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Organise! Scotland/Alba Lincoln AF Th e magazine of the [email protected] [email protected] Anarchist Federation h p://scotlandaf.wordpress.com/ Liverpool AF (including Merseyside) Issue 76 - Spring 2011 Aberdeen c/o News From Nowhere Bookshop 96 [email protected] Bold Street Organise! is the magazine of the Anarchist Liverpool L1. Federa on (AF). It is published in order to Edinburgh & the Lothians [email protected] develop anarchist communist ideas. It aims [email protected] to provide a clear anarchist viewpoint on London AF contemporary issues and to ini ate debate Glasgow BM ANARFED, London, WC1N 3XX, on ideas not normally covered in agita onal papers. [email protected] England, UK We aim to produce Organise! twice a year. [email protected] To meet this target, we posi vely solicit con- Striling tribu ons from our readers. We aim to print s [email protected] Manchester AF any ar cle that furthers the objec ves of c/o News From Nowhere Bookshop anarchist communism. If you’d like to write Wales/Cymru 96 Bold Street something for us, but are unsure whether cardiff @afed.org.uk Liverpool, L1. to do so, why not get in touch fi rst? Even [email protected] [email protected] ar cles that are 100% in agreement with our h p://www.af-north.org/ aims and principles can leave much open to debate. England (and all other areas) As always, the ar cles in this issue do not BM ANARFED, London, WC1N 3XX, Newcastle AF (including Tyneside) necessarily represent the collec ve view- England, UK Anarchist Federa on, PO Box ITA, New- point of the AF. We hope that their publica- [email protected] castle Upon Tyne, NE99 1TA on will produce responses from our readers [email protected] and spur debate on. Birmingham AF (including West Mid- The deadline for the next issue of Organise! lands) No ngham AF (including No s) will be 14th August 2011. Please send all [email protected] Box AF c/o The Sumac Centre 245 Glad- contribu ons to the address on the right. stone Street It would help if all ar cles could be either typed or on disc. Alterna vely, ar cles can Brighton AF (including Lewes) No ngham be emailed to the editors directly at [email protected] NG7 6HX [email protected] no [email protected] • Bristol AF mansfi [email protected] [email protected] h p://www.afed.org.uk/no ngham/ What goes in Organise! h p://bristolaf.wordpress.com/ Organise! hopes to open up debate in many Organise! editors areas of life. As we have stated before, un- East Anglia AF (including Norwich & Organise!, BM ANARFED, London, less signed by the Anarchist Federa on as a Cambs) WC1N 3XX whole or by a local AF group, ar cles in Or- [email protected] [email protected] ganise! refl ect the views of the person who has wri en the ar cle and nobody else. Hereford AF (including Herefordshire) Resistance editors If the contents of one of the ar cles in this [email protected] Resistance, BM ANARFED, London, issue provokes thought, makes you angry, www.afed.org.uk/hereford WC1N 3XX compels a response then let us know. [email protected] Revolu onary ideas develop from debate, they do not merely drop out of the air! Hull AF [email protected] Sheffi eld AF h p://yorks-afed.org sheffi [email protected] h p://yorks-afed.org Kent AF East Kent Surrey and Hants AF [email protected] [email protected]

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Organise! Issue 76 - Spring 2011

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Since around the me when we accounts of local ac vity and raised within the wider an -cuts published Organise! #75, October na onal propaganda). In this movement about civil disobedi- 2010, it is fair to say that anar- issue we deal ini ally with what ence and direct ac on, and the chists in Britain have been most was arguably the culmina on occupa on and destruc on of visibly ac ve on one issue prima- of the fi rst phase of the strug- private property. It is wri en with rily: the Cuts. The ConDems’ vision gle, the huge march against Cuts a view to making anarchist views for the future featured heavily in on March 26th in London, the of the events of the day more that issue and has dominated our ‘March for the Alterna ve’ called understandable to other sorts ac vity since (see our website for by the T.U.C. We explore issues it of people on the march, such as Organise! 5 people iden fying primarily as workers, trade unionists and serv- Friends tex ng marchers behind them ice users, who are now scouring from Hyde Park were bemused; where anarchist media for explana ons. We also evaluate UK Uncut and was the real opposi on? Where were the Black Bloc from an anarchist- communist perspec ve. We ad- those who would heckle the Labour dress the groups of people above as an anarchist organisa on with hypocrites? Was this really the culmi- members in all of them. na on of the march? Marching for the Alterna ve.

Trades unionists and everyone else in the an -cuts movement were dismayed last Autumn when they are coming at us so thick the T.U.C. announced that it and fast that it feels impossible Their friends were very possibly would wait un l March to fa- to keep track of them (this is no in the West End, either engaged cilitate what we all knew would accident of course) never mind in or cheering on the various be the biggest march in Britain come up with a coherent alterna- forms of direct ac on striking at since the demonstra ons against ve that everyone fi gh ng the the heart of the problem, both the war in Iraq in 2003. It is the cuts would agree on. Instead, the symbolically and actually. As only body big enough to organ- way the working class is respond- has happened on many demos, ise something on this scale, and ing is to a empt to fi ght the cuts but not always with the press its cons tuent unions are the and salvage what we can at a local exposure it had on the 26th, only groups able to lay on the level. But at a na onal level, not the West End was, well, if not hundreds of coaches, and even only does no one single strategy exactly alight, certainly warming several trains, that brought peo- dominate, but this is probably a up. The banks fell one by one, ple from the four corners of the good thing at this stage. No one surprisingly easily. The Ritz and Bri sh Isles to London. But this has managed to s tch up ‘the the elite car showrooms fell too. frustra on in itself had helped alterna ve’ and so dialogue about But these sights paled in com- to build the movement at a local it is not only possible but s ll cen- parison with seeing Fortnum and level. All the T.U.C. had done by trally important. The main point of Mason occupied by UK Uncut. calling for a march rather than the march, therefore, was to make This was the mother of all short- industrial ac on was to cop out our anger known, and furiously lived occupa ons! The gregarious anyway. The feeling of dismay led determined people did this in vari- jollity of the spectacle put on for union ac vists to muck in with ous ways according to what they on-lookers was fantas c. March- service users, claimants and the understand the point of protest to ers saw anarchist fl ags waved rest and get on with the job of be. from balconies behind which lay fi gh ng the cuts without wait- champagne and caviar. People ing for anyone to lead us. By the The appearance in Hyde Park of pretended to open champagne me the march came around, the Ed Milliband and other apologists bo les and glug the contents. campaigns were in full swing, and for the Cuts was incongruous on a Some witnessed a spoof ‘An- so was the vibe on the day. grass-roots march of people who ques Roadshow’ as occupiers It almost didn’t ma er that no were screwed over by New Labour displayed pricey crockery to on- one, least of all the T.U.C., was long before the Tories’ new of- lookers from one window: “Oh, able to express properly what the fensive. Friends tex ng marchers don’t drop it!”... “Oh, please drop ‘alterna ve’ actually is. The over- behind them from Hyde Park were it!” Like Michael Jackson’s baby whelming feeling on the march bemused; where was the real op- suspended from a balcony, it was was that this was only the begin- posi on? Where were those who an era-defi ning moment. ning. The extent of the destruc ve would heckle the Labour hypo- social policies being forced upon crites? Was this really the culmi- As individuals who have chosen us is en rely unprecedented, and na on of the march? to speak from both UK Uncut 6 Organise! and the Black Bloc admit, there marching with their trade boring press. The people who is a huge cross-over between unions and as part of pro- want and deserve the headlines them. But whilst the style and fessions from fi remen to are the people who spent their the message vary considerably, legal-aid solicitors, lectur- me and money travelling to Lon- along with various other group- ers to sex-workers. Along don on their day off and joining ings with a militant an -capitalist with students, community hundreds of thousands of others message present and ac ve organisa ons, claimants and in a mass display of militant anger, on the day, what we had was service-user groups they bussed in from the provinces. That a mul -faceted, decentralised represented almost every- is the essen al characteris c of and horizontally-organised cry one. As such, the majority of rage, against privilege and of marchers iden fi ed with against the people causing and the ages-old analysis that implemen ng the Cuts and the it is the economic might of social crisis they have engen- ‘the workers’ that is most dered. threatening to capitalism. It is, but only if we are willing But the diff erences in style and to strike and do so convinc- message between UK Uncut and ingly, together, indefi nitely, the Black Bloc, the most visible and know that we have the anarchist presence on the day, full backing of the working are there. It is no bad thing. class as a whole and will We are in a period in which it is benefi t from its unqualifi ed vital that new ideas and modes solidarity. If we are a long of struggle arise and test them- way from revolu on, we selves. Direct ac on and mass are also far from a workers’ civil disobedience are the order General Strike. We aren’t of the day. The upsurge in class holding our breath wai ng anger that is refl ected in the for the T.U.C. to organise sheer size of 2011’s Black Bloc one and are advoca ng all – it was over a thousand people kinds of other ac on (see strong at mes – is the result of our leafl et ‘Everything we’ve the state’s defi ant indiff erence to won, they want it back’ on the legi macy of recent student the AF web-site). protest. Coupled with the iden - fi ca on of thousands upon thou- The press, the demonstra- sands of ordinary people – many on and the anarchists. ac ve for the fi rst me in their lives – with UK Uncut and its Some people feel that UK defend-services message, means Uncut and the Black Bloc that we are entering a phase stole the limelight when it not merely of highly-focussed came to press coverage. This class anger, where we have been supposes that had these ac- before several mes since the ons not taken place, there 1980s to no avail, but of gener- would have been extensive alised class consciousness that is coverage of the ‘peaceful’ becoming as fearless and crea- parts of the march and rally. ve as it needs to be to bring We would dispute this and about real change. We are not make the following observa- on the brink of revolu on, but ons about press coverage. we are in unchartered territory. First, the press cover ‘vio- This is not to dismiss the vast lence’ largely because the majority of marchers, the people rest of the spectacle makes Organise! 7 na onal demonstra ons in Lon- the press devoted a propor- On ‘violence’ against property. don. But it is of no more interest onal amount of air me to on the T.V. than, say, coverage of it, they would be seen to be From the condemnatory out- the No ng Hill Carnival is to peo- celebra ng it. The more they pourings of media commenta- ple who were not actually there. showed of ordinary peo- tors, on the le as well as the ple dressed up, singing and right, you’d think this was the Second, the main march also playing music, with the most fi rst me anyone had actually makes slightly dangerous press. If crea ve, wi y and hard-hi ng raised a hand against private array of placards London has property in the pursuit of jus ce. ever seen, the more they In fact, given the social suprem- seemed to condone the dis- acy of Capitalism, it is diffi cult to sent. If their job was to refl ect account for what rights we do the mood of the day and cover have in the modern world oth- events as they actually took erwise. A few examples follow, place rela ve to each other, chosen from many but somehow the news would refl ect pro- relevant: por onately what happened and the Black Bloc and UK un- In the Guardian ‘Comment is cut would receive next to no free’ the Black Bloc was likened coverage. That would be fi ne to the scabs ridiculed by the with the bloc, because their Industrial Workers of the World inten on is not to grab the (IWW) in the period of its incep- headlines for themselves but on in the early twen eth cen- to fi ght back against capital- tury US. This has caused quite a ism with a mixture of symbolic s r, because like deputy London challenges to corporate greed mayor Kit Malthouse’s off ensive and direct ac on intended likening of the Black Bloc to ‘fas- actually to harm it. cist agitators’, it a empts to align us with our ideological enemies. Finally, any press, including As the alive and kicking modern- anarchist press, doesn’t cover day UK IWW pointed out in events ‘objec vely’. It cre- response, their predecessors and ates stories and the stories other early labour ac vists would refl ect the ideology behind have achieved li le without vio- that media. The mainstream lence and the threat of violence press is owned by some of the against the bosses and their richest people in the UK. Is it property, in par cular industrial any wonder that, combined sabotage (see ar cle elsewhere with the essen al banality of on Émile Pouget). It was the watching a demo as opposed willingness of ordinary people to to being part of it, it writes take such ac on that won above- stories about how wrong it is starva on level wages and rights to damage private property? to work in safe environments, This makes for easy copy. The for no more than an eight-hour story is all the more exci ng if day, and so on. Fear of what the there is a so target to iden- working class could do when it fy as responsible. The Black chose to fi ght back collec vely Bloc makes an easy target. was what won it the right legally More on this below. to fl ex its muscle stopping short of actual violence – that is to But fi rst, let’s return to that say, the right to establish trades crockery: to drop, or not to unions and the right of these to drop? strike and picket. Trade unionists 8 Organise! ... it was the suff rage es who tore up the West End as the Black Bloc did. On 1 March 1912 ‘The West End of Lon- don...was the scene of an unexampled outrage on the part of militant suff ragists.... Bands of women paraded Re- gent Street, Piccadilly, the Strand, Oxford Street and Bond Street, smashing windows with stones and hammers.’ (The Daily Graphic). Did they go too far also?

