the MBtis," American Indian CuNure and Resenrch Journal 62 (1982), 13-14; Giraud, The Mklis in the Candian West, vol. 1,211. 26 Examples are: Boisvert and Turnbull, 108-141; Brown, ' - presume that these people (and other MBtis) ceased to exist sometime by the f' '- late Nineteenth (4) they do not take into account the extent to which - discrimination against people of mixed ancestry served to stifle overt Metis - expressions of their identity and culture after 1885:' and (5) they do not consider the extent to which conservation legislation and its enforcement led the Metis to engage in an underground fishing, hunting, and trapping economy that masked their presence on the land.2g In this report I propose that we look at Metis economies somewhat differently. I abandon the evolutionaj perspectives and the cultural baggage that is associated with them. I regard Metis economies as simply having been built on multiple traditions that made it possible for these people to adapt readily to a wide range of local environments and participate in changing economies at the local, regional and national levels. Their participation meant that local Metis settlements continually adjusted to fluctuating local ecological circumstances (especially wildlife population cycles) and varying economic opportunities. Beginning in the late Nineteenth Century, racial discrimination and state regulatory regimes made it difficult for the Metis to be as flexible as in the past. Terminology: 'settlement.' 'community' and 'nation.' 27 Examples are: Boisvert and Turnhull, 134; Brown, "The MMBtis: Genesis and Rehirth,"142-143; Burley, Horsfall, and Brandon, Slntctural Conslderations ofMCtis Ethnicity, 32-33; Ens, "Metis Ethnioity, Personal Identity and the Development of Capitalism in the Western Interior," 173-174; P.R. Mailhot and D. N. Sprague, "Persistent Settlers: The Dispersal and Resettlement of the Red River M6tis, 1870-1885," Cnnudinn Ethnic Studies, 17, no. 2 (1985): 1-9. 28 St-Ouge, Saint-Lauren?, 90-94. lo he testimony in R. v. Powley made it clear that the MMBtis had to hunt moose olandestinely. .- Ray. Arthur: MBtis Economic Communities and Sefflementsin the I@'Century -13- The terms 'community' and 'settlement' are featured prominently in the historical scholarship concerning the Mbtis. The problem is that these common words have multiple meaning^.^' This fact, and the tendency for most scholars to use the two words interchangeably, has created terminological confusion, particularly with respect to the word 'community.' The problem began with the foundational study by the French historical sociologist, Marcel Giraud (1945).~' In his discussion of Canadian-Native relations in Lower Canada (present-day Quebec), Giraud does not use the words, settlement or community. He begins to use these words only after he enters into a discussion about the roles played by the freemen or "new class of men" in the The way he uses the term 'settlement' reflects the cultural evolutionary model that underpinned his work. For example, he uses the term 'settlement' mainly to refer to the more sedentary aspects of M6tis life as they were manifest in fanning activities and the construction of log houses and other structures. In other words, for Giraud, settlements were places where the M6tis left tangible evidence that they had invested their labour in the land. To illustrate, Giraud called locations where MBtis parties assembled for hunting buffalo as "semi-nomad encampment^."^^ 30 According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, the word community bas a number of common meanings: "'aunified body of individuals: as a: STATE, COMMONWEALTH b: the people with coinmon interests living in a particular area; broadly: the area itself 'the problems of a large community' c: on interacting population of various kinds of individuals (as species) in a common location d: a group of people with a common characteristic or interest living together within a larger society 'a community of retired persons' e: a group linked by a common policy f: a body of persons or nations having a common history or common social, economic, and political interests 'the international community' g: a body ofpersons of common and especially professional interests scattered through a larger society 'the academic community."' Settlement, on the other hand, refers to: a: occupation by settlers b: a place or region newly settled c: a small village.' " Marcel Giraud, The Mitis in the Canadian West, translated by Woodcock (Edmonton: University of Alberta, 1986 [1945]). 32 Ibid., 264. 33 Ibid., 271. - Ray, Arthur: MBtis Economic Communiffes and Setflementsin the I@Century -14- -. In contrast, when writing about the formation of the Red River Mdtis at the i; beginning of the Nineteenth Century, he observed that some of these 'nomad' freemen established the 'nucleus of the Pembina settlement' at the fork of the Pembina and Red rivers. He added that this was 'one of the Mdtis centres of population most dominated by prairie ways.'34 in other words, here Giraud equated 'settlement' with a developed site of habitation where the more 'civilized' dimensions of MBtis culture were obvious. In contrast, he regarded 'encampments' as being the seasonal sites MBtis occupied when hunting, fishing, and collecting. These places were expressions of the more 'primitive' aspects of Metis life. Giraud first employed the word 'community' in reference to groups who developed a distinctive cultural tradition. When doing so he drew a clear distinction between western Canada and the Great Lakes region. Giraud argued that in the West 'the affinities in character between Canadian [men of French Canadian background] and native were strongly revealed and blended the two groups in a veritable community of life and feeling.'35 Expanding on his argument, Giraud asserted that in Lower Canada the fusion of races or societies were 'the habit of irregular effort,'but in the West, it became 'the rule of life for the ~anadian.'~~In his view, such typical prairie ways were established at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine rivers, 'where several families seem to have settled by the end of the Eighteenth Century,' or the areas surrounding trading - Ray, Arthur: MBf1.s Econornlc Cornrnunltles and Sefflernenfslnthe I@ Century -15- posts such as at Fort William, where they 'organized little agricultural communities, whose activities are recalled in the primitive gardens around MBtis settlements which today form one of the most familiar images of the In these instances, Giraud clearly used the term community in reference to the places where these Metis socio-cultural groups were anchored on the land in readily visible ways. Significantly, as noted above, Giraud tended to see Metis economies, land use practices and related places of occupation as being manifestations of dichotomous primitivelcivilized tendencies rather than rational adaptations to local economic realities. The seminal work of Jacqueline Peterson (1982), who explored the roots of the Red River Metis focused on the places where the Metis gathered before 1850. She focused on the fur trading settlements of the Great Lakes area. Similar to Giraud, she is not systematic in her use of the term 'community.' Sometimes she uses it to describe the Metis as a distinctive socio-cultural group and at other times she uses it as a synonym for a physical settlement. Peterson asserts that three distinctive types of settlements developed in the Great Lakes region. One was the trading hub (Michilimackinac being an example), which was a regional administrative center of the trade. It served primarily as the regional distribution centre for trading goods and personnel management.=' in the mid- Eighteenth Century, this type of "community," as Peterson calls it, lacked material status distinctions between merchants and voyageurs. In this respect it 37~bid,,270. " Jacqueline Peterson's "Ethnogenesis: The Settlement and Growth of a 'New People' in the Great Lakes Region, 1702-1815," American Indian Culture and Research Jorrrnal6: 2 (1982): 28. .d Ray, Arthur: MBlis Economic Communities and Sefflementsin the I@ Century -16- contrasted with other Great Lakes region settlements of the French period.3g After the British took over the island, the hub town lost its "simple occupational homogeneity and local orientation" and became "a relatively complex and socially differentiated commercial and military center."40 According to Peterson's scheme, smaller corporate trading towns (like La Baye, Prairie du Chien and Frenchtown) represented a second type of settlement. They existed on the peripheries of hubs, receiving trading goods and personnel from the latter.41 The towns were marked by "a simple social organization, occupational homogeneity, and dependence upon either Michilimackinac or ~etroit."~~All were located along rivers, bays or lakeshores at important breaks in trade?3 Upper class residents included the senior "Creole" traders and their male Metis offspring, who often assumed the roles of priest, commandant, judge, and notary." According to Peterson, the "Metis community" at Green Bay (Wisconsin) became prominent after the British takeover in 1763, when worn out voyageurs or boatmen began to settle there. She observes that similar phenomenon took place at Peoria (Illinois), St. lgnace (Michigan), Fort Miamis (Fort Wayne, Indiana), and, it was of particular importance, at Sault Ste. Marie (~ntario)?~This corporate town had the highest level of metissage, or ethnogenisis, among the corporate towns during the period of NWC-HBC rivalry. She says that there were a growing number of French Canadian, Metis, and 3' Ibid, 37 40 ]bid., 42. 41 Ibid., 28. 42 bid., 44. 43 Ibid., 45. 44 Ibid., 44. 45 Ibid., 47 .- Ray, Arthur: MBlis Economic Communities and Sefllementsin the 1SLh Century -17- Scots and Irish traders fanning out from these places with their Native wives and 'f '. chi~dren.~' .- Peterson's third type of settlement was the trading hamlet, or subsidiary trading outlet. Milwaukee (Wisconsin), which had taken shape by the last decades of the Eighteenth Century, was an important examp1e.4~Peterson describes these Metis settlements as "new communities or hamlet^."^' These outlets were usually run by a single trader who had an Indian or Metis wife and his employees. Peterson contends in the small trading hamlets, residents "did not develop a keen sense of the value of individual property rights" because they were not interested in agric~lture.4~ Peterson also posits that during the formative period between 1702 and 1815, all Great Lakes trading settlements had two distinctive characteristics. First, the Metis increasingly dominated them; second, all these places operated almost exclusively for the fur trade; thus, they were often termed Canadian or "Metis" trading towns.50 So, according to Peterson's approach, settlements were places where Metis invested their labour to build homes, trading places, and sometimes (especially at the hub and corporate trading towns) developed farms. Sometimes she described these places as communities; at other times, she used the term 'community' to describe a Metis social-cultural group who lived at these sites. In some instances, their community embraced the entire settlement site; in '6 '6 Ibid., 49. 