The Speeches of John Enoch Powell
POLL 4/1/1 Speeches, November 1957-September 1965, 6 files
POLL 4/1/1 File 1, May-September 1965
Image The Literary Executors of the late Rt. Hon. J. Enoch Powell & content :C the copyright owner. 2011. South Staffs Branch, Institute of 14/5/1965 The Economy/Industry Incomes And Prices Policies May-Sept 1965 Page 99 Marketing and Sales Management
21/5/1965 Immigration and Social Cohesion Immigration Conservative Women’s Coffee Morning, May-Sept 1965 Page 95 Wolverhampton
29/5/1965 Education and Literature Education - Grammar School Prize giving, Collyers’ School, Horsham May-Sept 1965 Page 91 Tradition
10/6/1965 The Economy/Industry . Defence America - Private Enterprise? American Chamber of Commerce, May-Sept 1965 Page 82 and Foreign Policy. London
18/6/1965 The Economy/Industry Industrial Relations Conservative Women's Meeting May-Sept 1965 Page 76
2/7/1965 The Economy/Industry . Labour/ ‘The Built-In Contradiction Of George Open Forum, Wolverhampton May-Sept 1965 Page 72 Socialism/Trade Unions. Brown’
21/7/1965 The Economy/Industry Money Supply Eve of Poll Bye-election, Hove May-Sept 1965 Page 62
4/9/1965 The Economy/Industry Exports East Flint Cons. Assoc., Shotton May-Sept 1965 Page 52
10-12/09/1965 The Economy/Industry ‘How To Reward Effort In Industrial Swinton Conservative College May-Sept 1965 Page 43 And Commercial Life’
13/9/1965 The Economy/Industry National Savings AGM, Wolverhampton Saving Groups May-Sept 1965 Page 39
18/9/1965 The Economy/Industry National Economic Plan Conservative Rally Meriden, Coventry May-Sept 1965 Page 29
18/9/1965 The Economy/Industry Trade Union Leaders Conservative Dinner, Coventry May-Sept 1965 Page 20
24/9/1965 The Economy/Industry Price Control Newport Cons. Assoc. May-Sept 1965 Page 13
25/9/1965 Energy And Environment National Plan - Energy Yes Rally, Gower May-Sept 1965 Page 9
?/9/1965 Defence and Foreign Policy Defence Conservative Conference May-Sept 1965 Page 3 1
RELEASE TIME:
1)77EITCE
TEE RT. HON. EJOCET: PO'dELL: Mr Chair:Ian, ladios andE..cntlmon, I am happy
and proud to be called this or a yc to ahawor this Notion -- happy bocauso
it is a nur:lbo.r of yc:ars since I havo had the or.ortunity to, addreso this
C'Onforonce on any subjcct -Lore i.1-ntant than thc: suoly of vigs and teeth
to foreigners undor the U.H.S.; proud because to carry the rosponsibility,
althouh it is anly for the present "shadow" responsibility, for the
defonce of this country is the frdfilsct of on al:most lifololg ambition.
The nub of this Motion is in its ccncludih words: the defonce of our
national intsts. To defond tlis nation's existence and itrl continuity
is t7toe one objcct winich a Tory placs unconjtionual:d above all othors.
That is ,tasily sid. But beforo the dett=inaticn ca:t he -cTotr into
policy, we havo to ask, and to answor, a nuflbor of cralial civ:os± ons.
tn the first placo, what do we mean by "tho nation"? I will say what
I blieve we .7.ean. We moan the United Kindom. Whatever otner ra'ans
the words "the British nation" can hava noel do havc-., tbhis is t'rn 5Ins0 in which
w:ce 1;.so thrn when Her Nn,iosty's-toot Goverrl in tha Unitod Kin,,=;dom cnd the 4-Alce Parlint of th,: uar tc1 takc =asurc-s for soc=t,y a r r
Whattvr obliatThns anj oc=nitmonts we Love bosidos, the ultimate r,lason and
tho eltiante justification _for those co=it=ilts is th7t c hold them to
be nocess,lry or advntagoctas for tfno., do2,-nce of the United Min6-dem.