would do well to consider that le- commi ed against an inanimate through trades unions, or in sup- gal unions would not exist except object, they reasoned, and prop- port of an inclusive franchise, or in for the working class’s willingness erty could be sacrifi ced to stop opposi on to war. It seems then, to use violence or sabotage. Did violence against people. As a that violence against property is they go too far? result, they tore down the fences OK as long as it is 1/ in the past, of US bases, causing hundreds of and 2/ in a cause that, in a rather Since then, many struggles have thousands of pounds-worth of circulatory fashion, succeeded in used direct ac on without respect damage. One group of women shaping the present outlook of to property. Powerful women are not only destroyed a en re US liberal commentators on the Black fond of telling anarcho-feminists plane, but got away with it in Bloc. that the suff rage es fought for court on the basis that they were us to have the vote we scorn. saving lives. None of this is to say that an- It is true that working and non- archists or anyone else should working people, men and women, But the 1980s also saw riots glorify ‘violence’ against property suff ered at various points to win break out in Britain’s inner ci es for its own sake. It has its place the vote. But it was the suff ra- as mainly black youth responded as a tac c, but is not the message ge es who tore up the West End with violence to police brutal- in itself. We need to address this as the Black Bloc did. On 1 March ity. The parallel upsurge in the because most of what the public 1912 ‘The West End of London... UK anarchist movement in the thinks it ‘knows’ about modern was the scene of an unexampled 1980s had several causes but anarchists is that they appear to outrage on the part of militant one was the disaff ec on of be building up to a certain stere- suff ragists.... Bands of women pa- militant young anarcho-pacifi sts otype: the bomb throwing nihilist! raded Regent Street, Piccadilly, the with the middle-class peace Strand, Oxford Street and Bond movement’s hypocrisy in sup- In our view, anarchists worth the Street, smashing windows with por ng violence against property name u erly reject once suppos- stones and hammers.’ (The Daily on the one hand, but consider- edly fashionable anarchist tac cs Graphic). Did they go too far also? ing the violence of working class such as bombing. In fact, such a youth to be ‘misdirected’. Many movement never really existed, in A third example is that of direct disaff ected ac vists abandoned Britain anyway (and elsewhere it ac on ‘peace ac vists’ of the pacifi sm and joined other young was o en the inven on of agent 1980s. They won the argument anarchists in the class war. provocateurs and the police: see within their movement that vio- review of Alex Bu erworth’s book lence against property is a valid It’s all about context in this issue). We also point out tac c, even for people calling that the most fervent historical themselves pacifi sts, against US So violence against property is advocates of large-scale violence, Cruise missiles being sta oned fi ne in support of workers’ rights anarchists such as Alexander in Britain. ‘Violence’ cannot be to organise in their own interests Berkman, imprisoned for the Organise! 9 a empted assassina on of the capitalist Henry Frick in It must be said nonetheless that 1892, later rejected it as a tac c on refl ec on on how anarchists do have a special disre- li le it achieves at such a high cost, not only to anarchists. spect for Capitalist property (as op- ‘Propaganda by deed’, as it was known, did not advance posed to ordinary people’s proper- the cause of a mass work- ing class movement but led ty or even local municipal property, ordinary people to be afraid of anarchists and to assume which we all pay for). that arbitrary violence against people was the next logical step a er bombs and target- ed assassina on. not ‘collateral damage’. that there is a debate to be had about whether it is actually pro- In fact, the Anarchist Federa- But it must be said nonetheless duc ve. An individual member on and most other anar- that anarchists do have a special in the comments on the ar cle chists in groups or organisa- disrespect for Capitalist property specifi cally distances the Sol Fed ons reject the destruc on of (as opposed to ordinary people’s members from criminal dam- property when it is on a large property or even local municipal age. Closer to our own a tude scale, because this could kill property, which we all pay for). to property is another comment: people accidentally. It doesn’t We do not hold it sacred and the ‘Violence and damage are not only scare people, but it en- Anarchist Federa on does not the same thing. Violence is when dangers workers even when, condemn anyone for destroying it. the Met throw the disabled out for example, buildings are ap- In this we possibly go further than of their wheelchairs or a ack and parently empty, say at night. the Solidarity Federa on, or their kill an unarmed newspaper ven- Fire fi ghters, caretakers, Brighton branch at least, because dor. Property damage -- which cleaners, and people pass- in their ‘A le er to UK Uncut- we can debate as a tac c -- is not ing by on the way to an early ters from the ‘violent minority’’, the same thing and to use such morning shi are our fellow they ques on the use of violence terminology only serves to legi - human beings and our allies, against property full-stop and say mise the ruling class narra ve 10 Organise! being promoted by the media’. their taxes. It’s not so much that structures means that it has the anarchists oppose tax (actually poten al to develop a more in- The correspondence above was we are ambivalent towards tax depth cri que than at present, between Brighton Sol Fed and UK in the present day, but that’s without being taken over by the Uncut in the context of the police another discussion). It’s the fact sort of people (usually Trotskyists) and press treatment of the lat- that none of these businessmen who like to take these things over. ter, wrongly a ribu ng Black Bloc have broken the law in moving ac vity to it. From posts on blogs their assets around to avoid shar- Although anarchists were in- it is clear that at least some UK ing their profi ts with the rest of volved in UK Uncut in many towns Uncut people are not happy with us. The problem is that the law from the outset, this form of violence against property. But the allows this, if you have enough organisa on is not our doing. In le er makes an excellent case that money to pay an accountant to fact it is partly a prac cal ma er. we are all in this together, and fi nd the loop holes. The UK Un- UK Uncut uses social media to other comments to it refer to the cut message is implicitly to close organise, and this lends itself to fact that UK Uncut as much as the the loopholes, but they are there decentralisa on. But having said bloc itself went ‘off piste’ in rela- for a reason - so that the mates that, UK Uncut clearly likes this on to the T.U.C. agenda for the of the poli cians stay as rich as way of opera ng, and has used it day. possible. So the basic message of to carry out genuine direct ac- ‘Pay your Tax!’ is not an en rely on. These ac ons are crea ve, On UK uncut coherent one. loud and challenging and involve occupa on of key businesses but UK Uncut has really surprised the But that isn’t all that UK Uncut stop well short of causing damage anarchist movement and got us is about. UK Uncut is the largest to property. They involve normal all talking. Some of its early direct grass roots movement seen in people (including the anarchists!) ac on was excrucia ngly reform- recent years and if its message ge ng their message across in a ist. Anarchists stopped turning is uninspiring to anarchists, it is way that does not alienate shop- up when expected to pander to far from that to the thousands pers, frighten staff or break any the lowest common denomina- of ordinary people it mobilises. signifi cant laws. tor message, that all would be The radicalisa on taking place right with the world if a handful within its ranks and its spontane- Why then, have UK Uncut been of, admi edly very very greedy, ous adop on of horizontal and dragged about and hit by se- businessmen would only pay decentralised organisa onal curity guards and police, been Organise! 11 dressing workers more directly, in In fact, whilst the Black Bloc re- par cular those working on the shop fl oor in businesses that we main anonymous and ‘get away target. When we go into banks etc as UK Uncut we should more with it’, UK Uncut are taking the deliberately engage with work- ers. Staff have a role in stopping heat that can be applied by the businesses too and have even more reason to hate their em- very rich and powerful, and the ployers. UK Uncut should defend its police are, naturally, dancing to organisa onal structure from people who would take it over. the la er tune. It is directly democra c, each one answerable to the others. It chooses targets by consensus decision-making. It should not tear-gassed by police, had armed respects private property in a way allow its ac ons to be a pla orm police turn up at their ac ons, and that anarchists do not. for authoritarian groups such as on the 26th March been lied to the SWP, who have begun to sell by police and treated essen ally We have a few more points to their papers on UK Uncut ac ons. like terrorists, arrested and having make about UK Uncut. The fi rst is mobile phones taken? This follows that the way they have been mis- Finally, UK Uncut have opened high level discussions trea ng represented in the media is shock- the way for the return of gener- them as some kind of domes c ing, and we know how it feels. But alised ‘civil disobedience’ in the extremists. this is only happening because UK. When was it exactly that the they are so eff ec ve. We thank UK concept of ordinary people ob- As the Brighten Sol Fed’s le er to Uncut for their refusal to sell us struc ng bad prac ces through them notes, they off er a way for out in the media a er March 26th direct ac on, even breaking the non-workers to engage in eco- and will return the favour. law but not usually property, nomic sabotage, in an ‘economic slipped out of focus? Under New blockade’. The cost of a window A second is that UK Uncut has Labour, of course. This again is broken by the Black Bloc is noth- spread a tac c used for a long the fault of liberal commentators. ing compared to the money lost if me by anarchists - the a empted ‘Taking a stand’, or even a seat in a bank or West End shop is closed conversion of commercial space the road, or not paying that part down for half a day. In fact, whilst into a public space – to a much of our taxes that gets spent on the Black Bloc remain anonymous wider class-struggle ac vist com- weapons, or refusing to pay Poll and ‘get away with it’, UK Uncut munity. This is powerful in spite Tax, did not involve even damage are taking the heat that can be ap- of its present reformist context to property. But once labour got plied by the very rich and power- because of the sheer numbers in and the dreadful Thatcherite ful, and the police are, naturally, engaging with it, deeming it to era was over, it seemed silly to dancing to the la er tune. It won’t be legi mate ac vity on private go about things the hard way. be long un l they are infi ltrated property, and being radicalised This poli cal apathy became so and place under surveillance, if by that process. This acceptance entrenched that even when we this has not happened already. of the idea that Capitalist space is marched against Labour, against That is a disgus ng way to treat poten ally a legi mate target for the war, no one except the anar- people making a point that is, by occupa on opens up a lot of pos- chists were interested in going off and large, shared by the major- sibili es. the map. What is more astonish- ity of people being aff ected by ing is that so few people took the cuts. This message is s ll too UK Uncut can’t subs tute itself direct ac on even when Labour dangerous for the state to allow it for workers’ direct ac on any made it clear that they were to be expressed through mass civil more than the Black Bloc can. In going to en rely ignore the fact disobedience, even of a sort that fact both need to fi nd a way of ad- 12 Organise! that one-in-forty people in Britain also to create group solidarity by Black Bloc people pull down their a ended an -war demonstra ons taking ac on together. masks to talk to other demonstra- on the same day. Civil disobedi- tors, because they want to con- ence was dead, anarchists’ minds The tac c then, is to do all this nect with other marchers. They turned back to the inspiring direct in such as way as to get away just don’t do it at the me they ac on of Sea le 1999, and the UK with it. The iden fi ca on and commit criminal acts. Further- Black Bloc was born. criminalisa on of (unmasked) more, many of the people joining students and others a er Mill- in the jolly chan ng, giving out On the Black Bloc bank and the Parliament Square leafl ets, marching with community ke le shows that this is no easy or workplace groups, were in the But if the bloc was born of rage feat in the age of ubiquitous bloc before or a er these other and frustra on and contempt for CCTV, and that this is the case ac vi es. They are not dis nct New Labour hypocrisy, Saturday whether or not you have actually from the rest of the march except 26th’s ‘Black Bloc’ was far bigger ‘done anything’. Just by showing that they will adopt an anony- than any seen in the UK previ- your photograph on T.V., they mous persona and certain points. ously. Let’s just set our clearly why turn you into public enemy no. it is what it is, because it has been 1. But if everyone dresses in On a Guardian blog a comment badly mis-represented. the same colour and hides their asked, ‘Why do you have to hide faces, it is immeasurably more your faces in black scarves? There Firstly, as has helpfully been diffi cult for the police to iden fy are other ways to hide your face’. noted even in the mainstream and arrest someone, commi ng This misses the very prac cal media by people who actually un- a crime or otherwise, because point; everyone has to look the derstand what is going on, it is not that person can just blend in same, and black is easiest. None- a group or even a movement but a with the crowd. theless, behind this comment and tac c used in pursuance of a strat- others like it is a more serious and egy. The strategy is to hit wealth That’s all it is! The colour less naive point. Black is to many and privilege where it hurts using doesn’t even need to be black a sinister colour. Hiding your face direct ac on. This is essen ally - there have been blue blocs, red is a sinister thing also. Finding symbolic – how much does replac- blocs and white blocs in other something sinister means fi nding ing a window or cleaning off paint contexts - but black is the easi- it frightening. In fact, when we actually harm a bank’s profi ts? – est colour. The Black Bloc wear have a bloc on the scale that we but there is nonetheless a mes- masks purely to hide their faces. had on March 26th, we need to sage behind it that is the message They don’t want to hide their address this as a movement: some that demos have lost; if we can do faces from other marchers, but it people were scared of us. The bloc this – get to you like this – then would be very dangerous not to needs to refl ect on itself and see think what a mass uprising could do so when commi ng a crimi- itself through other peoples’ eyes. do. nal act or being with people who Those in the bloc know this, of the police think might. In fact course. The strategy is also to make it clear to other marchers that all the speeches by trade unionists and Labour Party members in the The strategy is also to make it clear to World is not going to fundamen- tally change society, and will in other marchers that all the speeches fact probably make things worse. by trade unionists and Labour Party The point is to get over the point that one of the ‘alterna ves’ is to members in the World is not going abandon the state and destroy money and privilege. We’ll return to fundamentally change society, to the ques on of the message below, but people get inves gated and will in fact probably make things and groups infi ltrated for advocat- ing far less, and so the strategy is worse. Organise! 13

Furthermore, the bloc on the the tac c are students radicalised they mean, ‘representa ve of no 26th maybe missed the point that both by witnessing bloc ac vity one but themselves’. And along wearing black is an act of self on the student demos of 2010-11, with the press, they also throw defence; it is not a uniform. What most defi nitely by having their in the idea that they are ‘unem- was carrying mass-produced black voices ignored a er those demos ployed’ rather than students, and red fl ags all about? It gave the by the state, and also by being as though through their own Bloc the appearance of an army condemned by both the lecturers’ choice. with insignia. This was both thrill- union (UCU) ini ally and then by ing and unse ling. It also gave the Student Union itself. We take issue with this idea that the impression that the bloc was the Black Bloc consists of middle centralised in some way. Someone But their creden als as young class layabouts not only because had made and given out the fl ags. people willing to stand up to the it isn’t true, but so what if it Onlookers might wonder, was Tories does not endear them to was? The premise rests on a very someone therefore in charge a er the same trades unionists, lec- outdated understanding of class all? So we have to address the turers and teachers and parents composi on and the student nature of the bloc and fi nd ways who spoke up for them a er the economic experience, which are to get our message across. students demos. This is because far more complex. now the children are out of con- The fi rst step, because of the trol! They have gone too far! Now The new kids on the bloc are way the press and to some extent they are wearing black and call- the same people who won’t be other marchers responded to it, ing themselves anarchists! And able to go to university if fees is to make it clearer who the bloc somehow it has become the case are raised. A large percentage is is? As noted, the core of it used to that by wearing masks and hiding really young in terms of the tra- be anarchists taking up direct ac- their personal iden ty, members di onal Black Bloc demographic, on at street level because of the of the bloc have waived the right Further Educa on students, who sham that was civil society under to determine their own collec ve are contes ng the end to Educa- New Labour. We had to wake peo- iden ty. So, whereas people with- on Maintenance Allowance. ple up to the fact that Thatcher out masks at Millbank and ke led And a large number are current may have gone, but s ll no one in Parliament Square were ‘ordinary, HE students including many who power gave a damn about what hard-working students’ fi gh ng for also work, having no other way we thought. As also noted, many the future, liberal commentators of housing and feeding them- of those newly iden fying with now observe that members of the selves at university. Indeed, bloc are ‘middle class’, by which only a rela vely small number 14 Organise!