47 Ibid,,28 and 50. 48 Ibid., 50. 49 Ibid., 55. Her evidence for this broad generalization is unclear and warrants further researoh. 50 Ibid., 28-9. - Ray, Arthur: MBtis Economlc CommunMles and Settlementsin the I@ Century -18- other instances, the Metis were a component of a larger community (i.e. the local community, or component of it, could also be a class). The varied use of the term 'community' by Giraud and Peterson, including the tendency to use it as a synonym for 'settlement,' is evident in the work of most other scholars to the present day. In this report, I use the term 'community' to refer to a group of people who were interdependent, interacted socially on a regular basis, and usually were close kin. I use the term 'settlement' in reference to physical sites that are defined in terms of their built-up and cleared areas. Even though Peterson intended that it be applied to the Great Lakes, her scheme is useful more broadly because it recognizes that there was a hierarchy of fur trading settlements. This was also true of the HBCINWC networks everywhere. I have suggested the parallels in Figure 2. 1 have underlined and captioned Peterson's terms in bold type. I list the approximate Canadian equivalents in italics. Of importance, the smaller trading settlements (outposts) could be occupied exclusively by a Metis community (or the iocal component of it), whereas in the larger trading posts and district headquarters settlements, the local Metis community might be only a part of a larger community, which included First Nations and Euro-Canadians. It is also clear that a iocal Metis community could be present at more than one settlement in a particular region. In other words, the Metis regional community was not defined by the boundaries of a single settlement. Ray, Arthur: MBNs Economic Communities and Sefflemenfsin the I@ Century -19- FEi'ME 2: SETTLEMENT HIERMCH~ Trading Hub/ fitrict Headquarters Corporate trading town/ Corporate trading town1 Traakgpost - %aaiigpost Trading Trading Hamlet/ Outpost Hamlet/ Outpost - Ray, Arthur: MBfls Economlc Communllles and Settlemenls In the lp Cenlury -20- -- Communitylsettlement focused studies f r Another difficulty with the scholarly literature on the MBtis Is that, apart from Red - River, few communities or settlements have been studied in depth. Furthermore, most focus on the pre-1870-1885 era and a few emphasize the period - afte~ard.~'None give balanced coverage to both time periods. Furthermore, hardly any of these works systematically explore the changing spatial dimension of community economies for the purpose of attempting to explain the development of regional variants of the Metis Nation. Examples of the latter are: Kew, JohnP. Tl~omton,'TheNational Policy, the Department of the Interior and Original Settlers: Land Claims of the Metis, Green Lake, Saskatchewan, 1909-1930,' MA Thesis, School ofNative Studies, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, 1997. - Ray, Arthur: M&is Economic Communities andSettlements in the IPCenluiy -21- - THE FORMATION OF THE METIS SETTLEMENTS IN THE CENTRAL AND WESTERN INTERIOR AREAS OF CANADA BEFORE 1870 4 Regardless of their theories of Metis origins, historians of the Metis agree that - the Canadian fur trade served as the cradle for these people. It is generally accepted that the roots of the western Metis can be traced, in part, to the Great Lakes area. Metis ethnogenesis began as early as the mid-Seventeenth Century. By that time small settlements emerged around trading posts, one of the earliest being that of Sault Ste Marie. At the time of initial contacts with Europeans in the early Seventeenth Century, the Ojibwa were the primary occupants of the area bounded by Lake Huron to the south, Lake Superior on the west and the Height of Land to the north. These people depended heavily on fishing during the warmer months, especially sturgeon and white fish, and during the winter hunting large and small game, especially moose, Virginia (Whitetail) deer, woodland caribou, and beaver.52 Wild rice and maple sugar also were important foods. To pursue these various resources the Ojibwa followed an annual round of movement between their Lake Huron shoreline fishing villages, which they occupied during the warmer months, and their winter huntingltrapping ranges inland. In other words, these people's economies were spatially extensive and movement was an integral feature of their way of life. These cultural characteristics became defining components of their Metis cousins. 52 Charles A. Bishop, The Northern Ojibwa and the Fur Trade. Toronto, 1974, p. 7-8. - Ray, Arthur: Mdtis Economic Communities andSeftlemenfsin the ighCentury - 22 - The Ojibwa communities consisted of a number of closely related extended families, who identified with the same totem sign, and occupied summer settlements near major lakeshore fishing ~ites.5~During the hunting and trapping season, on the other hand, the key economic unit of most northern Ojibwa people was the so-called winter band that consisted of a group of closely related families that were led by a senior male from the core family.54 These bands tended to hunt the same area every year, but their ranges were not rigidly bounded given the mobile nature of the large game they pursued."5 Also, they intermarried with nearby groups since band exogamy was the rule. The Ojibwa maintained economic and social ties with neighboring groups, the most important of whom were their Cree neighbors to the north and west and the Huron to the southeast. Commerce with the latter people was particularly important. The Ojibwa obtained a variety of Huron products, especially food (dried corn mostly), in exchange for furs and hides. The Ojibwa received some of the latter commodities from their Cree trading partners. Significantly, in keeping with a custom that was widespread throughout Aboriginal Canada, one of the key ways that the Ojibwa and Cree cemented trading alliances was through arranged marriages that established kinship bonds with their partners. As we shall see below, they, and other western groups who were drawn into the 53 Ibid.. " Edward S. Rogers and J. Garth Taylor, "The Northern Ojibwa," Handbook of North American Indians Yolu~ne6: Subarctic. Smithsonian Instihition, Washington, 1981: 233. 55 The late Ed Rogers referred to this loosely bounded network of territories as the 'hunting range system.' Edward S. Rogers, The htmtinggroup - hunting territory complex among tlre Mistassini Indians. Ottawa, Dept. of Northern Affairs and National Resources, 1963. It should be noted that there has been an ongoing and unresolved debate about the nature of Aboriginal tenure systems in the Subarctic and the impact that the Euro-American fur trade had on them. For a discussion of this topic see: AdrianTanner, 'The Hunting Territoly Debate: Some Unresolved Issues,' Anthropologica 28 1986 (1-2), 19-36. Significantly, this debate does not raise the issue of Mhtis land use practices. Ray, Arthur: MJtis Economic Communities andSettlements in the 19" Century - 23 - d- fur trade at later times, continued this ancient practice after European contact. In -(-5 this way local Aboriginal people linked themselves with the newcomers, who first came as fur traders. This led to the development of a population of mixed .. Aboriginal and European ancestry, many of whom developed a distinct identity as Metis. The pre-I763 era For the Ojibwa and their northern Cree neighbors, indirect involvement in the fur trade undoubtedly began by the late Sixteenth Century, when they supplied furs to the trading networks of the lnnu (Montagnais) of eastern Quebec and Labrador and their allies, who dealt directly with Europeans along the lower St Lawrence and Saguenay River valleys. Between 1615 and the early 1630s, the Ojibwa's traditional trading partners, the Huron, became the key traders in the French trading system that was expanding west. This development drew the Ojibwa more heavily into the European fur trade, led them to devote more time to hunting and trapping fur-bearing animals, and encouraged them to collect more furs through their northern and western trading alliances - particularly those with Cree groups. The fur trade became highly unstable during this period, however, when the Iroquois living to the south of Lake Ontario set out to destroy the French fur trade through warfare. By 1649 the lroquois had annihilated the Huron villages and sent many of their allies, including some of the Ojibwa, fleeing north and westward out of harm's way. Significantly, the Ojibwa had taken up horticulture by this time. They integrated it into their seasonal cycle of economic activity and Ray, Arfhur: Mktis Economic Communities andSelllements in the lghCenruty h- carried it northwest as they migrated. By the earJy Nineteenth Century, some of these fishing, hunting, horticultural, collecting and trapping people, most notably Chief Peguis and his followers, had moved as far west as the Parklands of the southern Manitoba and adjacent North Dakota area. Significantly, many MBtis have ancestral links to these Ojibwa migrants. While the Ojibwa expansion was underway, the French sought to reestablish direct contact with refugee Huron and their former allies in the Upper Great Lakes region beginning as early as the 1650s. To accomplish this Medard Chouart des Groseilliers and a companion traveled to the upper Great Lakes area in 1654 with a party of First Nations traders, who were returning home from a trading expedition they had made to the lower St. Lawrence ~iver.~~Soon thereafter, other unlicensed French traders, known as coureurs du bois, established unofficial ties with native people in this region. These developments marked the beginning of intermarriage a la fa~ondu pays between local Ojibwa and the French newcomers. The penetration of the upper Great Lakes region by Des Groseilliers and Pierre Esprit Radisson in 1659, ultimately led to the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) in 1670. This was because French colonial authorities refused to back these two traders' scheme to establish a northern fur trade based on Hudson Bay and James Bay. Groseilliers and Radisson decided to appeal to the court of Charles II, where they found support for their venture. Their initial success in James Bay led to the founding of the HBC. The new 56 Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online, http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=34253&q~ie~radisson -- Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communitiar andSettlemenfs in the lghCentury -25- .?-. company gave the Swampy Cree of the southern James Bay and western i Hudson Bay areas and the inland Cree their first direct access to European -4 trading goods.57 They quickly established trading and marriage links with the .- newcomers. Soon they also allied themselves with the Siouan speaking Assiniboine, who at European contact, lived partly in the boundary waters area of - present-day northern Ontario and southeastern Manitoba." The latter people .