The Unitod Kingdoa is o Eurodn 3.7:ow::r. True, it has chartactorticics,
profoundly relsvant to dofenco, melee it differont fro:n ah.:7 otner
Ero,,7:ean Lower. But if the rcst of Eurcro succ=bod to an enorny,the
saftty of the e islonds noel be -vn r---2L•precarious in the futumo than
whon that o:vont lets tfhr-.ehtentd or ocorred in the past. 1norofor,t,d1 ,
-llteac which cah auce,osafully d:hd W,:stu::rn Esroo ateack from
the, East -- tnc only prrsoot 'dir:Jctitn iron W.ofc'h d-,h:t..r is ncjer_hondt_d --
is ceontr-1 to our ::ef,enco reeling. Foroos a I o:at.:_rio:l yhich ar,2 nooded Issued by the Press Department, Conservative Central Office, Sports Stadium, Brighton. Tel. Brighton 29099
DEFENCE (41) THILl-D SESSION lofr Powoll for ths purposts of that alliance hovo an ovorridoing claim on ths roso=cEos w'oich us ct?r, dc.vots to our dofenco ovorriF'ine with on.ly ono proviso, that no oommtjtmont bc =tored into which would irrovocably dony us all
,rossibility of indor.tondont action, to Jotor on_ cneny or to mo...intin our own cxistoncc-:, h000svor ,3.nforsoorIbL: %oho oircunstancos nov now bs ir which that mij:nt to nocossary.
This =ons, onon othor tin o, -r-at,/cur right to control ths uso of our own stroto6dc nucloor w.-rapon nust rothinod to tho-. limit of our
loast until militory and politicolcirc=otncos ors prtfolindly dlfforont from whot thoy r- today. It is tho nn=st casuistry to arguo that if tho wso.1,on ond tin mcons of usr!n6 it :o.ro 1?-urch.....sed in phrt, cr
ovon- oltotlIcr, from oo'3thor notion, throforo tho ihd000ndont right to nse it hos no roolity. With o woo,.on so cntostroohic, it is possosoion and
tho right to uso which count.
On ths otnor hand, wo coolJ not, without forfoitihg- t:oo pcssitility
of ultinoto o,olf-ao.forco, allow onr2civ..s to bs. O:.ocsndont or foreign suIsJsly
for tho r,„,poinonionts of o wholi1":27.1of 0= soryicos. Mot is why wo con-
donn policios as tITis Yfotion cond=ns to-- ond cc vtlo ito solitory
spoakor oainst tho condr=n1 ucon, which 7.,To,..31J hour. british
industry dnostituto of tho cotocity to 7:roduco by. itoolf ond to co-ortrot
with othor Ellropison countrios in bro,:mcing mmd,orn militory oircraft, or
whotvor po.y Po dootin:2r1 to rooloco thorn, in tno tnird dim,nsicn of =-
fors. in olh• fu=o. DEFEHrCE THIRD SESSIClI
As a European pemer, me have also to insure amalast the hazard that hostile operations on the Continent might he so extensive and successful as to prejudice the safety of the idnited'Kingdom without the nuclear curtain being rung domn upon the scene. Here, again, it is speculation, perhaps idle sPeculation, to try tc describe circumstances in which mar might be waged in Europe witnout the strategic nuclear weapon being invoked almost instantly. 7iribltany British government might shudder before the responsibility of resting the safety and tho existence of this nstion on the blind he, assumption that no such war which could endanger them would ever happen.
for instance, who would risk destroying our Territorial Army as a force
capable of training men and units for major war, or who would contemplate
leaving this country mithout home defence, must be;sulcer than I would dare to
be that he himself knows exactly what such a war 7,rill,and mill not, be like.
And so we insert, I assume, wholeheartedly and determinedly the amendment
mnich refers to the Territorial nrmy into the ',:ction.
So far I have spoken about tha supreme national inte=rest,the defence of
this realm. What are the other national interests which, though still
secondary to that, might claim to share the resources we ali.ocateto defence?