of students even from rela vely This might surprise some non- got involved a er taking part on well off backgrounds sail through anarchist readers, but anarchist the G20 demonstra ons in 2009. their degree without worrying workers are more likely to join Many a ended that in order to about money. So, none of these a trade union than many other express in a crea ve way their groups in the bloc are privileged. workers. There is a very high frustra on at greed and inequality It is no wonder that they share level of consciousness about the and, very largely, at the destruc- the belief that most ‘radicals’ need to organise collec vely in on of the environment. They abandoned long ago - again under an economic context as a means were ke led for hours and beaten New Labour - that FE and HE and of defea ng the bosses. So whilst arbitrarily, and the death of Ian ALL educa on should be FREE. At anarchists have very specifi c Tomlinson scarred and changed Millbank, this ideal was expressed cri ques of tradi onal unions, them forever. So they are sick of in placards but felt hopelessly we also consider that if there is being patronised since then and op mis c. The presence of this a union in our workplace, that is told to wait their turn and leave idea now in the Black Bloc shows where we will meet other mili- things to the reformists. What has us that the students are deadly tants and it is with these people that achieved? Everything just got serious about this and mean every that we need to organise. Anar- worse. So don’t tell us to sit qui- word of what they say. chists will o en also be members etly in the corner anymore. Throw of workers organisa ons such in the inspira on that was the In addi on, the bloc contains as the IWW the Solidarity Fed- Greek Winter of 2008 into the mix, workers, with the same sort of de- era on that are based around and you have today’s Black Bloc. mographic as non-bloc workers on specifi c industries, rather than the march. Some are in skilled and dividing works according to their Finally, so what if some of them secure jobs (if any jobs are secure func on and workplace status, did turn out to be from middle at the moment). But most take as tradi onal unions do. It is also class backgrounds and are unem- ac on in the context of threat- o en anarchist workers who run ployed by choice? Work for most ened redundancy, family members the risk of a emp ng to unionise of us is one of the worst aspects losing their jobs, and the severe workplaces that are not union- of life under Capitalism. Is it only forms of exploita on and under- ised. It is increasingly in this wealthy university students who payment at work that the young la er kind of industry that young are allowed to take a ‘gap year’? experience most severely. workers are employed. In their case it is between school and HE, and they might travel Many are also trade unionists. Then there are those who fi rst round the world at their parents’ Organise! 15 expense. Given the low cost of JSA its logical conclusion – we must can’t subs tute itself for the to the tax-payer, is it so bad that bring down inequality. Students class? It can’t start the fi ght for some might want to be unem- now joining the movement might us, and neither can it win it. ployed for a me before, as they be shocked to learn how ‘an - inevitably and increasingly must, student’ the anarchist movement As the ar cle in this issue on they a empt to join the rat race. was un l rela vely recently. There Greece demonstrates, rage at Isn’t it the ideas that they come was a percep on that students – the police murder of a young up with and the radical structures university students that is - were man that turned into a Winter they create in this hiatus that privileged and apathe c. Class of Rage, fi re and fi gh ng, and their cri cs really resent and even War took the piss and talked of even to the tragic death of some fear? Their backgrounds could be bea ng them up; a magazine was workers in a bank, was not nihil- middle class in some cases, but launched called ‘An -Student’. ism or insurrec onist postur- their iden fi ca on, demonstrably, In the Anarchist Federa on, if a ing. It has breathed life into a is not. student joined, by and large we popular movement that, even expected them to disappear off though it looks nothing like our Again, it’s about context. Many home in the fi rst holiday and that anarchist movement, is coher- on the bloc come from inner we’d never see them again. What ent, self-refl exive, and building city London estates and have no a diff erent material circumstances a be er world with workers and money, no prospect of a job, no make! others in Greece’s inner ci es. All way of accessing educa on and, anarchist movements are highly with the new cap on Housing Ben- But how good is the bloc at rep- literate. It’s just something that efi t, even less chance of leaving resen ng anarchism more gener- goes with the territory. But the home. But if these kids were riot- ally? The rest of the movement is Greeks use literature in a diff er- ing on their estates, many people small and does not have anything ent way and every ac on that who have recently cri cised the like the impact that the bloc now looks like a Black Bloc ac on is bloc would sympathise with their has. So the bloc is our ambas- accompanied by a leafl et explain- frustra on as unemployed, dis- sador. What people think of the ing what has been done and why, criminated against vic ms of the bloc, is what they think of anar- to help people understand who police and the state. If those kids chists. So again we return to the anarchists are and to encourage were masked, they’d be relieved, issue of Black Bloc strategy. Is it the public to come to their social for their own safety, because we enough? Isn’t it necessary to build centres and squats and see for all know what happens to kids into it somehow the full scope of themselves which, by all ac- in police sta ons. At the same the anarchist message and have a counts, they do. me, as in the inner city riots of strategy not just for the bloc but the 1980s, commentators from a strategy for changing society? The bloc makes it impossible anarchists through the whole This has to be through generalised to miss anarchists, just as is the spectrum of the le and to liberal class-consciousness and it isn’t case in Greece. So how does the commentators wondered why clear yet how the bloc contributes bloc communicate what anar- they were trashing their home to this. Is the bloc aware that it chists believe to ordinary peo- area, asking, “Why don’t they take it to the rich?” Well now they are. Deal with it. in the inner city riots of the 1980s, Anarchist Communism and the commentators from anarchists through Black Bloc the whole spectrum of the le and to The student movement has trans- formed the established anarchist liberal commentators wondered why movement within the space of a they were trashing their home area, year because of the breath-taking lack of compromise in its vision of asking, “Why don’t they take it to the equality of opportunity, and the speed with which it took this to rich?” Well now they are. Deal with it. 16 Organise! Flores Magon. We also analyse the recent revolts in North Africa with an ar cle on the new movement in Tunisia in its historical context.

Each of these struggles for the advancement of freedom and equality have been/ are being ap- plauded by socialists and others interested in meaningful change towards social as well as poli - cal freedom and equality. Whilst these struggles were/are undoubt- edly contextualised by far greater repression than we experience in the UK, their exulta on by some of the same sorts of people who condemn the Black Bloc begs ple? How can those people ‘fi nd’ Nowadays it is as though the refl ec on. It is the case that in us if all they see of us is masked ‘threat’ is nothing more than Paris, Mexico and Tunisia people and anonymous. We s ll need to that we might not vote for you. have taken up arms against their work on that, but part of it is cer- And we didn’t anyway! People in oppressors in self defence. They tainly having a non-secret face, by their droves didn’t vote for the have declared the sort of society being a group or organisa on that Tories and they didn’t win the they want, been then a acked by people can meet, debate ideas elec on, and s ll they are doing the state or other oppressor, and with and hopefully join. Can the this, and doing it legally! How in all cases become prepared to bloc point people in the direc on much more evidence do we need use violence against police and of more easily accessible anar- that parliamentary democracy is soldiers if they have to: violence chism? nothing of the sort. against people, in other words. Why may the Black Bloc not use Conclusions As if we hadn’t got the message, violence against property in our on Sunday 27th Vince Cable ‘lesser’ struggle? People who condemn Black Bloc told us that marches of this sort violence on demos, or ques on wouldn’t change the govern- If the bloc may not use violence why they did this on ‘someone ment’s mind. Let’s rise to that because it is the case they we else’s’ demo, are missing the challenge! Let’s become the vio- don’t have it as bad as people point about demos. In themselves lent majority. If we did that, the in historical socie es did, or as nowadays they mean nothing irony is that we would need to people in far-removed places s ll because in our obsession with this use very li le violence at all even do, then that needs to be made disempowering parliamentary to property, let alone against clearer by commentators. It is democracy their purpose has been people. therefore anarchist goals that are unclear. Demos began as expres- in ques on, the fact that in spite sions of collec ve class anger and Violence, past and present. of our rela ve good fortune we they were eff ec ve because of the wish to abolish more benevolent implicit threat of violence that lay Finally, we shall celebrate the states too, and go far further than behind them. The message was, anniversaries of the Paris Com- the rela vely greater economic “We are giving you a warning”, mune (1871) and the Mexican equality within our society. Let’s and o en it served the state best Revolu on (1911) properly in be clear about that then, and be- to take heed of that warning, be- Organise #77, but tempt you gin discussion about whether an- cause next me we might not just here with two brief pieces in archy is a solu on. Let’s start with listen to a few speeches and then ‘The Paris Commune of 1871 and just how badly ‘liberal democracy’ go home. its Impact’ and a review of a new has to let us down before we book on the Mexican anarchist become disillusioned enough to Organise! 17 eff ect meaningful change. Let’s against property undertaken as that such struggles should not not wait to start this discussion part of building a mass movement get diverted by the some mes un l the working class is brought of resistance to the state and capi- apparently parallel struggles for irrevocably to its knees. tal. Along these lines, in this issue na onal libera on or ‘fairer’ eco- we also note an element of why nomic systems (review of Richard If the free, affl uent world has to this should take place (‘Throw a Mann Roberts’s book on Carlo be like this, we defend our right to TV at your Boss’), of how it should Piscane). challenge it through direct ac on not be done (‘A Doorway’) and Let us know what you think!

Forward to the General ‘Social Strike’

As we go to press, educa on unions are discussing co-ordinated strike ac on for June 30th. This can take place legally because of the stage that the UCU is at in its dispute with employers, but there is talk of un-related unions taking ac on then too. This is a long way from the general strike that which we know the TUC will never call. However, that makes it is all the more important that anarchists - trade unionists and otherwise - should support local ac vists taking ac on. Aside from members of the unions in ques on observing the strike day, it is just as important (and maybe more so) that we begin to put into prac ce more concertedly and generally tac cs that anarchists have been discussing. We need to do this from the perspec ve of a movement able to co-ordinate ac on and mobilise na onally, as workers, students, claimants and service users. We have a hugely signifi cant role to play whilst the trades unions work out what to do about the fact that most workers are s ll too afraid to undertake even legal ac on. That means arguing for interlinking tac cs such as

• Economic blockades, for example disrup on to and occupa ons of businesses and commercial com- munica ons (everything from roads to e-mail). This is the sort of ac on UK Uncut and the Solidarity Federa on have been advoca ng and undertaking. It includes also mass non-payment of, say, bus fares (see the ar cle on Greece elsewhere in this issue), and occupa ons and solidarity pickets of workplaces where workers face redundancy or vic misa on.

• Social strikes, which go beyond the concept of workers downing tools and support for economic strug- gles. We need these because workers, even those in unions, have very li le clout in the current legal climate. Why should we wait for them to kick-start ac on on issues that aff ect us anyway? Tac cs include sit-ins, read-ins, teach-ins and even work-ins where services are threatened, such as old peoples’ homes, libraries, NHS buildings, and voluntary sector projects such as the CAB, homeless shelters, women’s serv- ices. Also, it means support by workers for people without economic power, for example by dole offi ce workers in support of claimants, including people in receipt of incapacity and disability benefi ts.

• General assemblies to co-ordinate this ac on, involving everyone aff ected by the cuts, regardless of whether they work or not. These may be in town centres, colleges, day centres, communi es or wher- ever people iden fy their collec ve interests as lying. If they take over contested spaces such as universi- es or wasted space such as empty Job Centres – both of which have happened – so much the be er. They must be horizontally structured and avoid organisa onal models that would allow authoritarians to take over.

These things are already taking place and being planned. But we are arguing for anarchists making every eff ort to help co-ordinate such ac on, because collec vely we are so much more threatening to the state and empowering to the working class than we are alone. As such we need to be part of generalised an - cuts campaigns, because it’s all very well us organising horizontally, but we need to make it clear why non-hierarchical structures are more eff ec ve, full stop.

So if June 30th looks like happening, be there! If not.....let’s start something. 18 Organise! SSketchketch A Doorway

A doorway, empty. The door? again, much wearier in reality The next night. A punk gig in a Rus ng in a corner. than the fi rst voice, whatever it squat. Scores of young people “Security pre y ght then, eh?” a might have said. taking illegal substances, with voice- young, arrogant. “You’ve been fucking lunching hair and clothes each deliberately “Well, its not like we’re gonna out all day and now you’re gonna dis nc ve, blurring into an intense be moving in. Look at the place, fuck off ” – edgy. mess of black and dark colour. it’s like a fucking prison” another “Biatch, I ain’t gonna take this “Alright geezer?” a mad grin from voice, weary. shit much longer, I’m gonna a bouncing, studded giant. “A post-apocalyp c prison. Like collapse. I’m just doing this as a A rac ve and in mida ng girls where all the police have been fucking favour to you anyway” everywhere. Girls who look like rounded up by an angry mob and “I can’t believe your ego sm. You they’d be really interes ng to been shot” The third voice, with call yourself a revolu onary?” talk to. Who look like you could a certain disturbing edge to it. “Oh shut up you guys. There’s develop a years’-long obsession Nothing more was said. They got people sleeping upstairs. I’ll with. Are they making eye contact to work. just stay up then if it’ll shut you because they like you or because both up. I need to collect my they want you to stop looking at Four hours later. Somewhere else. thoughts.” Ratche ng up the them? “Man, I’m knackered. I need a weariness levels yet again. “What you been up to?” A legi - fucking spliff , a glass of water and “You ok man?” mate inquiry from an old acquaint- my fuckin’ blanket” - arrogant. “Yeah, I’ll be fi ne. I never sleep ance, not seen in months. Images “Whoah, someone’s got to stay that much these days. Just go of smashing glass, blurred roads. up, remember?” The weary voice ahead, see you at breakfast.” The smell of blood and sound of Organise! 19 sirens. Waves of rage, fear and melancholy. The numbing terror of injus ce triumphant. “Nothing much, just you know, chilling” lies, falseness. Who is le who you can be honest with? False friendships feel false. All warmth temporary. “Oh yeah, what you think about this new government eh?” Mum- bling something about how they’re all the same. Do you even realise what you’re asking me? Do you realise what I’ve done? “Yeah, but this lot are a right bunch of bastards. That’s why they’re tryin’ to kill em. Too bad the fucking idiots shot a worker instead. What nightmare. Now we got the media blaming it on violent anarchists. Can you believe that? As if we would do some- thing like that.” A burning desire to escape. “Yeah” A weak voice. But how weak? No ceably so? “Just need a piss, good to see you.”