- lived in the boreal forest-parkland area and had a mixed economy that drew on the resources of both environments. Eventually other groups who occupied this transitional environment, most notably the Parkland-Grassland Cree (Plains Cree) were drawn into the expanding furtrade. The establishment of the HBC sparked off an intensive struggle between the English and the French for control of the northern and western fur trade. Although the contest initially focused on Hudson and James Bays, it was only a minor aspect of the much larger ongoing imperial rivalry between England and France. This larger struggle led to periodic global conflicts. The War of Spanish Succession (1701-1 714) was one of the most important of these events when viewed from the perspective of its impact on the early development of the Canadian fur trade. The warring parties reached a peace accord with the Treaty of Utrecht, which gave the HBC control of Hudson Bay-James Bay access to the continent. This prompted the French to respond by encircling these bays to cutoff the HBC posts from their lucrative hinterlands. From 1715 to 1751, the French pushed westward (Figure 3). Of particular relevance to MBtis In the early HBC records these Cree are referred to as the 'Upland and/or Southern Christenaux.' '*Subsecluently these people moved west and northwest. See Ray, 1974. Ray, Arthur. Milis Economic Communities andSettlements in the lghCentury -26- .- ethnogenesis, by the 1730s the French had reached southern Manitoba and by 1751 they had pushed westward up the Saskatchewan River as far as the forks. Although they had reached the parklands of the west, only a small number of Frenchmen were stationed there. Nonetheless, intermarriages with local First Nations began at this time. Fur trading rivalries and Metis Ethnogenisis: 1763-1821 The ongoing English-French struggle for empire in eastern North America ended with the Treaty of Paris in 1763, which brought the Seven Years War to a close. This event produced only a brief lull in fur trading competition, however. By the mid-1760s, Scottish, English, and American merchants took over the old St Lawrence valley-based trading network and they began extending it beyond the northwestern limits of the French regime. These merchants recruited heavily in the St. Lawrence valley, especially in the vicinity of Montreal, to obtain the canoe brigade men and other workers they needed to staff their burgeoning number of trading posts. Most of the labourers from the Montreal area were partly of lroquoian an~estry.~'Men who traveled between Montreal and the Lakehead during the summer were called 'rnangeurs du lard,' or pork eaters, because of their distinctive voyaging diet, which consisted primarily of corn and pork."0 Those who remained in the interior were known as 'hivernant' or 'winterers.' Of particular relevance to metissage, winterers not only worked around the posts 59 Nicks, Old Trails 60 he HBC often referred to these men as 'goers and comers.' ..- Ray, Arthur: Mdtis Economic Communilies and Settlemenls in the l!lhCentury -27- -(-- : during the autumn, winter, and early spring, they also ofien were involved in 'tripping' or 'camp trading.' This referred to the practice of spending part of the -- trapping season in First Nations' camps to prevent the furs of Native People from falling into the hands of trading opponents. As might be expected, trading companies commonly used trippers when competition was strong, such as during . . the period from the 1790s until 1821. The practice facilitated interracial marriages. ,- Ray, Arthur: Mklis Economic Communities andSettlemenls in the 15'h Century -28- . . ..<~, Ray and Freeman, 1978 In 1776 the new group of Montreal-based traders began to join forces in collective partnerships (which they renewed periodically) and by 1779 they had amalgamated into the North West Company (NWC)!' Pooling their financial and manpower resources in this way, and revamping their logistical network, they were able to carry the fur trade beyond the former limits of the French network. By 1778 they had reached into the Athabasca portion of the Mackenzie River Basin. The Nor' Westers collective endeavors also enabled them to challenge the HBC much more effectively. Indeed, by the early 1770s they already had undercut the HBC's trade to the point that they forced their rival to move inland to meet their challenge. The English company took the first major step in its counterattack in 1774, when it built Cumberland House on the Saskatchewan River. This sparked off a fierce rivalry between the two companies throughout the whole territory between the lower Peace River and Lake Athabasca area in the west to the upper Great Lakes Region in the east. Of particular relevance here, the rival groups of traders greatly expanded their networks of trading posts and the logistical systems that supported them. (Figure 4) These developments had three important impacts on the development of the Metis Nation: (I)they led to the diversification of the Metis population in ethnic terms; (2) they led to the regional diversification of Metis economies; and (3) they created a network of posts and related Metis settlements that were tied together by a transportation system. This partnership was renewed periodically. Between 1798 and 1803 a splinter group operated separately as the New NWC, which is more commonly remembered as the XY Company. Ray, Arthur. Miti8 Economic Communitier andSetflemenls in the lghCentury -30- .- Figure 4: Fur Trading Networks . .- Ray and Freeman, 1978 ..- Ray, Arthur: Mktis Economic Communities and Settlemenls in the lghCentury -31- One of the reasons that fur trade expansion led to a diversification of the Metis population was because it stimulated rapid growth in the number of men employed in the fur trade from the 1770s to 1821. By 1818 (Figures 5 and 6) the NWC's labour force numbered just over 900 and most of them were of French Canadian origin. When the HBC decided to meet its new challengers head-on, it initially recruited most of its workers in the northern British Isles, mostly the Orkney Islands and northern mainland Scotland. By 1818 its labour force numbered just over 550. From the late Eighteenth Century the company also recruited an increasing number of men from its chartered territory, known as Rupert's and?' Accordingly, the company directors abandoned their long- standing taboo against the country marriages of their European (mostly Orkney and Scottish) recruits and Native women -- a ban that had never been effective anyway -- and began hiring the male offspring of such unions. Before 1821 the company listed the 'parish' of origin of these 'natives' as Hudson Bay, Rupert's Land, 'Indian territory,' and Canada.' After 1821, the engagement registry increasingly listed the fur trade district of birth for those born in the company's territory. Research has shown that they became a major component of its seasonal and full-time labour force by the early Nineteenth After 1818, the HBC also recruited heavily in Quebec for men of French Canadian and 62 Partly this was because the major period of expansion and rivalry coincided with the Napoleonic Wars in Europe which made labour recruitment difficult and expensive in the British Isles. 63 P. Goldring, 'Papers on the Labour System of the HBC, 1821-1900.' 2 Vols. Parks Canada, Man~iscript Report 362,1979 and Manuscript Report 412,1980. .- Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communitiesand Seftlemenfs in the 19* Century -32- .- f-' lroquoian ancestry.64 Of importance here, a significant proportion of the ' i combined labour forces of the two companies, which totaled nearly 1,500 men in - 1818, married local Native women a la fa~ondu pays. Eventually many of these men retired in, or deserted in the country. As noted, HBC record keepers identified the Nor' Westers who did so as 'freemen.' Most of them were Mbtis, or had fathered Metis families. Significantly, the intermarriages of fur trade employees with parklandlgrassland First Nations women (Plains Assiniboine, Cree, and Ojibwa) led to the formation of the buffalo-hunting M6tis by the early Nineteenth Century. Elsewhere, Euro-Canadian intermarriages with other First Nations, such as the Woodland Assiniboine, Dene, Cree and Ojibwa groups contributed further to the ethnic diversity of the emerging Metis Nation in the Canadian West. Figure 7 summarizes the regional ethnogenesis of the Metis in Central and Western Canada to 1821. 64 lbid. and R. Cole Harris, ed., Historical Atlas of Canada, Vol. 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987, Plate 65. Ray, Arthur: Mitis Economic Communities and Settlements in the lghCentur/ -34- As noted, the second major impact that the expansion of fur trade had on the Metis was an economic one. It led to increasing economic diversification and regional specialization. Research has shown that, among the Aboriginal population, it was the Metis who benefited the most from new employment opportunities. They gained access to the widest array of permanent (annual) jobs as skilled and unskilled labourers. Brigade work in the capacities of 'middlemen.' 'bowmen.' and 'sternmen' comprised the largest ~ategory.'~Also important were positions as interpreters, skilled tradesmen (boat and canoe builders, carpenters, blacksmiths, etc.), and clerks!' They also were retained as post hunters and fishers. They worked in these two capacities either as workers or on seasonal contracts. As general labourers around the posts they performed a wide array of essential tasks. Cutting cordwood was one of the most important and time-consuming of these responsibilities. At the larger posts and important boat-building sites, they also engaged in lumbering and sawmilling 0perations.6~ First Nations people, on the other hand, mostly obtained seasonal employment 65 Brigade men were hired both as permanent and seasonal employees. Goldring and other historians have shown that M6tis employees can be identified with a high degree of probability in these records by several markers. These are, in combination and relative order of importance, parish of recruitment (a servant's homeland), family name, capacity (occupation), and, when available, place of retirement. Typically, M6tis of French CanadiadNative extraction used French Canadian (though occasionally Native) surnames, were recruited in (lower) Canada or Indian country. Those of English, Scottish, and OrkneyNative background were recruited in 'HudsonBay' or 'Indian ~ountry.'~'Goldring, 1980. 