Cno tnat is often mentioned is trade and access to ram materials. Ine
fIceedomto bliyand sell, to in-portand export, is indeed an obvious and
vital interest of this nation, as it is (72 others - not least, of other
European nations. It may to tnat ih the past ''tradefollowod the flag",
as tltsephrase went. Hut whether that be so or not - and my on reading cf
history mould incline me to turn timema•im the other way round - it has no
validity today. eations, competitors of ours, which depend equally or more
on trade, have oiltstriPpedunr own parfrrmnnce without =maymilitary preserce
either -7nthe areas from Toichtheir materials are CriVe`,1of in those
Wearo their principal morkets aro situated. Indeed a military presomoe
has racT3tSewm once proved rot,h::17an obstacle Mnan a safeguard to the
development of trado, tnd hindared instead of promoting tLat rtcognition of
mutual material !nmeresm waich is cc only acre bns.isof all mrodo. I do
not think a defence reouirement 2,T ahi conntrg could easily-be founded on
.7)-u_reconomic or commercial interects in tMamse'tves. DEFEUCE THIaD SESSION Mr Powell
Oft-n, howevr., these are seen as merging in another interest, that of
assigning limits to the extension, outside Europe, of the thing we call
communism. Ne do not, of course, mean communism literally: for com=ism
is an abstract theory, and you do not shoot theories with ballets. e mean
the Russian empire and, in the second place, the Chinese empire, both which
we apprehend might threaten Europe and thus ourselves by commanding the
adjacent continents of Asia and2frica.
This generation which now is has twice narrowly escaped destruction
at the hands of a milita - emoire which possessed on7y a private,
nationalistic creed. We cannot take lightly the danger of unitary empires
armed with an ideology that claims to appeal to all mankind. It is in the
solemn presence of that danger that the British Government and people have
nevertheless to weigh twp great propositions with the utmost candour. One
proposition is this. Assuming that Aestern military power could limit, or
be a factor in limiting, the extension of the Russian and Chinese influence
in Asia and Africa, n should still have to measure the Practical effect of
British military effort against the size of the resources it demands and the
consequences of diverting them from other pressing uses - defensive as well
as economic.
The other proposition is this. However much we may do to safeguard
and reassure the new independent countries in 2Lsiaand Africa, the
eventual limits of Russian and Chinese ndvance in those directions will be
fixed by a balance of forces whicl-,will itself be 2'tiaticand African.
The two communist empires are already in a state of mutual antagonism; but
every advance or threat of advance by on2 or the other calls into existence
countervailing forces, sometimes nationalist in cI]recter, sosLetls
exparisionist,which -471 ultizlatel:vcheck it. We hsve,tr7, reckon with the
harsh fsct that the attain:aentof this eventual eTiuilibTiulaof forces r:Iay
at so:nepoint be delayed rather than Ilastenedby Western military presence.
Thes nre tho great issues in Europe and in the world whicllany
defence policy worth the ha:,.e7v,st ithout nroj,idicete ths
reejuire:fientsof die;)loacyor of 1.-1.-1:L7!ry-oo riy , tm Lation :,lustbe tol'3 DEFEXCE r7,7-7-)7, Mr Powell simplyand firmly what are the assumetions on which its preparatons for defence are based. The present Government have undertaken to review all these matters. 7J.Latis, or will be, the outcome of that review, we have as yet been given no inklim:.7:yet decisions have been taken and ,ionouncedin detail anJ are being implemented, which are bound to prejudice the major answers. The Govern::ient'spropoqals on the Territorial-==rmyare tvPical.
A policy for reserves must, in logic, be the last link, not the first, in the chain of military reasoning: we must krlowwhat are to be our objectives, our methods and the nature of eur reeular and wartime forces, before we can proceed to deduce what reserves we require. Put evrythine' has been the other way round. ThP Government started ,,rithan arbitrary financial limit, threw out a series of unconnected economics and told us what arms and armies they proposed to dispense with. are still waiting to know what commitments are accepted and what wars we expect to fiLht.
And what a criminal absurdity it was to put out those ProPesals about the
Territorial :Lrmy,with their inevitable effect 11.2onthe morale and the future of our reserve forces for as far ahead as one likes to lock, withet even inquiring whether they were practicable at all, let alone wise.
7,ziswrs • S.
(45-) TkIPD SES= Powell
When eventually the acvernment's answers are forthcoming, it will be
for the Conservative C-ppositioh to consider and debate them, remorselessly
and also dispassionately. The demands which duty lays on a man or a 1Dnrty
in tiiler of ceo.co, thouAi less obvious or sie:rlethan in time of war, as.e
ler-,rhaus not ',Ess axacting. Year by ysarcolTimeorte we the Few who saved
us in 7940. The memory was evoked in the very first words of this debate.