As if we would do something like that. “We”. The people? The move- ment? The scene? Our friends? “Diversity of tac cs”. What a joke. A phrase to make you sound the past, we would love to be like An old follower of Marx and Len- enlightened in front of liberals them. But not literally. Not here, in, a real s ckler. Lecturing the and pacifi sts when you’re trying not now. Not in the real world. So room of youngsters who’d long to smash something and they’re who to go to for comradeship? since grown used to his rhetoric. trying to stop you. When those who do not wish to No-one any longer saw him as a But we don’t condone terrorism. be condemned will s ll condemn? threat. He’d had his heyday thirty “WE are not terrorists, THEY are Maybe they would not, if they years ago when he’d single hand- terrorists” Who has not said this? knew who they were condemn- edly managed to convince some Those others who use the same ing. But comrades have been striking workers to ignore the an- language as us, of revolu on and excommunicated before, on less archists and put their faith in the insurrec on, they are terrorists. evidence. The informal processes union bureaucrats, a er which But they are not our comrades, of judgement by gossip, jus ce by the city-wide labour movement we condemn them. OUR com- individual ini a ve. Some mes so had gone into inexorable decline. rades, well, they do… cultural terrifying that you longed for the But that was long ago. The anger work. Civil disobedience, non- old men in their stupid wigs. At at him had past and the new gen- violent direct ac on. Perfectly least they took the me to think. era on loved to hear his unique legi mate. Of course, if a revolu- Of course, that wasn’t an op on in perspec ve on events. on started, we would join in. Of this case. “Counter-revolu onary! I cannot course, we idolise the warriors of stress this enough! These people 20 Organise! scapegoats just the same as the fascists. And it didn’t even work! When have we actually reached out the hand of friendship to such people as these? We denounce them as backwards, sexist, as terrorists. Just like our enemies do. When someone feels the burden of oppression, of injus ce, weigh down on them un l their mind burns with a pain that only blood- lust can relieve, who can they go to for friendship? Terrorists Anon- ymous? How anonymous can you ever be? Anonymous enough to admit to murder without fear?

“I think the three of us need to talk” Trembling. “Why? Are we in danger?” a voice never more serious than now. “No, just… I have to get this off my chest.” “Shhh. Shut up. We aren’t discuss- ing anything, least of all here. That’s what we fucking agreed.” “Yeah, fucking hell man. You’re psycho”. Psycho???? What the fuck do you expect? Comrades? Hah! No wonder they giggle when the are enemies of the working class!! “85% of YOU believe capital pun- word is used. They think it’s a relic They have spilt proletarian blood ishment should be brought back of the past, as if modern life is in pursuit of an infan le no on for Treason”. synonymous when individualised of being able to skip ahead to the Treason. Plot. Gunpowder. Heads atomic aliena on. Like fucking revolu onary event from a posi- on spikes, bodies hanging from liberals. on of low class strength! Only scaff olds. the careful development of the A sub-heading: “Police chiefs revolu onary party and it’s grad- shock claim: This was not the An analysis: ual dominance over the workers’ work of Muslim terrorists.” Oh In the struggle to defeat the movement is the way forward! Let shit. bourgeoisie, the spectacle of us denounce these devia onists!” “16 subjects released, 4 s ll held representa ve democracy must be Class enemy. Traitor. First against for further ques oning.” ruptured in the face of the masses the wall when the revolu on 20 people arrested, because of in order for class consciousness comes. Do people really s ll think us. Because of the colour of their to fl ourish. The people’s natural like this? No-one’s telling him skin, and the scaremongering sense of jus ce at the death of to shut up. But then… murder is generalisa ons made about their tyrants will be reawakened when murder. Shit. religious heritage. And those they realise that their supposed supposedly fi gh ng the same democra c representa ves are An opinion poll in a tabloid news- fi ght as them, against racism actually upholding the tyranny of paper. Glimpsed over someone’s and imperialism, using them as capitalist oppression. The death shoulder in a café. Organise! 21

of a representa ve will spark the as to the true inten ons behind Escape. inquiring minds of the proletariat them. No warning of the irrepa- into seeking the cause of the rable harm they will infl ict on the “Vic m of the welfare reform.” hatred that led to the murder. working popula on both here and A sign hung round the neck. A This train of inquiry will lead to in the war zones, thousands of neck specked with blood. A limp the discovery of the exploita ve miles away. fi nger wrapped around a trig- reality, and its mass rejec on. In No reminders of the history of ger. A head spilling its contents this case, the assassina on was a pain, exploita on and death that on the road. A road leading up failure, with the unexpected death this very man played so recent a to a government building. A few of an innocent worker. This led to role in. No insight into the social dozen journalists. Three police a contrary eff ect to that intended: reality of today, a reality shaped forces. A symbol. the revolu onaries were seen as by the past eff orts of men like him enemies rather than allies of the to ensure the security of capital- A punk gig in a squat. A funeral people. The theory s ll holds, ist expansion at the expense of all theme. “RIP Johnny” on a banner though the new condi ons mean other considera ons. No men on hanging from the ceiling. it will not be feasible to put it into of the thousands who died today “What a fucking idiot. Sad really. prac ce again for some me. The of hunger, war and curable dis- S ll, he opened a lot of people’s death of the worker is unfortu- ease. Of course not. It’s a newspa- eyes to what’s been happening. nate from a tac cal point of view, per. I guess that’s what he wanted” A but in itself must be considered a studded giant, without a grin. natural consequence of the class The face of the dead worker, “A true martyr to the cause” war, which a er all, was started by inches away. Not dead? How did Edgy. the enemy. Out-moded religious he fi nd me? Fuck! Escape! “I’m just glad the heat’s off us ideas of absolute morality play no “Wa!” now for killin’ that old bloke” ar- part in revolu onary struggle. “Don’t worry, I’m on your side” A rogant. So why do I feel like this? wink. Waves of relief. “What?” “They faked your death for the This newspaper is almost one papers?” Hopeful… hundred pages long. Almost thirty “Of course!” a hearty chuckle. of them are about me. About how “Boy, we really spooked ‘em, eh?” they are coming to get me. About Reality melts… how all right-thinking people “Oi! You’re talking in your sleep! I should want me dead. About how need to be up early, pack it in!” by the very fact of my ac ons A dream. Typical. I remember all those who share my poli cal when I used to dream of utopia. opinions should be considered At least, I’m sure I must have done suspicious and dangerous. About once. Or else what is all of this how the Minister is taking it all in about? What indeed? his stride, somehow twis ng the event into rhetorical reasons to A doorway. The door? Rus ng in support his policies. No analysis a corner. The gun? Hidden under of these policies. No specula on rubble. 22 Organise! HHistoryistory Either we will bow our heads or we will take our future in our hands

a brief history of Greek anarchism

The history of anarchism in Anarchism made its fi rst appear- the An -Authoritarian Interna- Greece can be divided essen- ance in Greece in the 1860s. An onal. In 1877 the Club expanded ally into two periods; an early ar cle published in September into a regional socialist federa on movement ac ve from roughly 1861, en tled ‘Anarchy (Part 1)’, tled the ‘Democra c League of the period 1860 to 1944, and a for the newspaper ‘Fos’ (Light) the People’ publishing Greece’s modern movement from the late marks the fi rst recorded trace fi rst anarchist newspaper, Hellenic 1970s to the present period. The of the movement (‘Part 2’ never Democracy. Around the same me years in between marked not only materialised: shortly a er the an anarchist workingmen’s club a general decline, thanks to the publica on of the ar cle the was formed on the Island of Syros growing infl uence of Marxism fol- newspaper offi ces were raided which was reportedly instrumen- lowing the Russian revolu on, but and copies of the paper confi s- tal in the island’s 1879 tannery the bloody experience of World cated). Early anarchist groups and shipyard strikes. State sup- War II, the Greek Civil War, the appeared to have been heavily pression, however, forced much of Metaxas (Ioannis Metaxas was infl uenced by Italian migrants the organised movement under- the prime minister who, following who had entered Greece in great ground which, along with the dis- industrial unrest in the country numbers over this period as a re- solu on of many of the Bakuninist and gains by the Communist Party, sult of the War of Independence. sec ons of the Interna onal, led declared a ‘state of emergency’ In the city of Achaea, for exam- to a general period of decline. and dissolved parliament and ple, a centre for the developing sought to model a regime along movement, the Italian colony From the late 1800s to the early the line of Mussolini’s Italy: 1936- accounted for around 10% of 1900s the only notable ac v- 1941) and Military dictatorship the city’s popula on. Emmanouil ity was that of the ‘Boatmen of (1967-1974) meant the eff ec ve Dadaoglou, a merchant from Thessaloniki’, an illegalist group severance of any links between Smyrna, along with an Italian an- which, inspired by similar ac v- the two phases of the movement. archist, Amilcare Cipriani, organ- ity in Europe, carried out deadly Accordingly, in a situa on perhaps ised one of the fi rst groups which a acks on banks, hotels, theatres unique to European anarchism, would par cipate in the revolu- and light and gas pipes. Nearly historians of the contemporary on against King O o of Greece all of the group’s members were movement cannot claim to fi nd in 1862. Over the coming decade caught and executed. Similarly, any common heritage with the groups emerged in Athens, Syros, Alexandros Schinas, an anarcho- early movement, ‘either through Messini, Aegio, Filiatria and Pat- syndicalist, assassinated King struggle, experience or theory’, ras. Anarchists in Patras formed George I in 1913. But leading up to as it is put in Eutopia (a journal the ‘Democra c Club of Patras’ in the Second World War anarchism published by contemporary Greek 1876 which a empted to co-or- had no real organised presence in anarchists describing itself as ‘lib- dinate all anarchists in the Greek Greece. Individual anarchist were, ertarian municapalist’). territory and form a sec on of however, instrumental within the Organise! 23 development of the socialist and trades union movement and anar- chism was s ll reported to have a strong infl uence on socialist think- ing. Konstan nas Speras (1893- 1943) led an anarcho-syndicalist tendency that par cipated in the founda on of the GSEE (General Confedera on of Greek Work- ers – Greece’s fi rst na onal trade union). Yiannnis Tantakos, an an- archist cobbler, was implicated as a key ins gator in a mass strike in Thessaloniki in 1936. Many anar- chists were also to par cipate in the Socialist Federa on of Thessa- loniki and later the Socialist Work- ers’ Party of Greece, a precursor to the Greek Communist Party.

There is very li le record of a onists and the ideology of the anarchist ac vity during the The fi rst signs of a re-emergence urban guerrilla groups ac ve at Axis Occupa on or the Civil War. of anarchism were during the this me also had some infl u- However, it is known that during military Junta where, inspired by ence. Prac cally the key focus of the Dekemvriana (“the Decem- the events of May 1968 in France, anarchists and an -authoritari- ber events”, 1944, when a pro- many Greek students began to ans at this point was building the na onal libera on demonstra on turn towards libertarian and coun- con nuing student occupa on came under fi re from the occupy- ter-cultural ideas. During this me movement. Insurrec onary anar- ing Bri sh army, leading to fi ght- the ‘Interna onal Library’ (Dieth- chism was also a popular current ing between communist aligned nis Vivliothini) publishing collec ve and, as Eutopia note, the prac ce forces and pro-monarchist and was established and printed works of ‘insurrec onal violence’ (al- Bri sh forces in the Capital, a key by Guy Debord, Rosa Luxem- though o en conten ous) con- event in the escala on towards burg, Bakunin, Ida Me , Murray nued to be a key focus for large Civil War) the Communist Party Bookchin, Max Ne lau and other sec ons of the movement; used the opportunity of escala ng libertarian authors as well as its military confl ict to eliminate poli - own periodical Pezodromio. The As is cited in a text wri en dur- cal opponents. They dispatched collec ve’s founder, Christos Con- ing the riots of December, ‘the ELAS (Greek People’s Libera on stan nidis, was a par cipant in the basic element of the anarchist Army, military wing of the Na on- students’ an -Junta protests and movement in Greece, since its al Libera on Front largely under also among those involved in the very beginning is the ques on the direc on of the Communist Polytechnic Uprising of November of the state’s legal monopoly of Party) hit squads against known 14. Nonetheless, it was not un- violence’. Trotskyists, Le communists and l a er the fall of the Junta that anarchists. It is likely that many anarchism began to resurface on a Insurrec onalism not only were killed or fl ed during the larger scale. challenged bourgeois jus fi ca- confl icts. The Na onal Resistance ons for the state as the only movement, combined with the Following the dissolu on of the legi mate arbiter for the use of Russian revolu on and the spread dictatorship many Greeks (mainly poli cal violence (and argued of Communism across the East, students) returning from Italy, that the oppressed were just as also consolidated the dominance France, England and Germany en tled to use violent means to of Marxism and the Communist brought back the radical ideas pursue their poli cal goals) but Party over the Greek Le from they had encountered abroad. also directly challenged a Le this point. The main infl uence was Italian current which, since the Civil Autonomism but the French situ- War, had internalised feelings of 24 Organise!