67 Moose Factory would be one of the best examples. Here the Hudson's Bay Company operated the so- called 'Moose Works' which built sailing ships and York boats. A saw mill was part of the works. By the Twentieth cenhuy, the M6tis dominated the labour force of this operation. Arthur J. Ray and Carol M. Judd, 1982, "Moose Factory's Maritime Heritage," 98 pp. (Prepared for Ontario Ministry of Citizenship and Culture, 77 Bloor Street West, Toronto.) At York Factory, timber harvesting for construction and firewood purposes led to the deforestation of a large area around the post. See, Arthur J. Ray, "York Factory: The Crises ofTransition, 1870-1880," The Beaver, 1982,312: 26-31. *... *... Ray, Arthur: Mhfis Economic Communities andSettlemen~sin the 15" Century -35- - as unskilled labourers or post hunters and fishers. The primary reason for this <-; - discriminatory hiring policy was that fulltime employment drew Indian men out of the 'bush' and away from hunting and trapping. The fur traders recognized that a strong hunting and trapping labour force was, after all, the driving force of the industry.e8 These hiring practices influenced the development of Metis and First Nations identities in the period before 1821. The Metis developed a more diversified economy that combined living off of the land in Aboriginal fashion with other economic pursuits as labourers, entrepreneurs ('free traders'), and, in many areas, as small-scale farmers. Farming was especially important in the Great Lakes, boundary waters (Rainy River-Lake of the Woods), and parklandlgrassland areas for Metis and Ojibwa alike. First Nations people, on the other hand, tended to live a more traditional life in the 'bush.' (Figure 8) They interacted with the commercial economy primarily as independent producers (mostly as fishers, hunters and trappers) and as unskilled summer workers. I have noted that this practice continued into the industrial age of the late Nineteenth and 20'~Centuries. Arthu~3. Ray, The Canadian Fur Trade in the Industrial Age. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990. .- Ray, Arthur: Mitis Economic Communities andSeNlemenls in the lghCentury -36- FIGURE 6: HBC Labour Force, 1818 Historical Atlas of Canada ,Vol. 1, Plate 65 - Ray, A~thur:Milis Economic Communities andSetllements in the 19' Cenluv -37- Besides having a differential impad on employment opportunities for MBtis and First Nations people, the competitive trading economy of this era offered both groups very favourable rates of exchange for their furs6' and 'country produce.' The latter types of commodities included locally produced food (most notably fresh and dried buffalo meat and grease, pemmican, venison, moose meat, waterfowl, and a variety of fresh and smoked fish), canoes and canoe- making and repairing supplies (birch bark, spruce root, pine tar), as well as a wide variety of other products. But, there was a negative side to this development. By 1821 the scramble for furs led to a depletion of stocks throughout the woodland area south and east of the Churchill River. Likewise, the high prices paid for food encouraged the hunting of woodland caribou and moose populations beyond sustainable limits throughout the same area. The latter problem enhanced the importance of the fisheries to the sustenance of trading posts in the woodlands.70 It also made the products of the bison hunts crucial to the support of the logistical systems of the rival trading companies (Figure 9). It is generally agreed that, without the produce of the bison hunts, expansion overland from Montreal into the Mackenzie River basin would not have been possible. This reality sparked the so-called Pemmican War of 1816. This skirmish, made famous by the Battle of Seven Oaks (1816) may have been the first use of the Metis Nation Flag, took place because, in 1811, the HBC approved Thomas Douglas' (the 5'h Earl of Selkirk 69 It should be noted that from the earliest days of the fur trade men who worked at trading posts and their family ~ne~nberstrapped locally to buy goods. 70 In the early 20' century, fur trader Anderson wrote that, without 'the humble fish' it would have been impossible to conduct the fur trade in the boreal forest region. J. W. Anderson, A Fur Troder's Story. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1961. .- Ray, Arthur: Mdtis Economic Communities andSettIements in the 19~Century -38- and an important shareholder) plan to establish an agricultural colgny on the banks of the Red River. The NWC regarded the settlement as a strategic threat to the vital food supplies that it received from the Assiniboine River Country. These fears were realized when the governor of the fledgling Selkirk Colony placed restrictions on running [hunting] buffalo on horses7' near the colony and banned the exports of pemmican and buffalo meat from the area to safeguard the food supplies of the fledgling colony. The problem was that the colony was not yet agriculturally self-sufficient, a goal it failed to achieve before Confederation. This meant that the produce from the buffalo hunts remained essential for its survival before the 1870s. This is clear from Table 2. " This prnctice kept the herds distant from the colony and made it difficult for the colonists to hunt the animals because they lacked horses. Ray, Arlhw: Mdtis Economic Communitier and Settlements in the lghCentury -39- -- 'P! .A FIGURE 7: Metis and Anishnabai (Ojibwa) Worlds -- .- ** .. PrairieIParMand Assiniboine, Cree, a.*.****.** Ray, Arthur: MAis Economic CommuniMes andSeltlements in the 1PhCentury -40- .-. Roy, Arthur: Mktis Economic Communities andSetllements in the lghCentury -41- In addition to the produce of the hunts and fisheries of the woodlands, parklands and grasslands, corn, potatoes, wild rice, and maple sugar produced by the Metis and First Nations contributed greatly to the support of the fur trading companies in the Great Lakes-Boundary Waters-western interior regions.72 This is evident from Tables 2 and 3. Table 2 shows the movement of country produce in and out of the important HBC post of Cumberland House. As Figure 9 shows, this post was a vital transport junction and depot on the HBC routes to the northwest and western prairielparklands. Table 3 shows the important role plains provisions played in the HBC's Northern Department (all of the area between the Rocky Mountains and Hudson Bay) until the destruction of the bison herds. It should be emphasized that these tables provide only a partial picture of the country foods that the company consumed annually, because they do not include fish, meat, and vegetable products that are harvested and consumed locally. Significantly, it is clear from the above discussion that by 1821, when the HBC and NWC merged, the economies of the MBtis settlements that had developed adjacent to trading posts were highly diversified (Figure 10). These economies also were opportunistic in that they responded to changing local economic and ecological circumstances. 72 It should be noted here that the Ojibwa had introduced agriculture to theupper Great Lakes area after 1649 when their traditional suppliers of corn, the Huron, were attacked and dispersed by the Iroquois. - Ray, Arthur: M6lls Economic Communilies andSettlements in the I#h Centum -42- Figure 9: Prairie Provisioning Network, ca. 1821 0 Hudson Bay Provision Dqlat -----) Flow of Provisions Parkland &It INorth West Company Provision Depot Principal Fur Trading Routes Ray, 1974 Ray, Arthur: Mklis Economic Communities and Settlements in the lghCentury .- FIGURE 10: Generalized Model of Metis Economies ENTRE- WAGE COLLECTING C = Commercial S = Subsistence ..- Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic CommunitiesandSe~lemenls in the Igh Century -44- '-0 -. Table 2: lmpottslExports Country Produce, Cumberland District, 1823-2473 T3 PAMHBC Cumberland House Accounts, B 49/D/14 - Ray, Arthur: MdfisEconomic CommunifiaandSeienlements in the I#' Cenluy -45- Table 3: Country Foods Supplied by HBC's Northern ~epartment'~ Ray, Arthur: Mitts Economic Communities andSelllemenls in the IghCentury -46- ,- I .- Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communities and Settlements in the Iqh Century -47- 111 REGIONAL PATTERNS TO 1820-70 As noted above, the expansion of the fur trade into different cultural/ecological/subsistence zones of pre-contact Canada led to the development of distinct regional M6tis economies (Figure 11). These included: (1) the Great Lakes- .- Boundary Waters zone; (2) the boreal forest-parkland, (3) the boreal forest (which had .- many local variants), and (4) the parkland-grassland zone. I will now briefly highlight these regional economies focusing on a few selected Mktis settlements that had emerged by the Nineteenth Century. Of necessity, I have chosen ones that already have received scholarly attention. The Great Lakes-Boundary Waters Zone As discussed above, along the shorelines of Lake Huron and Lake Superior fisheries were the mainstay of local First Nations and M6tis economies before and after contact. In fact, over-hunting and trapping during the fifty-year period before 1821 forced local fur traders, Mdtis and First Nations to rely more heavily on their fisheries for subsistence and commerce. This is clear from the HBC report for the La Cloche district in 1828. This district included the north shore of Lake Huron and the lands in the interior. The district manager noted: the country North of Lake Huron and Nipissingue affords very few of the large species of animals. If except and for a very few scattered Rein Deer and Bear, the only kinds of animals which afford sustenance to the natives are the Rabbits and a very few remaining Beaver, and even of these it is out of the power of the best hunter to procure a sufficiency to maintain himself & family. What contributes greatly to the annual starvation of the natives and whites in that part of the country is the entire scarcity of fish throughout. The only part of the district where the Indians live tolerably well, is .. . the southern part of the British Temtory on this lake. Ray, Arthur: MbNs Economic Communilies andSettlemenfs in the IVh Century -48- Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communities andSetllements in the lfl Century -49- The company's trade in Lake Huron district is carried on at nine different stations- namely La Cloche, Missisague, Green Lake, White Fish Lake, French River, Nipissingue, Sheshainanga, Isle aux Sable and -r\ Lagingue [?I. The last fisheries, at such of the company's posts where fish can be procured has been very unproductive and in some places they have completely failed. This is entirely owing to the height of the water & the high winds we had in the fall. This failure would have been seriously felt at some of the company's establishments had we not been prepared to guard against it in time. The fish procured in the fall is generally trout & white fish which are caught with the Nets, lines, and spears and salted for winter. Where fish is procurred and salted men are allowed 6 lbs fish and one gallon of potatoes per diem, and when fish are not to be had, they get 1 quart of Hulled corn and 1 112 ounces of Grease, with now and then 2 lbs flour in lieu of the corn. The opposition people are fed from salt beef, salt pork, flour and Pease as much as they can eat. This causes many mumours by the companys servants and it a very great temptation to the whole of them to join the opposition... 