But without decisions, the right decisions, taken long years bafore, th(=ir
gallantry would have gone for nothing. In time of war it is life and
poss•ssions that wo offer in the cause of our Sovereign and our country.
The service rocuired from us in p.eace is thedeepest insight, the clearest tne and Most unprejudiced thinking, and themost resolute decision that
minds of ner with a coa:ton 17dresse can achiever:.
TeiTSTTh hunch Pow.11, thank yeu on behalf of ev=y one here for rious your frank, candid and brilliant contribution to this vjt 1 =,nd se,
debate. We now come to the vote on thei,rernendment- Those ih favour of the
Agrendment ?... Those against is carried ananit=sly.
i now pat the substantive !ction, wkich includes the. Altendraient. Those in
favour against ?... It is carrid unanimously. L.a.tract from ..ipeeoh bi the lit :.or..;.Enoel: l-;e11,Lr at the /oung Conservative 2enrice C4stle, Uo4er 5.40 p.m. Jaturday, 25th 3eptember,1965.
As I was tunain over the 50(O of
this last vieei: my !irrd Aent b4c?.. t e oi
Occasions in recent years ',, 41en the i_,OiJur dissouneed
the Cone.ervative Government for its failure t;fl 216 particular OCC4iOn. ,,;:.?3 lass tn four :ge pAnent
Prime :2,in1ter •:i!-11.6 up a b ecunomic
situation. Ha ec,1:,e1 roundly 'real niJn; oJ:1 truls" tHAt "pllnLn viithout uuntrols
13 7(7.117box Leeth".
Unfortutelj for !. irT Harold 1.15,7n 'Aent on ie an example: 'Let me 7;i..re in exaaple — fucl policy ?tree years
c-1Ied fur n3t1onl fuel r'nit y, for fij.ure that Uie
2Gevornent vJoulc:1 honour for the size of the. coaL industty. hun..lredii1in ton..:ortinei 38 f71 for tLe nationl indAgenou cry3.1 inutri to to, .1!. i woul h4ve meant controlling fuel oil imiJorts, .4 controllin other ting o eii , but the l'iovernment inisted on L.=t; tLe call f'reedum of c1ce. result of their policy '';e loat 150,0° 0 miners from industry".
No‘,1 turn to the I. T4ti3n4i1 Pl3n. he tigr.re Ilichit ets
•
not 200 million tons, but 17o-180 million. ..;cfrom “hting to bring back into the industry t 15U1000 whom
Aasen regretted or tYe furtr 1oi , .hie 3 nce ! to cn,..Ants on :1 furt!.r retien
rate ef•Jou 25,30 a yer, re- duction in :nonpeAer renluirerrints e cou:try genvally'. , joinit 2e7,1 71.,rsfor arit our h:inds toors1:ea ren ith loot L;rateful -L;ods
th,at there --trets—ii0 "Labour Government four con 01 fuel oil im Torts and other t" ing2 o loll", to a
fuel policy 4h1ch theyt',1 emselves nov; S. , r,:foundly Tiscorleetved. If L.,:ley 1,d had the chlnoe .,;4uu.LU
ve seen tit he !7„:isconceiVed policy 3 J.; effect.
They co,d,1 Ind (so t ey tejl us)the„." Ui--3ured 1.;11.t there oa 1.arrt ard for 400 iriijuot-,,,ns u.L :Lnfl.„...t,.ous coal,
by ttco rilr fuel oil im7orts and cc.noroiin. oAer tin
as ',Nell ',Lake no mistake: tLiJ 'AUU1d have
one had stalicested tha t the fi:urs i; 0 1 nd tl a conti'cic oucht to be re'noved so that the mire r. c:Id deter-
ine the demand for the varioue sources of eri.e."-
been rienounced a a saboteur and a. tri tor to the nition*;l 3
interest 4n, old-fazihic,!.,ed adherent of 19is3ez-i%d re, an d all V•e. oler epitets sc generously lai31OC1L4:L:in that rellow
Enbel)
44-414.444-4-414e04ots.oi4-dew4oe-4e-opo4-471, „ „. they were wronz, dead ,,cron6,
• - • what dr:: thed. Conclude
net -iith2'..; it 71.--.1s er.ieiLcel up to bo n,L 5:7;3
unwise fix fi,:...:ures for .1.70
and ry to 'make
.4,!a in As hJ : GU;
--- ails; oDntriies to e t.•s nd
2roua one ,J1.1.e brae
oonre 33 31 :13
Lh.atc i 4 live if,
r1 . e rie e . 1 3 hap
to pro : t i7 in t.e
Nation ny) less Jnd
than ,',..1sun' 3 200 millions* :Ape up 4nd say: "Oh, out ur bourse the
flexi, 1,-1cl if we find 170 million is Arong it will be -l-
tered". This m.Lases tl-,e whole; point. Are steps 1:,) be 1; 4 by persuasion or compulsion, to rri:.-ike
come true, or are they not'i..If o - und we
rit, of tl:e Labour 2i ty and the Governmeht
to be tLe -intention - li fl. 1 411
to. i • n,
2 00 million i LILL or to ;°,et riyhce It , itL. let it out for .:lic.1 .72 L Li j st o. rlo,.or .L.3. them trom
LorS, - 0- tk,lieiri
Call soIl,1'‘‘, C 1:4,7L. to e . I.: inI:J.-a'cl .