passivity and defeat in the face of 1980s was also far more counter- the end of a long period of an- widespread state suppression. cultural, infl uenced quite heavily tagonism between the post-Junta by the punk sub-culture, which, state and the Le , leading to a An alterna ve, more organisa- along with its embracing of short period of decline for the onal current also existed and violent tac cs (used as a point anarchist movement. there were a number of a empts of diff eren a on from the rest to establish more permanent an- of the Le ), meant that the Through the 1990s the movement archist organisa ons through the movement o en lacked a social was renewed through its involve- late 1970s – the ‘Group of Council dimension. It is as a result of ment in the student and teach- Anarchists’ (Omada Synvouliakon this reputa on that the media ers’ movement with members of Anerxikon) and the ‘Anarcho-syn- began to refer to sec ons of the extra-parliamentary Le and dicalist Group’ (Omada Anarxosyn- the anarchist movement as the anarchists playing a cri cal role dikaliston) – and later an a empt ‘known unknowns’ (‘Gnostus within these struggles. Involve- to form a synthesist anarchist Agnostous’). During this period ment in these mass movements federa on between 1982-3. These violent clashes between police also signaled a general shi in were, however, unsuccessful in and members of the anarchist focus and from this point anarchist coalescing into na onal organi- movement were commonplace, ini a ves became more inclusive sa ons and between the 1980s par cularly around the 17th No- and much more infl uen al socially. – 2000s individuals iden fying vember commemora ons. It was This also signalled a greater use of with these tradi ons were largely at one of these clashes in No- universi es and spaces in educa- orientated towards small publish- vember of 1985 that a 15-year- on ins tu ons as hubs for anar- ing collec ves or localised groups. old anarchist, Michalis Kaltezas, chist ac vity in a number of social Overwhelmingly the general was shot dead by a police offi cer, spheres. State suppression at the preference was for ac vity to be promp ng further riots, occupa- end of the 1990s, par cularly fol- organised through informal affi n- ons and demonstra ons. The lowing the 1998 November com- ity groups or “cells” which could 1980s, however, saw a more memora on march, put a tempo- change and re-form according to general shi in the poli cal and rary stall on organising as ac vists the specifi c circumstances. social climate, as the elec on of were forced to re-group. However the Socialist Party with the aid of this was followed by a quick re- The movement throughout the the Communist Party signalled covery alongside the interna onal Organise! 25 growth of the alter-globalisa on an Anarcho-Syndicalist federa on and social centres, public assem- movement with a strong Greek – the ‘Libertarian Trade Union’ blies, the publica on of counter- anarchist presence on the an -G8 (Ele heriaki Syndikalis ki Enosi) - informa on and independent demonstra ons in Genoa (2001) formed in 2003 and ac ve to the media (for example, the na onal and a 5,000-strong anarchist dem- present me. Indymedia collec ve), prisoner onstra on for the European Union support and solidarity ac ons leader summit in Thessaloniki The majority of anarchists con n- are amongst the common areas (2003). As a result of prepara ons ue to be organised around loose of focus and ac vity for contem- for the la er the ‘An -Authoritar- networks of affi nity groups and porary anarchists. Environmental ian Movement’ (An exousias ki the collec ves which co-ordinate and ecological issues have also Kinisi) was formed. Over the next the various ini a ves. Students’ been taken more seriously in few years the ‘An -Authoritarian struggles and ac vity in the uni- recent years, especially since the Movement’ expanded into a versi es, the crea on and main- Olympic developments of 2004. na onal network with sec ons in tenance of free spaces in squats Athens, Xanthi, Komo ni, Ioan- nia, Agrinio, Larisa, Heraklion and within the student movement. The network was based on unity under three broad principles and co-ordinated via local assemblies (which were generally open to the public) as well as publishing a monthly paper Babylonia. The An -Authoritarian Movement is, however, very loose in its or- ganisa on and acted as more as a framework for ac vity than an organisa on co-ordina ng ac on itself.

Due to the fractured, and o en quite divisive, nature of contem- porary anarchist ac vity many anarchists prefer to speak of the ‘anarchist space’ as opposed to a movement as such. There is o en quite bi er sectarianism between ac vists of the An -Authoritarian Movement and the insurrec on- ary anarchists. This is reinforced by the spa al nature of the ac- vity many anarchists involve themselves in which is o en based around the development of social centres, occupied educa- onal buildings or squats. There are only two late a empts to form more formal organisa ons, a Pla ormist group – the ‘Fed- era on of Anarchists of Western Greece’ (Omospondia Anarxicon Dy ki Elleda) - which was founded in 2002 and folded in 2008 and 26 Organise! For the more socially orientated of poli cal violence, i.e ‘when?’ anarchist groups and the commu- anarchists this has been in the and ‘how?’. Poli cal violence is ni es they organise within. As well form of broad based networks almost universally accepted as a as promo ng self-ac vity, an - promo ng community self- necessary tool for social change, capitalism and ac ng as spaces organisa on and cri quing the as well as being a prac cal neces- for counter-informa on, social ideology of development, while sity in the face of violence from centres off er cheap food, alcohol some of the more insurrec onal fascist organisa ons and police and entertainment (fi lm screen- groups have been infl uenced by suppression. ings, music). Public assemblies are covert, direct ac on organisa ons also frequently used as a tool to of Europe and North America The dominance of PASOK (Pan- encourage greater par cipa on (e.g. the ‘Earth Libera on Front’). hellenic Socialist Movement) and to agitate around a specifi c Compared to the European anar- and the Communist Party of social problem. On a more day-to- chist movement, armed expropria- the trade union movement, and day level the anarchist presence in ons and bank robberies (as well the desire to create workplace a city or village is o en made clear as armed struggle in general) are organisa ons autonomous from by the posters and graffi that also regarded much more sympa- the poli cal par es, has also led adorn the walls of public spaces. the cally. There has been vocal anarchists towards ac vity within support, for example, for Vassilis the primary unions (rank-and-fi le Of course no history of Greek Paleokostas a Greek fugi ve con- organisa ons which may operate anarchism would be complete victed for kidnapping and robbery. autonomously of the na onal without men on of its most defi n- Although expressing no clear po- unions and can be formed with ing movement – the ‘Greek De- li cal sympathies Paleokostas has minimal legal formali es) In re- cember’. It would be no exaggera- built up a reputa on as a modern- cent years anarchists and mem- on to talk of December 2008 as day Robin Hood for his reputa on bers of the extra-parliamentary a shock to Europe’s poli cal elites. for giving stolen money to poor Le have played an ac ve role What had ini ally seemed like a families. He famously escaped in organising trades along these violent, widespread outbreak of by helicopter twice from a Greek lines, having notable success in an -police and an -establishment prison. This is, however, more the courier/delivery industry sen ment prompted by the mur- common to the insurrec onist and amongst bookstore and der of a teenager began to show groups and con nues to be, along publishing house workers. An- signs of a real challenge to the with a tudes towards the use of archist community spaces (e.g. post-credit crunch Neo-Liberal or- poli cal violence in general, a di- reclaimed parks), social centres der. According to a mid-December visive issue. Divisions relate to the and squats con nue to act as an poll, 60% of Greeks categorized appropriate me and applica on important bridge between the the events to be part of a popular Organise! 27

uprising. Europe’s poli cal com- groups like the ESE (Libertarian confl ict. There’s no real way of mentators expressed fears that Trade Union) are more ac ve than telling whether scenes like those the spirit of insurrec on would in the past. The involvement of witnessed in December 2008 will spread in the wake of a global immigrants in the December riots return in the recent future. What recession, the fi rst eff ects of forged connec ons between them is clear, however, is that if this which had begun to hit Europe’s and the anarchists that remain was to happen, Greek anarchists working classes. President Sarkozy strong to this point. Migrant strug- would be solidly at the front of opted to delay university reforms gles have been a key focus, par c- this struggle. in his own country for fear that ularly in the wake of a right-wing exis ng student protest could backlash that blamed foreigners Further Reading: escalate into ‘Greek-style riots’. both for the riots and Greece’s Anarchists were at the centre con nuing economic troubles. Eutopia (2009) Some notes on the of these events, not necessarily The parliamentary Le is also less anarchist/an -authoritarian move- ment in Greece. [online] Available at: representa ve of the rebellion inclined to off er support for fear h p://libcom.org/library/some-notes- but certainly a catalyst for the of damaging its electoral chances. anarchistan -authoritarian-movement- widespread riots and occupa ons The recent successful hunger greece were that to follow. December strike of 300 migrant workers was saw a number of anarchist ini a- a key victory for the movement. Gelderloos, P. (2007) Insurrec on vs. Organisa on: Refl ec ons on a Pointless ves quickly expand into popular In response to austerity measures Schism. [online] Available at: h p:// movements, with the occupa ons imposed by the IMF a new mass theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/Peter_ of town halls in par cular proving movement, ‘We Won’t Pay’, has Gelderloos__Insurrec on_vs._Organiza- to be a popular strategy. emerged which also involves many on.html anarchists. ‘We Won’t Pay’ uses Schwarz, A.G., Sagris, T. and Void Net- Since 2008 the movement has direct ac on to challenge spiral- work (eds.) (2010) We Are an Image evolved in a number of ways. ling costs in public transport and From the Future: The Greek Revolt of Groups have expanded, especially on priva sed toll roads. Tac cs December 2008. AK Press: Edinburgh. in terms of the inclusion of young- include holding barriers up at toll er people, and there are a number booths, the sabotage of cke ng Pominis, P. (2004) The Early Days of Greek Anarchism: ‘The Democra c of social centres, squats and com- machines (a prac ce also used in Club of Patras’ and ‘Social Radicalism in munity centres emerging directly December) and organising mass, Greece’. Kate Sharpley Library: London. out of the December events. The free bus rides. experience of the rebellion has Vradis, A. and Dalakoglou, D. (2009) also brought greater unity and Anarchism in Greece had evolved “Anarchism, Greece” In: Ness, I. (Ed.) The Interna onal Encyclopaedia of Rev- while the anarchist scene is s ll from a minority current within olu on and Protest: 1500 to Present. quite fractured there is a general a Le dominated by Stalinism Wiley-Blackwell: New Jersey. desire to work towards unity. and, later, the infl uence of Social Anarcho-syndicalism is becom- Democracy to a growing and dy- ing a more popular current and namic force in an escala ng class 28 Organise! Throw Your TV At Your Boss! (TYTVAYB!): The alienation of work and leisure in capitalist society

What do we mean by capital- ism? A society in which capital is the most powerful agency - a society dictated by capital.

What then, do we mean by capital? Money spent with the inten on of making more money, through investment in profi table enterprise. Thus, capital by its defi ni on must constantly expand.

How is it possible for capital to expand? How can you get more money out of some- thing than you put in? How can you get more value out of something than you put in? Only if you buy something that creates value by itself, thereby increasing the total value of everything else you’ve bought.

So what creates value? In a word: Labour. Human labour transforms material things, making them more useful, or at least seemingly more valu- able to other human beings.

But how can you buy human labour? Only if there’s some- one willing to sell it.

And why would anybody sell their labour just to make someone else rich? Only if they have no other choice.

Why do they not have a choice? Why can’t they just Organise! 29 work for themself, or with other people on an equal basis? Be- cause the means of produc on belong to someone else.

What are the “means of produc- on”? All the material things you need to produce other things, or to add value to exis ng things. Factories, machinery, tools, even the earth itself, the soil, the min- erals, the water.

If the means of produc on include the earth itself, why do they not belong to everyone? Because for thousands of years hierarchical armed groups have violently taken control of almost the en re world, fi gh ng amongst themselves for control and enslav- people? Because when we buy cal appearance of commodi es ing the rest of humanity by deny- them we do not usually know by showing people the real condi- ing it access to nature. anything about how they were ons of produc on. We can re- produced, or by whom, so we mind people that material things If the majority of us are the don’t see them directly as prod- can be viewed in other ways than slaves of these murderers and ucts of an oppressive system. We the commodity form. We can re- thieves who deny us access to just see them in their commodity mind people that they are slaves, the earth’s resources, why do we form. They seem almost magical, and that they have a right to the not rise up against this injus ce? as if they’ve come from nowhere fruits of nature without having to Some mes we do. But so far our just for us, especially because the pay for them. eff orts have not been success- people selling them usually try to ful. We have not managed to join make them seem that way. But What happens if people stop be- forces and become strong enough usually they stop being magical as lieving in the spectacle? More of to overthrow all the various hier- soon as we have actually bought them will be able to see who their archies that exist. And many of us them. enemies and oppressors are. They do not even realise we are slaves. will not see their bosses as useful If they stop being magical when people who give them wages to How is it possible for people we’ve bought them, why don’t buy magical commodi es with, to be slaves and not realise? we see through the illusion? Be- and instead see them as oppres- Because they are pacifi ed and cause there are always many more sors who exploit them. They will hypno sed by the very things that commodi es on the horizon. We see the armed hierarchies that their slavery helps to produce: are surrounded by people trying keep the means of produc on commodi es. to sell them to us. We see images away from them as tyrants deny- of them everywhere, and hear ing them of their birthright, and What is a commodity? Commodi- poe c descrip ons of them eve- forcing them to earn wages to sur- es are material objects that we rywhere. All these millions of lies vive rather than live freely. They exchange money for, or some- about commodi es combine into will want to fi ght against Capital mes just the promise of a mate- one massive spectacle which hides and Hierarchy. And hopefully, one rial object, a digital subs tute for the true nature of society from us. day, they will win. a material object, or a “service” that is sold as if it’s a material How can we fi ght against the thing. spectacle? In many ways. We can Why do commodi es hypno se highlight the lies behind the magi- 30 Organise! Sabotage The ideas of Émile Pouget