75 The report for the Michipicoten (Superior) ~istrict~~for the same year noted similar conditions: The animal creation of this District is much decreased. With the exception of a few Rein Deer (woodland caribou), every variety of the Deer Species appears to be extinct. Of the fir bearing animals we have the Black Bear in considerable number, the Beaver, otter, Mink, Muskrat, fisher, Lynx, Cat, Martin and Rabbit. The wolf and Wolverine are rarely met with. I have not doubt but that the number of fur bearing animals is annually diminishing, Yet I have been a good deal surprised that there are so many -- in a country which has been so long established. The most permanent advantage which this District appears to possess is its proximity to Lake Superior and St. Mays --from the latter of which it procures large and cheap supplies of Stores and Provisions, without which the Trade, under the present reduced state of the county, could not be carried on to any considerable advantage and the vicinity of the former enables the company to perform the Transport by means of an establishment which under other circumstances would be far from being adequate to the task ... (emphasis added) The local means of subsistence which this district affords, with the exception of Lake Nipigon are precarious and considerably under the demand; besides being comparatively expensive. It consists exclusively of various kinds of fish, which periodically visit the shores of this extensive Lake, such as Trout, Tittamingue or White fish/ an excellent species unknown in Endandl a kind of Herring (smelt), and others of less estimation "Provincial Archives of Manitoba: Hudson's Bay Company Archives (PAM HBCA) La Cloche District Report, 1827-8 B 109/e/l, 1-3. 76 Ft. Michipicoten was the district headquarters. A Mbtis settlement was located there. Ray, Arthur: M4lk Economic Communilles and Seltlemen~sin the lghCentury -50- .- and more limited numbers. It is very rare that great numbers of Trout and Tettamigue some seasons visit the shores of the Lake for the purpose of casting their spawn, but they frequently change situations and our Establishments cannot aford many people to attend to the fisheries -- the produce of which is invariably put into pickle to preserve them for winter consumption, (emphasis added) Hence vegetable ... production becomes an object of importance at all our ~stablishrnents.~~ Similar conditions prevailed at Fort William, which was located on the northwestern shores of Lake Superior. The district reports for the early 1820s also speak of the importance of the local fisheries and of the need to supplement them with corn, potatoes, and imported In summary, lakeshore trading posts and native settlements (Mbtis and First Nations) obtained most of their sustenance from the fisheries. As we will see below, the fishery at Sault Ste. Marie was the most important and normally produced surpluses that the company supplied to other districts. This had probably always been the case, but the depletion of fur and game resources would have accentuated the tendency. Hunting and trapping inland and along the lake shore remained an important secondary activity, however. The productive lakeshore fisheries meant that the Native population of the region -including the Mktis - was concentrated in settlements along Lake Huron and Lake Superior. Prior to concluding a treaty with the Native people of Lakes Huron and Superior, government negotiator W. B. Robinson sought to determine their population. On 24 September 1850, in a 'Report (of the) arrangement with Lakes Superior and Huron Indians' that accompanied the two treaties he wrote: 'while at Sault Ste Marie last May (1 849), I took measures for ascertaining as nearly as possible the number of Indians inhabiting the north shores of the two lakes; and was fortunate enough to get a very ... [?I " hlichipicoren Disuict Report, PAM ElBC B 129/e/5, p. I " Fort William District Report PAM HBC B 23l/c/l-4. Ray, Arthur: Mbtis Economic Communilies and Senlements in the 1ghCenlury -51 - "M census, particularly of Lake ~u~erior.'~~Robinson added that on Lake Superior there '7-7 were: 'including Eighty four half breeds, about fourteen hundred & twenty two, and on Lake Huron about fourteen hundred & twenty two, including possibly two hundred half breeds..."' Robinson's remarks are significant in that he clearly was using the word 'Indian' as an inclusive term to include First Nations and MBtis. HBC and other accounts suggest that in the Lake Huron area most of these MBtis were settled along the coast between Garden River and Sault Ste. Marie, while in Lake Superior country they were concentrated at Michipicoten, Pic River and Fort ~illiam.~' As noted earlier, MBtis settlements had been forming around the fur trading settlements of the Great Lakes since the Eighteenth Century. By the early Nineteenth Century, there were over fifty of these settlements. Sault Ste. Marie was one of the oldest and most important settlements in the upper lakes area. Unfortunately, there are few detailed descriptions of the settlement in its early days. Nor' Wester Alexander Henry (the elder) visited it in 1761 and noted that there were only four h0uses.8~What Henry did not mention, however, was that the site was (and would remain) a great summer rendezvous for Natives and traders alike, partly because of the fisheries at St. Mary's rapids were the most productive in the region. Jean Baptiste Cadot (also spelled Cadotte), his Ojibwa wife and their family -- one of the oldest MBtis families in the upper Great Lakes -- were among the residents at Sault Ste. Marie in 1761. Cadot had been active in the Superior area since 1742, when he first served at Nipigon, and traded at " W. B. Robinson, 'Sept. 24,1850 Report arrangement with Lake Superior and Huron lndians and transmits two Treaties.' NAC Indian Affairs, RG 10, Vol. 191, no. 5401-5500, pp. 111713. "Ibid. Robinson added that the Chiefs of Lake Superior said their population numbered closer to 8,000. See also, T. G. Anderson and Alexander Vidal, 'Report to His Excellency, the Govemor-General in Council, Toronto, 5 December 1849.' Archives of Ontario [OAC] F 1027-1-2 Robinson Treaties. Arth11r 3. Ray, 'Final Historical Report on the Metis Economy, Sault Ste. Marie for R. V. Powley. Unpublished. "'Peterson, 1985, p. 58. Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communities andSettlemen~sin the 1ghCentury -52- .d Sault Ste. Marie from 1750 to 1762.'~ His family maintained their roots in the region .-r: thereafter, but some descendents moved as far west as Red ~iver.'~ Sixteen years after Henry's account, John Long visited the settlement and reported: 'Here (at Sault Ste. Marie) is a small picketted fort built by the Indians, and about ten log houses for the residence of English and French traders. The nation of the Saulteurs formerly were settled at the foot of the falls, and the Jesuits had a house near them.'8s Subsequently, the NWC established operations on the north side of the river and constructed a canal and locks for its canoes in 1797. Meanwhile, American merchants established themselves on the south side of the river and this settlement became a major trading centre for the entire Lake Superior region. In 1820, Henry R. Schoolcraft visited Sault Ste. Marie and provided the most detailed description to date of the dual settlements that were developing: The village of Sault de St. Marie, is on the south or American shore, and consists of from fifteen to twenty buildings, occupied by five or six French and English [Mktis] families. Among the latter is that of J Johnston, Esq. a gentleman of rank, who, in the prosecution of the northwest fur trade, settled here shortly after the close of the American revolution, and married the daughter of a Chippeway chief (Waubjeeg).... The site of the village is elevated and pleasant, and a regular plan appears to have been observed in the buildings, though some of them are in a state of dilapidation, and altogether it has the marks of an ancient settlement fallen into decay... Schoolcraft continued: It has always been the residence of Indian tribes, who are drawn to this spot in great numbers, by the advantages of taking the white-fish, which are very abundant at the foot of the rapid. There are, at present, about forty lodges of Chippeway Indians, (called Saulteurs, by the French) containing a population of about two hundred souls, who subsist wholly 83 PAM HBC Archives Library, summary history of Sault Ste. Marie. '' For a history of the Cadotte family see: Theresa M. Schenck, 'The Cadottes: Five Generations of Fur Traders on Lake Superior,' in J. Brown, et. al., eds. The Fur Trade Revisited: Selected Papers of theSixt11 rlrorlh American Fur Trade Conference, Mackinac Island, Michigan, 1991. Michigan State University Press: East Lansing, 1994, pp. 189-98. See also D. N. Sprague and R. P. Frye, 1Xe Genealogy of theFirst MefisNation. Winnipeg: Pemmican Publications, 1983: Table 1. 85 R. G. Thwaites, ed. 'JohnLong's Journal, 1768-1782' Early Western Travels, 1748-1846, Vol2. Cleveland: Arthur Clark, 1904, p. 79. - Ray, Arthur: Mdfis Economic Communilles and Senlements in the Igh Cenftrry -53- upon white-fish. ... This fishery is of great moment to the surrounding Indians, whom it supplies with a large proportion of their winter's T'i provision ... they cure them by drying in the smoke, and lay th& up in large quantities. Regarding the community on the British side, Schoolcraft observed: On the north, or Canadian shore of the river, there are also six or seven dwelling houses, occupied by French and English families [M6tis], exclusive of the Northwest Company's establishment, which is seated immediately at the foot of the Falls, and consists of a number of store and dwelling houses, a saw mill, and a boat yard .... this company have also constructed a canal, with a lock at its lower entrance, and towing path for drawing up barges and canoes. At the head of the rapid they have built a pier from one of the islands, forming a harbour, and here a schooner is generally lying to receive the goods destined for the Grand Portage, and the regions northwest of Lake ~u~erior.8~ Following the 1821 merger with its old rival, the HBC took control of the NWC operations on the Canadian side of the river. Fur trading was not significant. HBC Chief Factor at Fort St. Marys, Angus Bethune, explained why: The Indian Trade is an matter of little import, the whole amount of Furs collected at St Marys by all the Traders (of whome there are a great many, for every shop keeper on the other side of the River .. is a trader) amounts the present year to about £ 1000. Mr Ennatinger is the principal one, and he has told me, that his collection including what he has picked up in sundry trips in the south Side of Lake Superior amounts to £700, his profits however are nothing; The Expense attending his mode of Trade is Enormous, and his trouble beyond conception. I have known several instances of his sending two men out to colllect furs, each man having 51- p day & Rations, to be absent eight days and return with only one Martin Skin; and the best winter Trip, which are few, never exceed Twenty Skins, and such is reckoned excellent by those employed ....87 It shodd be noted here that Mr. Ermatinger, Bethune's source of information, belonged to a M6tis family, which had Ojibwa links throughout Superior country extending as far northwest as Rainy Lake (Lac la ~luie).~~ 86 Schoolcraft, p. 95-6. 