other _-;oureos LiC ,:;171” i3 humble 17.Jria ohe Igenoa, cj
in 197L:,. It Oele1,4 170 million
f73:. :IL • 0 %,],„/ r-,:13
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zie4 ce-r e .1.4/e4-4.4 p, . f '4,6,44 Y---`'"ft JaJ di_ev 6 41 7- 2z,a, dc /14,21/ +01.44„--r,"^" -'.e-e,t11-144-4-11j derf2,4 *Stic 7 e,z.4„ /If? 4 A-723--V7 2 /67 •Le-/". 7 C4t7 cj- 7 /8 O- , c7/ / t /7Z) ?iv/ A,. CA. 12.- irrk 1) 1-1, /e, reity 4 : Lys-,4---- COMSER7A:IVE COLLEGE Septefiler 1 Oth-12th, 1965. Course 1,To„ 36 63, (week-end) COURSE .wOR THE ii =Ea PaE1-1. Theme: 'iihere is F3ritain croing? BRITAETS IUTURE ROLE ET T.LE The Principal. THE FUNCTION OF THE STATE ET ECCITOMIC CEGAITISATI(IT, Mr, T,E, Utley, THE PLICE CU COTETITION IN 1-1TDUBTH:. Er, Henry Dosch, UOi TO REWARD EFFORT DT Er:DUSTRLid, 1-1TD L=„ The Re, Hon, Enoch Powell BRITAINS FUTURE ROLE IN THE WORLD. The Principal It was Palmerston who said that the aim of Foreign Policy was to enable Britain to count for something in the world. In this he was characteristically successful, and the Britain of his tiEe had greater power and influence than the Britain of today. In many ways the changes in our external power reflects some of the changes in British society. At the end af the eighteenth century, British society was based on the idea of status, according to which the nation was divided into certain classes or strata, each of which had special rights and corresnonding duties. The population was small and immobile, and the nation was materially wealthy. In addition to material affluence, socialbm-mony and natriotism also flourished, and the great victories of the time were immensely popular. All this was changed by the Industrial Revolution and the growth of scientific knowledge at the begineing of the nineteenth century. One sign of this was the growth af popnlation. The popnlation, which had risen from six mil- lion in 1700 to a nere nine million in 1801, doubled to eighteen million in the fifty years to 1851. At hone we were the workshop of the world; abroad we built a second Empire in Asia and Africa as our older colanies gained Dominion status. British mer- chant ships carried the bulk of the world's trade, and the British Navy upheld the apparently permanent structure of the Fax Britannica. But the reasons for our success were for export, and other countries were quick to copy the methods that had led to Britain's industrial pre-eminence. Under the policy of Free Trade, the increase in industrial production was bought at the expense of a widespread depression in agriculture during the seventies and eignties. At the same time, America and the European nations builtUp their infant industries behind protective Tariff walls. The growing weakness af Britain's position was not at all obvious until the Boer War, when for a tiEe it seemed that the mighty British Empire was unable to conquer a few Boer farmers, Since that humiliation, Britain has suffered a relative decline. The 1914,18 War was a tremendous strain on our resources. The return to the GoId Standard at the old parity in 1925 was a serious error of policy, not least because our inability to sustain it there made clear to all exactly haw weak our oconony had become. The Miners Strike and the General Strike which followed were more significant stages in our decline, because they revealed the large degree of fric- tion between capital and labour. But the Second World War was the single most catas- trophic event as far as the British economy was concered. -or in order to ensure victory, we used many of our overseas investments, which were a very valuable invisible exportin normal years, and thereby intensified our balance of payments difficulties. While Russia and America emerged stronger from the Second World War, Britain was visibly less powerful. Since 1945 the growth of the British economy has been regularly Interrupted by balance of payments crises. Althongh the present Tabour Government was eleoted to dealwith these very problems, it has in its year of office succeeded only in adding to theme British Influence today is lower than at any other time since the end of the The most outstanding failure af the Tabour Government has been the incompetent handling of the financial crisis. Knowing the full facts before the election, Harold Wilson said there would be no financial crisis if be came to newer. But when he was elected, he realised that he could not possibly implement the social policies he had proposed while in