Émile Pouget (1860-1931) was a French anarcho-communist member of the General Con- federa on of Labour (CGT) who advocated sabotage as a form of working class resistance. In the English transla on of his pamphlet Sabotage, published in 1913, he describes how the term is de- rived from French slang meaning ‘to work clumsily as if by sabot blows’. A sabot is a wooden shoe or clog which was once worn by many workers. Sco sh workers also used sabotage as a weapon against bosses but called the tac c ‘go cannie’. In an 1898 edi on of the periodical, Almanach du Père Peinard, Pouget writes: ‘the English have been doing this for a long me – and they fi nd it a terrifi c fucking thing’. For Pouget the idea is straight forward: ‘for bad pay, bad work’. He succinctly demonstrates the historical reason for the existence of sabotage which ‘as a form of revolt is as dock bosses used scab workers. strikers demands. Workers who old as human exploita on’ and The dockers decided to return to stuck-up adverts for a Parisian goes on to describe the nature of work but act as clumsily and inef- corpora on had their wages cut, class confl ict as ‘the irrepressible fi ciently as the farm labourers so they added candle wax to the antagonism that arrays Capital that the company had employed. glue. The posters were pasted up and Labour one against the other’. The bosses backed down and the but two hours later they peeled Pouget cites the French playwright dockers soon got their hourly pay off . The boss soon ‘regre ed his Balzac who described how the silk increase. cowardly ac on’. Around the same spinners in the French city of Ly- me, striking tram drivers in Lyons ons ruined silk by handling it with Pouget gives more examples poured cement into the rails at oil on their fi ngers. This was in from his me. At an American junc ons to prevent the move- revenge for the brutal repression coat factory in Philadelphia, ment of trams driven by scabs. they had suff ered a er a failed striking pa ern cu ers changed In July 1908 railway workers in revolt against their bosses in 1831, the designs by less than an inch the French region of Medoc went during which ‘the workers raised before leaving the factory. The on strike. They cut the telegraph a fl ag with this mo o: Bread or scabs were unable to produce wires between sta ons and re- Death’. In 1889 the Glasgow dock- properly sized garments. The moved screws and bolts from the ers used the go cannie tac c a er livid managers capitulated to the pumps on water reserves. Pouget Organise! 31 applauds the French building workers who u lised sabotage “Capital and labour are two worlds ‘abundantly.’ They succeeded in that violently clash together ... it increasing wages and reducing their working hours. would be very strange if everything In the late 1890s the tac c of were diff erent between the toiler and sabotage was to ‘take its place amongst the other means of the capitalist except their morals” social warfare, recognised, ap- proved, advocated and prac sed by the labour unions’. The 1897 very strange if everything were urgency of pu ng manufactur- congress of the CGT met in Tou- diff erent between the toiler and ing equipment (you repeated louse and at Pouget’s ins ga- the capitalist except their mor- ‘machines and tools) out of ac- on it commissioned a specifi c als’. Obedience and hard work are on during a strike to increase Boyco and Sabotage commit- promoted by capitalism as moral the chances of victory. Making tee. They produced a report that and virtuous, in short all that is ‘to another caparison to combatants stated that ‘this tac c comes from the advantage of the boss is loudly in war he sees that with direct England, where it has rendered glorifi ed’. But Pouget warns that ac on these workers are able ‘to a great service in the struggle of any ideas, ac on or resistance by check deser on and cut off the the English workers against their workers which disrupts ‘produc- retreat’. He outlines how capital- masters’. The report con nued: on and whatever a tude tends ists use a form of sabotage which ‘being unable to strike under to reduce the exploiter’s benefi t ‘fi lls the hospitals and the ceme- condi ons of extreme misery and is qualifi ed as immoral’. He is also teries’. He highlights examples of disorganisa on the workers must able to negate moralis c cri cisms the inten onal contamina on of o en bow their heads and submit. of sabotage by comparing the products to squeeze more profi ts With sabotage, instead, they are tac c to a military ambush: ‘It is a from various commodi es: ‘sabo- no longer at the mercy of their recognised means of warfare, just teurs are the millers and boss bosses - they are no more a heap as admissible as open and face bakers who, by mixing talcum, of nerveless fl esh to be trampled to face ba le’. Pouget compares chalk or other cheap but harmful upon with impunity’. Mapping-out saboteurs to guerilla fi ghters and ingredients with fl our, adulter- the antagonism that exists be- he writes about how the tac c ate the bread, a nourishment of tween workers and bosses Pouget develops the quali es of ini a- fi rst necessity’. He sharply con- explains how capitalists consider ve, courage and determina on trasts the bosses loss of profi t human labour just as any other in workers. For him, the tac c of caused by workers’ sabotage to commodity or raw material; they sabotage encourages ‘ingenious the suff ering generated by the must buy that labour for the low- and bold ac on’. He promotes it as social system of capitalism: ‘from est price possible. For their money a way to reinforce strikes because the wounds produced by the they also demand ‘the intrinsic work stoppages are not always proletarian sabotage only gold labour power, the whole strength eff ec ve unless the machines and fl ows out...from those infl icted of the worker...body and blood, tools are paralysed. If scabs can by the capitalist sabotage, it is vigour and intelligence’. operate the equipment then a human blood which gushes out However, unlike machines, work- strike is undermined, if not lost. in streams’. He writes that the ers posses ‘a will and the capacity He quotes the secretary of the widespread working-class use of to resist and react’ so are able Paris Bakers’ Union who suggests sabotage will be to ‘capitalism to deploy sabotage to hinder the how to put equipment out of use more dangerous and incurable ‘voracity of the capitalist’. during a strike with ‘a li le sand or than cancer and syphilis are to emery powder in the gear of those the human body’. Émile Pouget A acking moral or ethical objec- machines’. off ers a vivid image of capitalism ons to sabotage Pouget explains as a shark which sabotage will concisely that ‘Capital and labour Pouget argues that class con- assist in killing: ‘it shall tear and are two worlds that violently scious workers who are prepared bleed it un l the shark turns the clash together’ so ‘it would be to use sabotage may be in a fi nal somersault’. minority but they understand the 32 Organise! The Tunisian Revolt

At fi rst sight, the recent revolt in killed following the demonstra- phosphates was increasing (from Tunisia seemed as unexpected as ons called by the Tunisian union 125% plus between 2007 and the following revolt in Egypt. Here the General Union of Labour. The 2008). The educated young un- was a “modern” North African future Tunisian leader Ben Ali was employed organised themselves state, which boasted of its stabil- direc ng the security services at within an organisa on, the Union ity and its prosperity. this me. Then again there were of Unemployed Graduates, and the bread riots of 1984 which it was this group which launched Looking back at the history of were also brutally repressed. the movement of 2008. Sit-ins, Tunisia and to the regions of the However, the primary roots of demonstra ons and blockades centre-west where the insurrec- the Tunisian insurrec on can be of roads and rail tracks to stop ons fi rst broke out, we should traced to the revolt in the mining the transporta on of phosphates consider the popular insurrec ons basin of Gafsa in 2008. This area is were carried out. There were against the installa on of the in the south west of Tunisia, up by confronta ons with the police. French protectorate over Tunisia the Algerian border. Here a series The lack of support outside the in 1881. The reign of the Tunisian of riots broke out. The principal region and the inexperience of leader Habib Bourguiba, long employer was the Compagnie those involved and above all as it was, was marked by peri- Generale du Phosphate. Its em- the repression carried out by odic disturbances. For example ployees were well paid, earning the Tunisian government halted in 1972 student demonstra ons an average of 1,000 dinars which the movement but it would be were harshly repressed, whilst was fi ve mes the minimum wage. true to say that the seeds of the at the same me Islamists were Restructuring and liberalisa on recent insurrec on were planted sponsored by the Tunisian State in launched by the company re- in the desert in Gafsa. order to sabotage any revolu on- duced the number of workers by a ary movement. In 1978 , there third in 20 years, leading to an un- Ben Ali was the Black Thursday of 26th employment fi gure in the region January when 200 people were of 30%. Meanwhile the price of When General Ben Ali took Organise! 33 power on 7th November 1987 the Ali smashed the Islamist move- party which supported him, The regime that had come to power ment and imprisoned 30,000 Cons tu onal Democra c As- with independence from France with the approval of all the sembly, built out of the old party had become weak and feeble. poli cal par es. He then turned of Bourguiba. At fi rst things went Bourguiba, who had made him- this repression on the same well, with the strong develop- self President for life, was show- poli cal par es, forcing them to ment of tourism, a low birth rate, ing signs of senility. The Islamist dissolve and driving their lead- and the arrival of many foreign- movement was strong at this mo- ers into exile. He received the owned industries, a racted by ment and the situa on was tense. support of the Western powers a docile and cheap work force. The overthrow of Bourguiba was as a an a acker of Islamism, as Rela ve economic prosperity and welcomed with relief by many. a moderniser and as a so-called the encouragement of consumer- Ben Ali promised reforms, democ- defender of the rights of women. ism smothered the disquiet at the ra sa on, and to protect reforms He enthusias cally adopted the authoritarian grip of the Ben Ali ins gated by the Bourguiba sugges ons of the Interna onal regime. This was reinforced by the regime such as women’s right and Monetary Fund and launched a example of Tunisia’s neighbour, access to educa on for all. programme of neoliberalism, be- Algeria, where a horrifi c civil war coming a favourite of the United was taking place. But very soon the general and se- States and of France. To prop curity chief launched a campaign himself up he strengthened the Ben Ali made sure that his party of repression. In the process Ben police and constructed a poli cal had a cell in every village and every workplace and every local government. It was able to off er ‘jobs for the boys’ and claimed a membership of 2 million. Most of these had joined to get a job or a place to live. At the same me Ben Ali employed up to 180,000 in the police, in his mili as and in the networks of informers that were created.

At the same me Ben Ali and his family and that of his wife, Leila Trabelsi laid their hands on the economic wealth of the country. Industrialists, bankers and busi- ness people, whether Tunisian or foreigners, were embroiled in this racket. Corrup on increased enor- mously throughout society. This spread to extor on by the police of civilians for imaginary off ences. Everywhere, in all public places, there were portraits of the great leader Ben Ali. Everywhere there was a climate of fear, with people always looking out for the inform- ers in their midst. To pre ly deco- rate this extremely authoritarian society, there were a few poli cal par es that were tolerated and had seats in Parliament. This loyal opposi on, chosen by the Presi- 34 Organise! dent himself, made excuses and strike. Whilst the fi rst slogans of mised elements, in alliance with called for votes for their supposed the regime concentrated on the a “responsible” opposi on. These poli cal adversary Ben Ali. At the rising unemployment in Tunisia groupings support the provisional end of these electoral farces, Ben and the absence of civil liber es, government of na onal unity, ali ended up with 95% of the vote. these were quickly followed by whose aim is to demobilise the In all of this he was supported by those calling for the overthrow of uprising and channel it into ins - his foreign backers in the USA, the Ben Ali and his regime. tu onal processes. UK, and France. Where necessary the regime imprisoned those who Spontaneously mass assemblies Then there are the militant opposed it, resor ng to murder and mee ngs, independent of workers and the bodies of self-or- where it was deemed necessary. poli cal par es took place. De- ganisa on created during the up- spite the televised promise of Ben rising. Therehas been a fl owering Rupture with the old regime Ali on the 13th January to stop of base commi ees and councils. the police fi ring on the crowds, Commi ees of neighbourhood What led to the overthrow of demonstra ons took place all over vigilance are controlling various this seemingly immovable regime Tunisia. There was more blood- aspects of daily life. In certain was the self-immola on in the shed from the State forces . The towns and villages in the interior, town of Sidi-Bouzid of Mohamed regime shook, Ben Ali resigned councils of defence of the revo- Bouazizi , who was forced to live and some of the Trabelsi clan were lu on are running aff airs with a by being a peddler of fruit and arrested. For the fi rst me in the total absence of the provisional vegetables, and who was harassed Arab-speaking world a dictator government. Ini a ves to co- by the police. This galvanised the was forced to resign. ordinate these commi ees and Tunisian masses, uni ng the youth councils could be the embryo of of the towns and the country- The local bourgeoisie want a a revolu onary counter-power, side, the unemployed and those development of democracy in able to give the revolu on a in work. What started out as an Tunisia, a representa ve democ- more radical bent. ini al riot quickly transformed racy policed by a strong govern- itself into a massive insurrec on, ment. However other forces are In this struggle the Tunisian which unlike the Gafsa uprising at play. Indica ons of this can be masses have to beware of the of 2008, was not localised, but seen in the wave of spontane- suppossed radical forces like spread to all of Tunisia. Despite ous strikes calling for wage rises, the Union leaders of the UGTT scores shot dead by the police and for the cleansing of the admin- (General Union of Tunisian army , in par cular at Kasserine istra ons and both publican and Workers) who fi rst of all whilst where snipers unleashed a terror private industry. The popula on is condemning police violence also on 8th and 9th January, despite split. There are those who want to condemned that of the demon- the many wounded, imprisoned re-establish order and ensure that strators, and who called for calm and tortured a movement was tourism is protected, through the a er Ben Ali promised 300,000 developing. Within this movement party created by Ben Ali, the Con- jobs. many workers came out on the s tu onal Democra c Assembly, streets and called for a general now cleansed of its most compro- Organise! 35 TThehe ParisParis CommuneCommune ooff 11871871 aandnd iitsts ImpactImpact

Maximilien Luce: Neo-impressionist painter and anarchist It is one hundred and forty years since the heroic struggle and brutal massacre of the commu- nards in Paris who, in the context of war, a empted and came close to establishing a society that was more free and egalitarian than any seen previously. Anarchists and other an -authoritarian so- cialists helped shape it. What it at- tempted was so advanced that the ideas of great Anarchist thinkers like Bakunin and Kropotkin were themselves shaped by it. Organise # 77 will feature an ar cle on the Commune, but to he began to draw and to paint the small spots of pure colour get us in the mood, there follows scenes from the working class came together in the eyes of the this issue’s Revolu onary Portrait: neighbourhoods, especially of observer, crea ng harmonious Maximilan Luce, and a review of Montrouge where he lived, taking and vibrant masses of colour. Alex Bu erworth’s book The World night courses in pain ng. Luce took liber es with the that Never Was, about the impact It was in 1887 that he began to theories of Seurat. He contrasted of the commune on interna onal reveal his talent. He joined the areas of the canvas where the anarchism. Society of Independent Ar sts, spots of colour were thickly gath- Maximilien Luce was born into of which he remained a life-long ered together with other areas a modest family in 1858 in Paris. member, and exhibited at their of the canvas where the colour From early youth he mixed with Salon. He was welcomed by the spots were separated by white impoverished ar sans and work- painters Seurat, Signac and Pis- spaces. This gave his pain ngs ers construc ng major roads and sarro. The la er two were avowed a vibrant dynamism. He marked other works. At the age of thir- anarchists, and whilst Signac was himself out by his refi ned use of teen, he was an appalled witness sympathe c, Seurat remained the spectrum and his frequent of the massacres carried out by re cent. He also knew the journal- use of a range of violet colours to government forces against the ist, art cri c and anarchist Felix produce superb eff ects of light. revolu onaries of the Paris Com- Feneon. Feneon described Luce as However, from 1897 he moved mune of 1871. This was to haunt a ‘barbaric but robust and plucky away from this ‘divisionist’ style him for all his life. The following painter’. towards a more classic impres- year, to ensure his survival he sionism, whilst retaining his use had to go to work. The illustrated Luce was no theore cian but he of vibrant colours and thickly papers were coming into their absorbed the ideas of Seurat on crowded spaces. own at this me in Paris, and pain ng, which became known Maximilien’s father placed him as as neo-impressionism. The neo- He had contempt for the art an appren ce in a wood engrav- impressionists painted in pure di- dealers and journalists who he ing workshop, where he became vided tones in a ‘scien fi c’ fashion, felt were totally ignorant of the a skilled worker. At the same me not mixing colours on the pale e aims of the neo-impressionists. or the canvas. By dividing tones He wanted to be a witness of the 36 Organise! again arrested an imprisoned for several days in 1896 during the visit of King Alfonso XIII of Spain. Apart from his portraits of Fene- on, Pissarro, Signac, Louise Michel and his studies for the execu on of the Communard Eugene Varlin, Luce created many pain ngs of the mining area of the Borinage between 1895 and 1900. He was fascinated by the blight of indus- trialisa on on this region, depict- ing the furnaces and mines. With Signac he journeyed deep down in a mine to gain some experience of the life of miners. In L’Acierie (the Steelworks) executed in 1895 he contrasts fi re and light with shad- ows, with the labouring workers silhoue ed.