87~eth~neexplained:. St Mary District Report for 1825, by Angus Bethune, B 194lel2, p. 2. Anderson, 'Report,' p. 6 Ray, Arthur: MPlls Economic Communilies andSefllemenls in the 19~Cenhrry -54- For these various reasons the HBC continued to operate the St. Marys post primarily as a depot. This meant that most of the economic activities that took place there were oriented toward obtaining food, mostly fish and some garden produce (mostly potatoes); maintaining boats, buildings, and grounds; and providing transportation. This is evident from Table 4, which lists the occupations of the Mbtis men who worked for the HBC as servants or on short-term contracts as freemen. The St. Mary's post journal for 1824-25, gives us important insights into the economic rhythm of the community and roles the local Mbtis played in it. On 1 September 1824 Chief Factor Bethune reported that the: 'engaged men of the post are Arnable Bienvenue, Phillipbert Seccard, Charles de Lome, and Antoine Bourgeau. The porkeaters are Vital Mandville, Francois Buchon, Jean Bon Enfant, Joseph Pichette, Joseph La Tourelle, Michel Chretien, Pierre Gaudert, and Antoine La ~ertin.~~The discharged servants of the post ( i.e., local retired residents) are Joseph Couture and Martin Boulez; those from Lake Superior District are Louis St Jean, Xavier Mellorrie, Amable Dupres, and Clarke Ross ...there is an old man, ~ose~hLa Verduce, a freeman who is in the habit ofjobbing about the fort for his Two days later, Bethune: 'Entered engagements with two freemen ... their names are Francois Topier and Jean Bte. ~errault.'~'The next day: .'.. there were some Freemen ... applying for labour.' Subsequently, Bethune made arrangements with other Freemen. One of these was Michel Bousquet, who contracted to fish for the post in the autumn.92On October 1, Bethune also contracted with Antoine Gingras to barter for fish at the Sault Ste Marie These men departed on their return trip to Montreal on 2 October, with the exception of Antoine Bourgeau, who remained to bake bread. Fort St Mary's Post Journal, PAM HBC B149Iall 1824-5 9' Ibid. Later, on 10 October, Topier left for Red River. On 9 November: 'La batt, a daily labourer ... commenced workin place of Perrault ...' 92 Bid. 22 September 1824. - Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communilies and Se~llemenuin the lqhCenluv -55- rapids. On October 3rd, Bethune made a similar arrangement with Alexis Cadotte, 'a Native of St. Mary's.' Besides obtaining fish from MBtis and Indians through contract93 and by using M6tis buyers, Bethune also secured what he needed directly from local MBtis fishermen. For instance, on 5 October he noted: 'The halfbreeds begin to come now of their own accord with fish.' Regarding fishing and related activities, Bethune indicated that there was another fishery beyond the rapids at 'Pointe aux pins,' where on 12 September a Mr. Sayer was 'making nets and Scoops.' He also indicated that 'the Women,' in other words, the wives and daughters of the men, cleaned and preserved the fish that were brought to the post. This female work force also helped harvest the potatoes, taking up 17 kegs on October 5. This was a customary practice at most company trading posts?4 These remarks serve to highlight another important aspect of the fur trade and Metis economies. As was the practice in First Nations' economies, women played economic roles that complimented those of the men. Perhaps most notably, they processed and preserved food obtained by hunting, fishing, trapping, and collecting and they made clothing from the hides and f~rs.'' They (often assisted by their children) also were heavily involved in farming during the summer, which was the time many of their husbands were away working on the canoe and boat brigades or trading. Also, they helped make snowshoes and canoes. I.'On Sept. 15 Bethune recorded: 'Some Indians belonging to this place have engaged to fish. I have advanced then1 twine to make scoops for that purpose ...' " The standard work on this topic is Van Kirk, S. Many Tender Ties: Women in the Fur Tmde Sociely. 1670-1870. Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing Ltd. 1980. 95 Making clothes continued to be important for the conduot of the fur trade. For example, at York Factory as late as 1800 women were making over 650 pairs of moccasins for the men's use during the summer. Van Kirk, 54. For an extended discussion of the economic roles of women see Van Kirk, 26-29; 52-73. - Ray, Arthur: Milk Economic Communities and Settlements in the 19~Century -56- TABLE 4: M~TISLABOUR FORCE FT. ST. MARYS, 1824-996 NAME PARISH CAPACITY DISTRICT -TIDIED YEAR Bienvenue, Arnable Labourer St Mary 1824-5 Bon Enfant, Jean Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 Bosquet, Michel* St Mary freeman - contract fish buyer St Mary 1824-5 Bourgeau, Antoine Labourer St Mary 1824-5 Buchon, Francois Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 Cadotte, Antoine* St Mary freeman - contract fish buyer St Mary 1.824-5 Chretien, Michel Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 Couture, Joseph St Mary discharged labourer St Mary 1824-5 de Lome, Charles* Labourer St Mary 1824-5 Dubois, Joseph* L. Superior Died 1828-9 Dupras, Amable* Lake Superior Boatmen St Mary 1824-5 Frichette Labourer St Mary 1828-9 Gaudert, Pierre Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 Ginps, Antoine* St Mary freeman - contract fish buyer St Mary 1824-5 Ginps, Antoine* St Mary freeman - contract fish buyer St Mary 1824-5 La Fertin, Antoine Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 La Tourelle, Michel Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 La Valle* boatman ? Batchewana 1828-9 La Verduce St Mary freeman -jobber St Mary 1824-5 Le Mai* Labourer St Mary 1828-9 Mandeville, Vital Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 Martin, Boulez* St Mary discharged labourer St Mary 1824-5 Mellorrie, Xavier Lake Superior Boatmen St Mary 1824-5 Perrault, Jean Bte* St Mary freeman - labourer St Mary 1824-5 Pichette, Joseph Canada Porkeater St Mary 1824-5 Quebec labourer/boatman St Mary 1828-9 Ropertin labourerlboatman St Mary 1828-9 Ross, Clark* Lake Superior Boatmen St Mary 1824-5 Seccard, Phillipbert Labourer St Mary 1824-5 96 HBCA Fort St. Marys Post Journals, B149/a/l4 1824-9 .- Ray, Arthur: Metis Economic Communilies and Setllemenls in the Igh Cenluv -57- Topier, Prancois St Mary freeman - labourer St Maty 1824-5 *Surname also RR 'c-~l .- An in-depth analysis of the HBC records for the upper Great Lakes and the adjacent boreal forest region of present-day northern Ontario and the adjacent Rainy River country by Charles A. Bishop and Arthur J. ~a~~~indicate that the hunting and trapping economy of the region was in great difficulty by 1821 because of the widespread depletion of beaver, moose and caribou populations. As noted, this heightened the relative dependence on local fisheries, horticulture where practiced, and other small animals, particularly hare and rabbit. At St. Mary's, Bethune very seldom commented about aspects of settlement life that did not relate to economic affairs at his post. He made one of these rare observations on 24 March 1825 when he noted: '...a house in the suburbs, the residence of Mr Black and Old Piquette was burned together with their store and all belonging to them...'. This brief remark does indicate, however, that other MBtis traders were present on the Canadian side. From the above it is clear that Sault Ste Marie was supported by fishing, fish trading, labouring, farming and free-trading. In this respect it was typical of MBtis settlements in the region. When the local fisheries failed or food supplies ran short, the Sault Ste Marie MBtis often traveled to visit their relatives at Michipicoten. Thus, the fishery at the latter settlement served as an emergency resource for Sault Ste ~arie?~Hunting had temporarily been reduced to secondary economic importance because of depletion 97 Bishop, 1974 and Arthur J. Ray Indians In The Fur Trade: Their Roles as Hunters Dappers and Middlemen. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998 [I9741 and Ray, 'Final Report.' 98 It served a similar role for the First Nations people who lived in the interior. Ray, 'final report.' - Ray, Arthur: Mdlls Economic Communilies and Selllemenls in the 19" Cenltrry -58- problems. Although the Mktis anchored their lives on the small family farms that reached back from the riverfront, they roamed over a vast area. For this reason, the MBtis socioeconomic community was not limited to the boundaries of the built-up area and cleared fields of the settlement, but rather, it included its sprawling hinterland. In 1893, Stipendiary Magistrate for Northern Ontario, E. B. Borron, took a deposition from MCtis interpreter John Driver of Garden River, ~ntario.~~Driver had lived in Sault Ste. Marie in 1850, when the local Ojibwa and MCtis negotiated the Robinson Treaties. He provided Boron with a thumbnail sketch of the economic life of the MCtis men of the settlement who had retired from the fur trade. Table 5 summarizes Driver's information and Figure 12 presents it spatially. It is clear from Driver's observations that the Sault Ste Marie MCtis continued to tap avery large area in the course of their annual cycle. As the discussion that follows will show, in this respect, it was similar to western MCtis settlements. 99 John Driver to E. B. Borron, 5 June 1893, Sir Aemilius Iwing Papers, Ontario Archives, Robinson Superior Treaties, 1850,F1027-1-2,27132110. Ray, Arthur: Mdlis Economic CommuniliesandSettlemenls in the 19' Cenhrry -59- TABLE 5: METIS SEASONAL CYCLE OF ACTIVITIES SAULT STE. MARIE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communilies andSefllemenls in fhe lghCenlury -60- ' FIGURE 12: Hinterland of Metis Community of Sault Ste Marie, 1850-65 - Ray, Arthur: Mills Economic Communities undSefllementsin the I@~Century Southern Boreal Forest-Parkland: Lake Manitoba As noted above, in the late ~i~hteenthCenhuy MBtis families began to gather around posts in the woodlands and parklands of the western interior of Canada (Rocky Mountains to Hudson Bay). The parkland posts of Fort Pembina area were an example. This was because fur depletion in the Great Lakes area led Mktis traders and trappers to winter as far west as the Red River near the present Canada-United States border.Io0 Their movements paralleled those of the Ojibwa with whom they were closely connected. This was made clear by the journal of trader Jean Baptiste Chaboillez for 1797-98. He kept this record when he was situated on the Red River, initially part way between the forks of the Assiniboine River and the forks of the Pembina River, and soon thereafter near present-day Pembina, North Dakota. Chaboillez indicated that three groups of Ojibwa from northern Minnesota (particularly the Red Lake area) had recently begun to winter in the Red River valley and as far west as Hair Hills [Pembina Hills] in order to hunt (woodland game and bison) and trap. In early summer they returned to their summer fishing, wild rice gathering places (autumn), and maple sugar making camps (spring) in ~innesota."' Cabouillez's journal, and that of Alexander Henry the Younger for 1801-02,'~' and those for the nearby HBC's Pembina Post (for period 1808-18), reveal that the Canadian winterers and freemen also developed a way of life that drew on the parklands and grasslands of the Red River valley and the woodlands to the east. In the winter, for instance, some of these men spent part of their time in the Pembina Hills (and probably Turtle Mountain), en derouine (camp trading) with First Nations trappers loo ~ns,1996, p.15 lo' Harold Hickerson (ed.), 'Journal of Charles Jean Baptiste Chaboillez, 1797-1798," Ethnohistory 6 (x & x , 1959,265-316 &363-427 'b ' Henry, A. NewLight on the Early History of the GreaterNorthwe~t:TheMantcscriptJournals of Alexander Henry and of David Thompson. Ed. by Elliott Coues. Minneapolis: Ross & Haines, 1965. - Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communilies and Selllements in the 15'~ Century - 62 - and hunters. Trading activities also encompassed most of the local tributaries of the Red - Ti River (Morris River, Pembina River, Rat River, Roseau River). Henry stationed men at outposts as far north as Lake ~anit0ba.I'~Henry's journals and those of the local HBC post (for list of HBC servants see Pembina Accounts) make it clear that the men attached to the posts and the local freemen hunted bison in the vicinity of the Pembina River-Red River forks. They also netted fish locally, especially sturgeon. Henry's journal makes it clear that fisheries were very important, especially in the spring.lo4 The traders operating in this area also obtained wild rice and maple sugar through exchange by traveling east to Leech Lake and Upper and Lower Red Lake. 