From 1903, and more than thirty years a er the events, he began to a series devoted to the Paris mes he was living through, paint- for Grave’s new paper Les temps Commune. One of them, ‘Une rue ing the busy streets of Paris at the Nouveaux, from 1895 to 1914, de Paris en Mai 1871’, he depicts same me as landscapes and indi- supplying its fi rst poster in 1896, the corpses of four shot Commu- ca ng the dehumanising eff ects of ‘L’Incendiare’ (‘The Incendiary’). nards, one of them a women, lying industrialisa on. alongside piles of cobbles. He In July 1894 Luce was arrested exhibited this at the Salon of the Encouraged by the cobbler and imprisoned at Mazas with Independent Ar sts in 1905. Eugene-Frederic Givort, whom Feneon, Grave and another no- During the First World War, he he had fi rst met during military table anarchist, Sebas en Faure, produced many pain ngs of the service, and by the worker Eu- following the wave of repression horrors of war and of returning gene Baillet, he joined them in against the anarchist movement. and wounded soldiers. In the par cipa ng in the ac vi es of Luce was accused of inci ng 1930s he concentrated on land- the anarchist group of the 14th the people to revolt through his scapes and on urban scenes de- arrondissement. At the end of sketches. But due to insuffi cient pic ng the life of dockers, building the 1880s he became a friend of evidence he was acqui ed and workers, labourers and fi shermen the anarchists Émile Pouget (see freed on 17 August, a er forty

ar cle elsewhere) and Jean Grave. eight days in jail. Far from deter- He succeeded Signac as President Pouget edited the anarchist paper ring Luce, this only strengthened of the Society of Independent Le Pere Peinard and Grave edited his anarchist convic ons. He Ar sts in 1935 but resigned his the anarchist paper La Revolte. published an album of ten litho- post in 1940 to protest against the Luce, not surprisingly given his graphs on prison life at Mazas. racial laws passed by the Vichy past experiences, detested the Every prisoner depicted in the regime which banned Jewish art- army, the clergy, and the royal- lithographs had either the face of ists from all offi cial groups. He ists and na onalists. He began to Feneon or of himself. The fi nish- died the following year. Certainly contribute to the anarchist press, ing text of the album was ‘Open his anarchist convic ons led to his being one of the fi rst ar sts to the cells, beat down the walls of lack of recogni on as an impor- come to the aid of Pere Peinard, the prison galleries..’ tant painter during his life me. providing more than 200 designs or lithographs right up to 1914. He For a while he exiled himself to was also the principal illustrator Charleroi in Belgium, but was Organise! 37 Alex Bu erworth’s The World that Never Was: A True Story of Dreamers, Schemers, Anarchists and Secret Agents. The Bodley Head, 2010. £25.00 hb & £7.99 pb. 482 pages.

The World that Never Was tells the story of interna onal An- archist ‘terror’ in the decades around 1900, a phenomenon which, as the tle implies, was both less typical of the move- ment and less real than credulous contemporary commentators assumed. Bu erworth discovered that Anarchism was less nihilis c, its targets less arbitrary, and its exponents less callous and cynical than the press had people believe. But the police knew this, because they were not merely infi ltra ng anarchist circles and a emp ng to disrupt them, but inci ng them to violence as agent provocateurs. As freedom of informa on request, pleasure as a duty for many of- Bu erworth says, ‘throughout the and what he received was heavily fi cial defenders of law and order’ period in ques on a silent, secret censored, with names removed. (p. viii). clockwork of intrigue and manipu- la on was in opera on to protect The story begins with Louise Bu erworth demonstrates that the status quo, just as it is today’ Michel and Elisée Reclus, the Paris radicalisa on can result from re- (p. viii). The nega ve stereotype Commune of 1871, and the hopes of the anarchist – with his long that were dashed there. Execu on, Saint-Imier Interna onal dirty beard, black cloak and bomb prison and lengthy exile banished – was as a refl ec on of the fear of 140th anniversary August the dreams of an -authoritarian 15th-18th 2012 the state itself. socialism for those also being out- manoeuvred by Marx and Engels Bu erworth is not an anarchist. Just as this year is the 140th in the Interna onal (Bu erworth anniversary of the Paris Com- In a sense this strengthens the notes that Marx ini ally opposed book’s signifi cance, because he mune, next year is the an- the Commune and that Marxists niversary of the founding of has no reason either to defend played no signifi cant role in it: p. or understate the signifi cance of the Anarchist interna onal 61). Regrouping most immediately at Saint-Imier, Switzerland, anarchism’s violent past. Bu er- in Switzerland, notably at Saint-Im- worth also discovered that the where we picked up the pieces ier in 1872 (see elsewhere in this and out of which anarchist state is s ll trying to suppress the issue for no ce of its anniversary truth about its role. He sought communism organisa on in 2012), and then opera ng in a began. access for several years to police remarkably interna onal context, documents on the early infi ltra- The Francophone Anarchist the an -authoritarians developed Federa on, our sister organi- on of Bri sh anarchism, docu- anarchist ideas. However, the ments that the police had once sa on in the Interna onal of ‘control, suppression and ul mate Anarchist Federa ons is or- insisted did not exist but which demoniza on of their fi endish sect surfaced in a Special Branch po- ganising an anniversary event appeared to many a moral impera- in Saint-Imier itself. Watch this liceman’s PhD thesis. Finally But- ve, and was clearly as much a terworth gained access through a space for more informa on... 38 Organise! in 1880, Louise Michel, the last of the pardoned Communards to return to France, found that an -authoritarian socialism in Europe had been radically trans- formed since 1871. Her response was ambivalent. At her recep on, which was unsurpassed in size and enthusiasm, she called for ‘no more bloody vengeance’ but also declared ‘Long live the so- cial revolu on’ and ‘Long live the nihilists’. But although People’s Will had sniff ed out Rachovsky by that me, a new informer, Egide Serreaux was soon at the heart of Michel’s own circle, trying to per- suade it to more violent acts and that anarchists should abandon moral scruples. This me it was pression, ci ng the movement of had been released. Even though Malatesta and Kropotkin who ex- idealis c, radical youth that soon she merely wounded him and posed him (the story is complicat- characterised Russian ci es a er the job had to be fi nished off by ed, but it’s a must-read for people the Commune’s suppression. The Sergei Kravchinsky, ‘propaganda who like junk shops: p. 167). dream of these naive ‘narodniki’ by deed’, says Bu erworth, was to go into the countryside was born. Within a short me By then they were all in London. and help serfs to throw off their Kravchinsky had stabbed to The last of the Communards to servitude. In 1873 up to 4,000 death General Mezentsev too in return had in fact gone there, young people were arrested for broad daylight (he escaped riding in 1880, to fi nd a pre y inac ve this subversive aspira on and hun- ‘Varvar’, the black racehorse who movement. By the 1890s, how- dreds suff ered prison un l 1876. had recently pulled the carriage ever, it was a hot-bed of anarchist Reac onary university lecturers in which Kropotkin made his sedi on. The story of the Brit- condemned the narodniki, and so famously daring escape from the ish anarchist movement is well- Saint- Petersburg students pelted Peter and Paul Fortress). known, so I shall focus here on the their worst teachers with eggs and actually quite marginal infl uence gherkins. This was the start of a Numerous other students joined of nihilism and ‘terror’, in Walsall riot that caused the university to the ranks of those prepared to in 1891 and London in 1894. close for some months. When Pav- undertake such ac on. One of el Chernyshev, a medical student the most signifi cant was the The agent Auguste Coulon was a arrested in error, died in prison, science student Nicholas Kibal- man whose ac vity ‘might have the violent student response re- chich (whom Bu erworth notes been conceived with the very sulted in more severe repression. invented a rocket engine that purpose of eff ec ve provoca on’ made space travel possible whilst (p. 295). He recruited people to In 1876, Vera Zasulich, outraged in prison awai ng execu on in radical organisa ons and secured at the bea ng of her imprisoned 1881). His grenade made for the the young anarchists Fred Charles student lover Bogoliubov for group ‘The People’s Will’ killed and Victor Cailes employment in refusing to acknowledge the rank Tsar Alexander II. However, the Walsall. As such, they owed him a of General Trepov of the ‘Third movement had already been in- favour. In the Winter of 1891-2 he Sec on’ of the Russian police, got fi ltrated by Peter Rachkovsky, an gave them a bomb-making manual a pistol and a empted Trepov’s experienced undercover police and involved them and another assassina on. This was no spur of agent. anarchist, Joseph Deakin, in a plot the moment thing; it took plan- to make an egg-shaped device for ning and pa ence and she waited When she returned to Paris use in Russia. The three were wary un l all of the students of 1873 from her exile in New Caledonia, Organise! 39 and it seems they did not actually So whilst on the one hand we should make the bomb. Certainly they did not deliver it. This was to the frus- be angered about the extent to which tra on of the Special Branch who needed a big bust; its budget was the state has commi ed violence in our being cut and four jobs were to be name, we should not try to wriggle out of lost. The three were arrested and, naturally, the ‘evidence’ of ‘anar- the fact that violence is part of our history chist terror’ told widely. Special branch funding was of course and that the emerging class-struggle restored. Coulon received a bonus anarchist movement was not ‘peaceful’. and moved on to infi ltrate other groups, possibly being behind the ‘discovery’ of bomb-making equipment in the cellar of the free school Louise Michel had by then only what instead turned out to established in London. be a network of police spies with Finally, Bu erworth’s case links even to the Russian Okhrana, puts anarchists of something Most tragic is the aff air of the tracking and inci ng the anarchists in a quandary. We have always young and impressionable Mar al as they moved throughout Eu- known that half of what people Bourdin. By 1894, the movement rope. Bu erworth points out that say anarchists of that era did, in France had become even less anarchist émigrés in London in they did not do and were framed. discrimina ng and bombers – fact condemned Bourdin’s ac vity. Haymarket is the most famous most notoriously Emile Henry - at- Police were also sending bomb- example. Furthermore, anarchist tacked people purely on the basis making equipment unsolicited to ‘murderers’ from Kravchinsky of them being bourgeoise. In Lon- anarchists whom they would then, to Berkman later rejected this don, on 15th February the young shortly a er, raid. Even Bourdin’s ac vity, for some of the reasons Bourdin evaded a police tail that supposed mee ng with Emile we do now. But we did indeed he probably didn’t know about, Henry was probably a fi c on. once advocate and commit some but which stemmed from his violence of an arbitrary sort. supposed associa on with Henry, There are very few things to So whilst on the one hand we and stepped down from a tram cri cize in this absolutely fascinat- should be angered about the at Greenwich. He was carrying a ing book but there is one big one. extent to which the state has bomb that was maybe intended to Frustra ngly, the author gives no commi ed violence in our name, be a response to Henry’s arrest, or references for his sources. That we should not try to wriggle was maybe to strike symbolically means he does not prove what he out of the fact that violence is at the tyranny of me under Capi- says. Also, propaganda by deed part of our history and that the talism, or was perhaps intended may have begun in 1876, but emerging class-struggle anarchist to be passed on to another plot- Zasulich was not an anarchist. She movement was not ‘peaceful’. By ter. No one knows, because Bour- in fact became a leading Marxist stressing the astounding level of din accidentally blew himself up, (later to be marginalised by Lenin). state involvement, Bu erworth’s and died quite horribly. What he Even Kravchinsky did not yet call book almost makes it too easy to did not know was that his brother- himself an anarchist. Neither were forget this. in-law, Henry Samuels (usually all of the the subsequent a empts referred to as H. B. Samuels), who on European leaders that Bu er- But this book is a brilliant read had given him the bomb was, worth lists carried out by self- and anyone interested in the from then on, thought to have proclaimed anarchists. The clear origins of anarchism should read been an agent-provocateur work- dis nc on between ‘Marxists’ it alongside histories of the more ing for the police. and ‘Anarchists’ had not yet been ‘noble’ aspects of our movement. made, and it might be safer to say In short, there is no convincing that those advoca ng propaganda evidence of any great anarchist by deed were of the ‘an -authori- bombing conspiracy in Britain, tarian’ tendency. 40 Organise! RReviewseviews Tierra Y Libertad

Dreams of freedom: a Ricardo of Flores Magon’s life and then of the revolu onary, anarchism Flores Magon reader. Chaz Bufe con nues with a collec on of and poli cs, philosophy, war, as and Mitchell Cowen Verter (eds.) his wri ngs. Apart from personal well as stories illustra ng anar- 420 pages. £12.00. AK Press. le ers and documents of the chist ideas. Flores Magon writes with great passion, In this year of the 100th anniver- using the Spanish sary of the Mexican Revolu on, language to con- the fi gures of Emiliano Zapata and struct a poe c and Pancho Villa are the personages inspiring vision of that are perhaps best remem- what life could be bered. But equally important in and how to achieve the development and carrying it. His wri ngs are out of the revolu on was Ricardo fi ercely infused Flores Magon, who developed an- with empathy for archist communist ideas and with the plight of the op- his brothers and other associates pressed and down- was the founder of an infl uen al trodden and with movement the Par do Liberal an equally fi erce Mexicano (PLM). Despite its name, hatred for what he the PLM was a thoroughgoing rev- called the three- olu onary anarchist organisa on headed hydra: that began to gain great popularity capitalism, the state among Mexican workers and peas- and the clergy. ants both north and south of the Mexico-US border. Flores Magon made several Always under great pressure from tac cal mistakes both the governments of Mexico by remaining in and the USA, Flores Magon was California rather o en forced to move from place than either mov- to place, and o en imprisoned ing to Texas or back and the Magonista movement en- PLM, these wri ngs are grouped to Mexico to give inspira on to countered severe repression with together under the following the movement, and he incurred many important militants mur- headings: The revolu on, expro- several cri cisms for this. His frail dered. Flores Magon was to die pria on, class war, racism, poli - health may have been the prin- under mysterious circumstances in cal repression, feminism, fi gure ciple reason for this. Set against Leavenworth Peniten ary in 1922, and many believed that he had been murdered. His infl uence has “We are free, truly free, when we persisted throughout Mexico and beyond, right up to this day. In this don’t need to rent our arms to anniversary year it is worth recall- ing the life and works of an impor- anybody in order to be able to li tant and infl uen al revolu onary, li le known outside Mexico. a piece of bread to our mouths.” This book gives a lengthy sketch Organise! 41 this is his tenacity in refusing any organisa on of society into their some kind of libertarian poli cs. collabora on with the successive own hands. His consistent an - Between 1848 and his death he Mexican authori es and the US eli sm is a key element of his had been reading many social- government. Flores Magon was ideas. ist writers, including Fourier and a personal inspira on to many Proudhon. He had entered into Mexican and American radicals, As Mitchell Verter says in his debate with Mazzini over what not least among other radical pris- preface: “Even though Ricardo a post-Risorgimento Italy should oners in Leavenworth. Flores Magon, the apostle of look like, believing that a na onal anarchism, was martyred for his revolu on should be combined Spanish is a language that lends prophecy, he spread his dreams with a social revolu on. He be- itself to poe c fl ights and fl our- of freedom through his writ- lieved that the peasants must be ishes and Hispanic anarchist ing and his ac ons. Across the involved in this revolu on, and literature is o en characterised infi nity of me, hope shall spring he went beyond Proudhon in ad- by this. Some mes this can be eternally from his words and his voca ng collec vism. He believed inspiring, some mes it can be life”. that both industry and the land found to be unnecessarily high- should be held in common, and fl own and wordy depending on Carlo Pisacane’s ‘La Rivoluzione’. administered by the communes the reader. The wri ngs of Flores RevoluƟ on: an alternaƟ ve answer for the good of all. He sought to Magon have these characteris- to the Italian quesƟ on. Richard avoid the outcome of previous cs although it can be seen that Mann Roberts. £12.99. 218 pages. bourgeois revolu ons, advocat- they are directed straight at the ing a socialist revolu on and the Mexican worker and peasant, ap- involvement of the masses. pearing in the PLM paper Regen- eracion as they did. At the same me he developed libertarian views on the State, His ar cles on feminism show and opposed himself to dictator- Flores Magon ‘s great desire to ship and centralised States be- rally women to the revolu on- lieving that the only just system ary cause , but they are marred was ‘the anarchy of Proudhon’. by a certain patronising tone that He combined this with the old seems to reduce women to an ideas of previous revolu on- auxiliary role. “Are you mothers? ary groups, and indeed of those Are you wives? Are you sisters? groups involved in the Risorgi- Are you daughters? Your duty is mento. Pisacane’s ideas appear to aid man: be with him when he Carlo Pisacane was, alongside to have had no eff ect on younger vacillates-inspire him; fl y to his Garibaldi and Mazzini, one of the republicans and had nothing to side when he suff ers to soothe leading fi gures in the Risorgimen- do with the welcoming recep- his pain; and laugh and sing with to, the struggle for Italian libera- on given to the anarchist ideas him when triumph smiles”. In on from French and Austro-Hun- of Bakunin from 1864 onwards. contrast is his understanding of garian rule and for unifi ca on. He However they were re-discovered the subordina on of women, was chief of staff in Mazzini’s Army by anarchists in the mid and late both economically and sexually, of the Roman Republic. In 1857 1870s, in par cular by Cafi ero and he acknowledges the double he sailed with a small armed force and Merlino. work load of women workers. His of Republicans from Genoa to the exhorta ons to women to join the coast of Calabria. Unfortunately, Here for the fi rst me in English revolu on seems to have worked local insurgents did not rally to are the collected works of Pisa- as large numbers of women rallied him and he was defeated by the cane as well as a sketch of and to the PLM. Bourbon forces, killing himself evalua on of his life and works. rather than be captured by them. This book is a tes mony to one Above all Flores Magon calls for of the founders of Italian social- workers and peasants not to leave A er his death his poli cal essays ism and precursor of the Italian things to a few revolu onaries were published in Paris and it be- libertarian current within it. but to take the struggle and the came clear that he was developing 42 Organise! Stormy Petrel pamphlet series The mo f of the Stormy Petrel has a long associa on with revolu onary anarchism. Stormy Petrel was the tle of a German anarchist paper of the late 19th century, it was also the name of a Russian exile anarchist communist group opera ng in Switzerland in the early 20th century. The Stormy Petrel was the tle of the magazine of the Anarchist Communist Federa on in Russia around the me of the revolu on. Wri ng in 1936, Emma Goldman referred to Durru as “…this stormy petrel of the anarchist and revolu onary movement…”

The Italian Factory Councils and the Anarchists

A Stormy Petrel pamphlet, produced by the Anarchist Federa on (London group), this text tells the story of the factory coun- cils in Italy between 1920-21. It examines their prac ce and the role of the anarchists in their lives.

£1.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas)

Anarchism and Violence - Errico Malatesta

Complete with a new introduc on this important document in the history of anarchist theory from the 1920s refutes the com- mon misinterpreta on of anarchism as mindless destruc on while resta ng the need for revolu on to create a free and equal society.

£1.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas)

Order via h p://www.af-north.org

Peterloo Press Named in memory of the massacre of working people at St Peters’ fi elds in Manchester in 1819, We aim to make low-cost, good-looking pamphlets available which we believe off er important insights into the history and theory of revolu onary poli cs. We aim not to be con- strained by the classical ‘anarchist tradi on’ and to publish works from other schools of thought which also point towards an emancipa- tory, stateless communist society, such as council communism and other ‘ultra-le ’ perspec ves.

Titles include:

Fascism/An -Fascism by Gilles Dauvé Dauvé’s cri que of an -fascism as an ideology, arguing that democracy and dictatorship are the forms taken by capitalism where expedient, forms that it will move between when necessary and forms which should be consistently opposed.

The Origins of the Movement for Workers’ Councils in Germany Analysis of the German revolu on of 1918-19 which ended Germany’s involvement in the war and which was a missed opportunity for radical social change throughout Europe.

1956: The Hungarian Revolu on History of the workers’ revolt against Bolshevism in 1956 which showed the ‘workers’ state’ in Russia for what it was – a brutal, imperialist class society.

Visit h p://www.af-north.org for full lis ngs.

New from Outrages Press Contemporary Pla ormism: A Cri cal Study - Karl Klien A new discussion document published by the Anarchist Federa on in Sheffi eld. It analyses Pla ormism as both a valuable tradi on within anarchist communism, along with looking cri cally at the prac ce of contemporary Pla ormist groups. Includes latest transla on of “The Organisa onal Pla orm of the General Union of Anarchists (Dra )” as well as “Supplement to the Organisa onal Pla orm (Ques ons and Answers)”

£2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas) order via publica [email protected] Organise! 43 Also available from the Anarchist Federation

Pamphlets

In the Tradi on Beyond Resistance - a revolu onary manifesto Explaining where our poli cs comes from. Ar cles from the pages of Organise from 1996 on the First 10 years of the Anarchist Communist Federa on The AF’s in-depth analysis of the capitalist world (as we were then known) and from 1999-2004, the in crisis, sugges ons about what the alterna ve series “In the Tradi on” which documents many Anarchist Communist society could be like, and of the earlier revolu onary groups that we draw evalua on of social and organisa onal forces which some inspira on from. play a part in the revolu onary process.

£2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas) £2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas)

Basic Bakunin Kropotkin and the History of Anarchism by Brian Morris This 2007 updated edi on of put fi rst pamphlet outlines the ideas of one of the 19th century A new pamphlet introducing the ideas of one of founders of class struggle anarchism. the most infl uen al anarchist communist writers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. £1.50 (UK) and £2.00 (overseas) £2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas)

Introduc on to Anarchist Against Na onalism Communism Published September 2009, an analysis of na onal- This pamphlet is made up of two parts that run ism and why anarchist communists are fundamen- alongside each other. The main text lays out the tally against it. fundamental ideas of anarchist communism. Vari- ous boxes throughout the text give examples from £2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas) history to illustrate the ideas described in the main sec on.

£2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas)

Manifesto of Libertarian Communism - Role of the Revolu onary Organisa on George Fontenis Anarchist communists reject the Leninist model Wri en in 1953 by George Fontenis, Manifesto of of a ‘vanguard’ party as counter-revolu onary. Libertarian Communism is one of the key texts of This new edi on explains the concept of revolu- the anarchist communist current, translated from onary organisa on and its structure. All libertar- manifeste du communisme libertaire. Although ian revolu onaries should read this fundamental fl awed, the best features need to be incorporated text. into modern revolu onary theory and prac ce. £2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas) £2.50 (UK) and £3.00 (overseas)

We recommend online ordering of pamphlets through h p://www.af-north.org Printed publica ons are available by post from: BM ANARFED, London, WC1N 3XX. England, UK Cheques and POs are payable to Anarchist Federa on.

Back Issues Foreign Language Documents

Back issues of Organise! are available Transla ons of various AF texts are available in Arabic, Français/French, from the London address (or email Deutsch/German, Español/Spanish, Português/Portuguese, Ελληνικός/ Greek, Hollands/Dutch, Русский/Russian, Gàidhlig/Gaelic, Cymraeg/ publica [email protected]) for £1.50 inc. Welsh, Esperanto, and Turkish. For complete lis ngs: p&p. Alterna vely, send us a fi ver and h p://www.afed.org.uk/organisa on/interna onal-iaf-ifa.html we’ll send you whatever we can fi nd ly- ing around. As We See It 70p plus postage Available in Welsh, Serbo-Croat, Greek. German, Span- ish and Portugese. For complete list of back issues - h p://www.afed.org.uk/publica ons/ Beyond Resistance organise-magazine.html 70p plus postage Available in French. Aims & Principles of the Anarchist Federation

1 The Anarchist Federa on is an organisa on of revolu- and cra , skilled and unskilled, etc). Even syndicalist un- onary class struggle anarchists. We aim for the aboli on ions are constrained by the fundamental nature of union- of all hierarchy, and work for the crea on of a world-wide ism. The union has to be able to control its membership in classless society: anarchist communism. order to make deals with management. Their aim, through nego a on, is to achieve a fairer form of exploita on of 2 Capitalism is based on the exploita on of the working the workforce. The interests of leaders and representa ves class by the ruling class. But inequality and exploita on are will always be diff erent from ours. The boss class is our also expressed in terms of race, gender, sexuality, health, enemy, and while we must fi ght for be er condi ons from ability and age, and in these ways one sec on of the it, we have to realise that reforms we may achieve today working class oppresses another. This divides us, causing a may be taken away tomorrow. Our ul mate aim must be lack of class unity in struggle that benefi ts the ruling class. the complete aboli on of wage slavery. Working within the Oppressed groups are strengthened by autonomous ac on unions can never achieve this. However, we do not argue which challenges social and economic power rela onships. for people to leave unions un l they are made irrelevant To achieve our goal we must relinquish power over each by the revolu onary event. The union is a common point other on a personal as well as a poli cal level. of departure for many workers. Rank and fi le ini a ves may strengthen us in the ba le for anarchist communism. 3 We believe that fi gh ng racism and sexism is as im- What’s important is that we organise ourselves collec vely, portant as other aspects of the class struggle. Anarchist- arguing for workers to control struggles themselves. Communism cannot be achieved while sexism and racism s ll exist. In order to be eff ec ve in their struggle against 8 Genuine libera on can only come about through the their oppression both within society and within the work- revolu onary self ac vity of the working class on a mass ing class, women, lesbians and gays, and black people may scale. An anarchist communist society means not only at mes need to organise independently. However, this co-opera on between equals, but ac ve involvement in should be as working class people as cross-class move- the shaping and crea ng of that society during and a er ments hide real class diff erences and achieve li le for the revolu on. In mes of upheaval and struggle, people them. Full emancipa on cannot be achieved without the will need to create their own revolu onary organisa ons aboli on of capitalism. controlled by everyone in them. These autonomous or- ganisa ons will be outside the control of poli cal par es, 4 We are opposed to the ideology of na onal libera on and within them we will learn many important lessons of movements which claims that there is some common self-ac vity. interest between na ve bosses and the working class in face of foreign domina on. We do support working class 9 As anarchists we organise in all areas of life to try to struggles against racism, genocide, ethnocide and poli - advance the revolu onary process. We believe a strong cal and economic colonialism. We oppose the crea on of anarchist organisa on is necessary to help us to this end. any new ruling class. We reject all forms of na onalism, Unlike other so-called socialists or communists we do not as this only serves to redefi ne divisions in the interna- want power or control for our organisa on. We recognise onal working class. The working class has no country and that the revolu on can only be carried out directly by the na onal boundaries must be eliminated. We seek to build working class. However, the revolu on must be preceded an anarchist interna onal to work with other libertarian by organisa ons able to convince people of the anarchist revolu onaries throughout the world. communist alterna ve and method. We par cipate in struggle as anarchist communists, and organise on a fed- 5 As well as exploi ng and oppressing the majority of peo- era ve basis. We reject sectarianism and work for a united ple, Capitalism threatens the world through war and the revolu onary anarchist movement. destruc on of the environment. 10 We oppose organised religion and cults and hold to a 6 It is not possible to abolish Capitalism without a revolu- materialist analysis of capitalist society. We, the working on, which will arise out of class confl ict. The ruling class class, can change society through our own eff orts. Wor- must be completely overthrown to achieve anarchist com- shipping an unprovable spiritual realm, or believing in a munism. Because the ruling class will not relinquish power religious unity between classes, mys fi es or suppresses without their use of armed force, this revolu on will be a such self-emancipa on / libera on. We reject any no on me of violence as well as libera on. that people can be liberated through some kind of super- natural force. We work towards a society where religion is 7 Unions by their very nature cannot become vehicles for no longer relevant. the revolu onary transforma on of society. They have to be accepted by capitalism in order to func on and so can- not play a part in its overthrow. Trades unions divide the working class (between employed and unemployed, trade