'OS To preserve meat and fish supplies Henry's men also made salt on the Morris River. His account also makes it clear that the women (married to the servants) made maple sugar. In this way, the Pembina posts tapped a vast and ecologically diverse region. (Figure 13) lo31bid.,233-237. "'~n MarchHenry reported: 'We take plenty of sturgeon. Settled the mbn's accounts and hired some of them for three years.' In May he wrote: 'We take from 10 to 20 sturgeon per day; one weighed 125 pounds. Coues, 21 1 and 242. '05 Hickerson, 270-71 and Coues, 126,156, and 212-13. Ray, Arthur: Milis Economic Communities andSelllemenls in the I$ Cenruy -63- ,- FIGURE 13: Pembina Hinterlands ca. 1800 - 1815 Ray, Arfhur: Milis Economic Communities andSefllemenlsin the IghCentury - With the establishment of the 491h parallel as the southem boundary of British -fi North America in the prairie region in 1818, many of the M6tis living in the Pembina area subsequently moved north''' and settled along the Assiniboine River west of the forks and on the southeastern shores of Lake Manitoba at St. Laurent and nearby Oak ~oint."' Here they continued to tap the woodlands and parklands, but became much more reliant on their fisheries, especially after the 1850s. In this respect they developed a lifestyle more similar to the Sault Ste Marie MBtis. The St. Laurent and Oak Point MBtis fished at various locations on the lake during the open water season. These MBtis also engaged in ice fishing. For the latter winter activity, Dog Lake and River were particularly important (Figure 14). Bison hunting remained an important activity for these southern Lake Manitoba MBtis until the herds collapsed. They pursued these animals during the winter in the vicinity of the Whitemud River and Riding Mountain. : They took other woodland game at these times also. After the middle of the Nineteenth Century hunting pressure forced the bison herds to retreat southwestward toward the Cypress Hills leaving the Manitoba settlements beyond their range. This forced these M6tis to join those from other parkland settlements in the grasslands to the southwest. Salt-making was another important winter activity that took place in this outer zone. The St. Laurent-Oak Point MBtis made their salt at Duck Bay on Lake Winipegosis near the present-day M6tis settlement of Clearwater, Manitoba. '06 Most did so after 1823 when the boundary was demarcated. They had been urged to do so by Catholic Missionaries and the HBC. W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History. '"~ns, 1996, p.21. - Ray, Arthur: Mdtis Economic Communities andSeltlemenfs in the lghCentuv After the early 18209, the St. Laurent-Oak Point M6tis engaged in limited farming during the summer and early autumn at their settlement. In the vicinity of these settlements they also hunted waterfowl in the autumn and spring and did some trapping (especially muskrat) during the winter. M6tis merchanthtee traders also operated in the settlement and they combed the countryside from Riding Mountain to the Interlake Counhy. By the early 1880s some members of the settlement spent part of the summers working for farmers near Portage la Prairie. Others took advantage of the short-term opportunity to take part in railway construction to the south. With the retreat of the bison herds, some Metis from this settlement moved west. Others moved north and continued their involvement in the regional fUr trade. Many of these families were active (both permanently and seasonally) in the vicinity of HBC's Manitoba House, and its outposts of Shoal River, Fairford, Waterhen, and Pine Creek -, (especially the latter) where they traded furs and fish, practiced small-scale farming, especially raising cattle, and they operated as 'petty traders' dealing with and in opposition to the HBC. This is clear from Table 6, which lists the customers at the HBC's Manitoba House in 1891. It is clear many of the families represented were originally from Red River. Others were fiom St. Laurent. One of the most notable of the latter was William Chartrand, who operated at Shoal River and Pine creek.''' (Table 5) The Chartrand family was among the earliest M6tis families to take up residence at St. ~aurent.''~The Ducharmes were another old St. Laurent and Red River family that was active around Manitoba House. ""PAMBC, Manitoba 1)istrict Reports for 1889 and 1891, B 153/e/3,8 & B 153/e/5,6. Chartrand had run up the largest debt with the company locally (at three different posts) and by 1891 he was opposing the company. 109 They are among the few settlements to have received soholarly attention. Guy LavallBe, The Metis of St. ~aurent, ani it obi TheirLife andStories, 1920-88. Winnipeg: Published by ~"thor,2003,s. ~embeiof - Ray, Arthur: Mitts Economic Communilies andSetllemenfs in the 1flhCentury -67- ~-~ f-1 The Parkland-Grassland Bison Hunters: The Red River Metis The Red-River Mktis have been the most intensely studied group to date and the general features of their Nineteenth Century economy are well known. MBtis families had begun to gather near the Assiniboine-Red River forks well before the creation of the Selkirk Colony. This was because this location became aplace where the male heads of families retired from the fur trade. They continued to do so throughout the period before 1870. Settlement was especially rapid there (and elsewhere) in the 1820s following the merger of the HBC and NWC in 1821. This event enabled the HBC, under the direction of Governor George Simpson (later Sir George), to eliminate redundant posts and substantially reduce its manpower requirements.110Governor Simpson, acting on instructions from London, encouraged the displaced MBtis to settle near the Selkirk Colony. Many did so, albeit others remained near the posts that had formerly employed them. Two such settlements were located at Cumberland Lake and Green ~ake.'" another pioneering St. Laurent family, the Ducharmes, also took debt at Manitoba House in the late 1880s and earlv 1890s. s~ . 'lo ~ay,'l974,205. "I See, Kew and Thomton, 17-18. See also Minutes of Council, Northern Department. Ray, Arthur Milis Economic Communitiec and Settlements in the 19'R Century TABLE 6: MANITOBA HOUSE ACCOUNTS, 1891 - Ray, Arthur. Mdtis Economic Communilies andSettlements in the I$& Centtrry -69- Ray, Arthuc: M6fi.s Economic Communities andSefflementsin the IP'D Century -70- - Ray, Arthur: Milk Economic Communities andSe~lementsin the I$ Century -71 - - Ray, Arthur: Miiis Economic Communilies andSeiflemenlsin the lghCenlury It is generally recognized that the amalgamation of the two companies posed only a minor setback for the MBtis, which was mostly in terms of a short-term decline in employment opportunities in the fur trade. By the 1830s, the labour demands of the company began to increase again, especially for brigade work. In his exhaustive analysis of HBC labour system (emphasizing the Northern Department) for the period 1821-1900, Parks Canada historian Philip Goldring noted that MBtis recruits filled an ever growing share of the company's labour requirements. For instance, in 1830 they accounted for almost 26 percent of the new recruits, by 1850 nearly 43 percent, and by 1860, just over 60 percent. Meanwhile, recruitment of French Canadians from Canada declined from approximately 43 percent of the new hires to slightly more than 10 percent in 1860.'12 Furthermore, the composition of the Canadian recruits was changing. By the 1860s they were mostly of Iroquoian/French Canadian descent.'I3 During this period, men hired in Scotland (including the Orkney Islands) accounted for 25 to 40 percent of the new workers. In other words, during the Nineteenth Century the company's workforce expanded and came to be predominately M6tis. 'I2 Goldring, Report 362, pp. 62-65. 'I3 Judd, 1980, p.135. - Ray, Atthur. Milis Economic Communifiesond Serrlemenrs in the 19~Cenfuty -73- Even before the rebound in the labour market, those Metis who settled along the lower Assiniboine River hdRed River (mostly south and west of the forks) and elsewhere exploited new opportunities after 1821. Most famously and importantly, they rapidly became important competitors with the Plains First Nations as suppliers of plains provision for the markets generated by the fur trade and the Selkirk ~ettlement."~They also took advantage of the expanding American buffalo robe market after the 1850s and the hide market in the 1860s until the herds collapsed in .the 1870s. Reflecting these developments, the large organized Red River MBtis buffalo hunts emerged during the 1820s - one taking place during the mid to late-summer period for dried provisions and hides and the other in late autumn and early winter for robes and fresh meat. The hunts took place to the southwest of the settlement at increasing distances as the herds retreated (Figure 14). In the late 1830s, MBtis from the parish of St. Francois Xavier (west of the forks) began making annual hunts to the Lauder Sandhills region. The hunts grew in size as other MBtis joined them. The herds quickly declined in the Lauder area as a result. In response, the hunters pushed west into the Souris River basin as far as Moose ~ountain."' Apparently the last bison were killed in the Lauder area about 1865. Significantly, as MBtis became more involved in the robe and hide trades, they began to establish winter encampments in sheltered areas of the grasslands as had been the traditional practice of Plains First Nations. Those of the St. Francois Xavier M6tis were situated in the Pembina Hills, Turtle Mountain, Moose Mountain, the Souris and Qu'Appelle Valleys, Wood Mountain and beyond as far west as the Cypress ~i1ls.l'~ This development recalled the earlier pattern when the Great Lakes M6tis first wintered 'I4 Kay, 1974,205-6. In 1820 the MBtis dispatched 540 Red River carts. By 1840 the number had risen to 1210. This represented an inorease in capacity for canying meat from 486,000 lbs to 1,089,000 lbs. Scott Hamilton and B.A. Nicholson, 'MBtis Land use of the Luader Sandhills of Southwestern Manitoba,' Prairie Forum 25 (2) 2000: 247-50 (authors quoting Ens, 1996,79). Ens, 1996: 79. - Ray, Arthur: Mklis Economlc Communilies and Seltlements in the 1p Cenlury -74- in the Red River valley before relocating there permanently. The Pembina Hills (St. r-\ Joseph) and Turtle Mountain areas became some of the earliest wintering sites for these Mbtis from the Red River settlement and that of St. Laurent. Apparently a few M6tis had joined Ojibwa newcomers in the Turtle Mountains as early as ca. 1820."" The establishment of trading posts by Norman Kittison in the region on the American side of the border offered additional incentives for MBtis to winter or settle permanently in the region in the 1840s."' The further southwestern retreat of the herds led increasing numbers of Red River M6tis to join these wintering stations. Regarding this process in the 1850s and 1860s, Ens observed: "Large numbers of the Red River MBtis and the Pembina M6tis now centered their economic life in these wintering villages, which provided an excellent base from which to organize summer buffalo hunts, practice small- scale agriculture, and receive religious and educational services from Roman Catholic priests, and provided a residence near enough to the buffalo herds to get the prime winter buffalo robes, which were bringing high prices by the 1850s.""~The rapid contraction of the bison range led to further relocations into Saskatchewan, particularly to lower South Saskatchewan River near the forks (Batoche, St. Laurent de Grandin, St. Louis, and Duck Lake), and to theNorth Saskatchewan to Battleford, St. Albert and Lac Ste. Anne. Others settled in Montana. As noted previously, during the autumn, winter, and spring some Red River M6tis also ventured to the woodland areas of Lakes Manitoba and Winnipeg and to the Interlake country to fish, hunt (game and waterfowl) and trap. They pursued parallel Gregory Scott Camp, "The Turtle Mountain Plains-Chippewas and Metis, 1797-1935," (Ph.D. diss., University of New Mexico, May 1987), 41 and Gerhard Ens, "After the Buffalo: The Reformation of the Turtle Mountain M6tis Community, 1879-1905," in Jo-Anne Fiske, Susan Sleeper-Smith, and William Wicken. eds.. New Faces ofthe Fur Tmde: Selecled Pnoers ofthe Seventh North American Fur Pade ~onferehce,~alifax, ~ova~~cotia, 1995 (East ~ansing:~ich&anState University, 1998), 140. 'la Camv.1995: 60-70. - Ray, Arthur: Mkris Economic Cornmunitis and Settlements in the 19" Century -75- seasonal rounds (woodlandlparklandl&rassland) in the Turtle Mountains and at the - parkland-grassland settlements of Saskatchewan. r 1 During the summer many Red River MBtis men were engaged in a variety of activities (in addition to bison hunting) that took them away from the settlement for - extended periods. As noted already, working on the HBC's York boat brigades, which -. were the backbone of its transportation system between Edmonton, the Red River Settlement and York Factory was a very important activity. In addition, beginning in the 1840s increasing numbers of M6tis became involved as contract freighters on the Red River cart brigades that hauled freight to HBC posts in the parklands and grasslands. These cart trains also connected the settlement to American market centers on the upper Mississippi and Missouri rivers. Meanwhile, during the summer and autumn, other MBtis, especially the women and children worked the small family fmsthat extended back from the Assiniboine and Red rivers in long narrow lots and/or worked as seasonal labourers on other settlers' farms. Also present in the Red River Mbtis settlement was an economically important and influential group of merchanvtraders. Some of them operated, at least nominally, under license from the HBC. Increasing numbers competed with the company. Their opposition led to the famous Red River Sayer trial of 1849, when the company attempted to enforce its monopoly. It failed. Of importance here, the MBtis merchanthadem operated through the settlement and the adjacent grasslands, parklands and woodlands at most seasons of the year. Their range extended to Green Lake, Saskatchewan and beyond.lZ0 - Ray, ArUlur: Mdfis Economic Communilies sndSefflemenLs in flre JPCefllury -76- It is clear from the above that the Red River Mbtis settlement had developed a - Si highly diversified economy by mid-century that was spatially very extensive taking in the -. grasslands, parklands and woodlands of eastern, southern and central Manitoba, including portions of the northern United States, Saskatchewan and Alberta. It is also clear that the - outer limits of the economy overlapped with that of other settlements, especially that of St. Laurent-Oak Point. Regarding the latter settlement, research has shown that when crops or the buffalo hunts failed in the Red River colony the tatter M6tis resorted to this Lake Manitoba settlement and to the Manitoba Lakes more generally. In other words, the lake fisheries and hunting lands of central Manitoba provided a refuge in times of ecological/economic emergencies. After 1870-85, many families took up residence here where they continued to pursue an economically diversified way of life. -. Ray, Arthur: Mdtis Economic Communities and Settlements in the 19'~ Century - 77 - IV CONCLUSION It is clear from the above discussion that a distinctive spatial patterning of economic activity was associated with each Nineteenth Century MBtis settlement (Figure 16). Zone A included those activities that took place within the built-up and cleared area of the settlement. Primarily these included farming (where practiced), clothes- and equipment- manufacture, house and trading post construction and maintenance, canoe- and boat- building and repair,I2' store-based trading and limited fishing, trapping, and sugar- making. It must be stressed that none of the settlements were sustainedsolely by activities that tookplace within Zone A. Therefore, they depended heavily on a variety of economic activities that took place beyond the fringes of the settlement to a distance that could be traveled in a few days (Zone B). In this fairly intensively utilized area, which was frequented during most seasons of the year, economic activities included (depending on the area): wild rice gathering, gathering roots and berries, maple sugar-making, birch- bark collecting, fishing, hunting and trapping, and forestry activities (cutting fire wood and securing construction timber). Around most settlements, this zone expanded over time as settlements grew and depleted local fur and game resources, taxed fisheries, and exhausted timber resources.122 '"AS noted, commonly the trading posts that anchored most M6tis settlements were located at a good fishery andlor at junctions on transportation networks. '22~oron extreme example of the latter problem as it developed at York Factory see, Arthur J. Ray, "York Factory: The Crises of Transition, 1870-1880," The Beaver, 1982,312: 26-31. - Ray, Arthur: Mdtis Economic Communilier andSelllemenh in the 1YhCentury -78- 'T: FIGURE 16: Spatial Model of Metis Settlements Near Settlement : Collecting, fishing, hunting, trapping, trading, cutting & hauling wood [for fires and construction] - Ray, Arthur: Mdti8Economic Communities anJSe~tlementsin the 2YhCentu~y -79- Much farther from each settlement was a more distant and extensive territory -- (Zone C) that required extended travel for settlement members to reach it. Usually members of a given MBtis settlement ventured to this zone at a particular season of the year primarily to obtain uncommon resources (such as salt), to hunt highly valued game (most notably bison in Western Canada), for employment (most commonly brigade work and, in the prairie region, as carters), and/or for trading purposes. Also, Zone C often contained sites that residents of particular settlements resorted to when one of their staple resources failed. In other words, these outer zones served as economic safety valves for low points in fish and game cycles or when crop failures occurred. For example, when fisheries failed at Sault Ste Marie, the Mttis often resorted to Michipicoten, where they had relatives. When agriculture or the hunts failed at Red River, some MBtis temporarily relocated to St. Laurent and other locations on Lake Manitoba and Lake Wimipeg to fish and/or hunt in the Interlake area. Other Red River MBtis temporarily relocated to their wintering camps in southwestern Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and the northern states. Of great importance for the formation and expansion of the MBtis nation, commercial and subsistence harvesting activities that took place in Zone C (and transport work) brought members from different settlements together, thereby facilitating the exchange of ideas and information, the creation of extended and interconnected kinship and trading networks, and the development and sharing of cultural practices (regional expressions of MBtisness). Also, when resources failed for prolonged periods, Mttis residents of the affected settlements often transferred their principal residences to these peripheral sites. In this way, Mttis economic life facilitated migration when it was -- Ray, Arthur: MJtis Economic Communifies andSettlemenls in the 1$ Century - 80- necessary. Crucial in all of this was mobility. Movement was a central feature of MBfis -,-\. : 1 culture. ... Because of time constraints, this report should be considered as being only a preliminary study of the economic life of MBtis settlements and communities. This work .- needs to be married with genealogical data that illustrates the kinship networks that linked MBtis settlements together at regional and national levels. Also, more sample communities need to be studied to obtain a fuller picture of the regional variants of the MBtis nation during the Nineteenth Century. In present-day northern Ontario and the Prairie Province regions, particularly important would be information about Michipicoten, old Fort William, and Rainy Lake-Ft. Francis for the Great Lakes- Boundary Waters area, and Manitoba House, Cumberland House, and Green Lake for the southern boreal forest area, and a sampling of Saskatchewan and Alberta parkland settlements. Beyond this area we need to know more about Mbtis communities in northeastern British Columbia and the vast Northern Boreal Forest. It also would be very important to look at the economic life of MBtis settlements and communities in the 2oth century. The very limited literature that is available, particularly the work of Kew, Thornton, and Guy Lavallee, all suggest that the basic pattern of economic diversity, mobility, and the continued importance of earning a livelihood partly off of the land persisted, albeit the particular mix of income sources changed over time. In other words, there does seem to be a modem variant of the traditional MBtis economy. .- Ray, Arthur: Mklfs Economic Communities andSeltlemenfs in the 191h Cenhrry -81- Sources Cited 'I- 1 Anderson, J. W. AFur Trader's Story. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1961. - Anderson, T. G. and Alexander Vidal. "Report to His Excellency, the Governor-General in Council, Toronto, 5 December 1849." Archives of Ontario [OAC] F 1027-1-2 - Robinson Treaties. Barth, Frederik. "Introduction." Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Diffence. Ed. 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