Opposition. Therefore, in order to account for his broken pledges, he exaggerated the financial crisis and quoted the figure of £'800 million as the likely deficit. He did not however mention that a sizeable portion of this was accoun- ted for by overseas investments, which are a benefit to this country. The creation of a crisis hysteria, notably in the White Paper, had a disastrous effect on confidence abroad. So too did the various measures which the Government took todealwith the situation. The imposition of a credit squeeze, the dramatic raising of Bank Rate on a Monday, and the Import surchage, which was a considerable shock to the E.F.T.A. countries, all gave the impression af a Government that had lost control of events. What really puzzled foreigners was that the sane Government, which had emphasised the crisis, raised the salaries of H.P.'s, increased pensions, removed charges an presn criptions, and increased public expenditure by even though there was no prospect of such a rise in production. It is true 'L at there was a subsequent cut-back, but foreign holders of sterling, who tend to value intelligence in Ministers of the Crown, lost confidence and sold. The result of this crisis has been to deprive Britain of a large share of her influence in the World. Whereas Britain once had a special relationship with America in Defence, Foreign and Financial policies, this special relationship is now operative only in financial affairs, because the pound and the dollar are utterly reliant on each other. In Europe, Britain has the reputation of a sick man. The time has arrived for the British people to take antion in order to establish confidence in this country. -2- In the first place, the present Government must be turned out, and the Conservative Party returned to power, if only for the reason that the Conservatives had the advan- tage of trust from the foreigner. Then a four-year programme for the regeneration af Britain must be instituted. But the immediate problem of the debt must be solved if Britain is to prosper economically. There are a number of possible solutions. The present debt could perhaps be funded. A similar solution would be for Britain to receive a long-term loan, from which the present debt could be paid. If other countries were,unwilling to allow Britain to follow either course, the British Government could turn the £450 million worth of dollar securities into U.S. Treasury Bills and thus absorb them into our reserves. However it would be quite wrong for the Government to attempt to do the sarre -with the £2000 million dollar reserves in .private hands, for not only would such an act be equivalent to confiscation, but it would also be seen quite clearly as a wartime measure, and would thus ruin confidence. All these measures are essentially short-term. If we are to improve the long- term competitive prospects af the British economy, different policies m±11 have to be pursued. The first priority is to tailor public spending to the available resources. In this context there should be an enquiry into the cost-effectiveness of defence and blunders like the Ferranti affair avoided. Perhaps also aid to developing count- agreements and ries could be closely scrutinised and co-ordinated mith the commodity aid policies of other donor countries. Other items of public expenditure should be dealt with in order of strict priority: Education, Housing, Health, Roads and, the last of all, the reorganisation of city centres and the construction af new Town Halls. The second task is the reform of the Welfare State. Eventually the individual must be prepared to finance his own welfare while the State gives free benefits on the basis of need. This process can be initiated by the gradual removal of irrelevant and outdated benefits. The full cost of school meals and school milk should be trans- ferred from the ratepayers to the parents. Family allowances should be frozen at their present level and eventually discontinued altogether. Council house tenants should pay economic rents unless they can show adequate reason why they require a subsidy. The State services could be financed from a special Social Security Tax, which as in Germany could act as a Payroll Tax and so Increase mobility of labour. Real unemploy- ment is probably nearer to 2.5. of the working popularion than to 1.3, due to the hoarding of surplus labour. In order to carry out these policies effectively, the British Government must be prepared to streamline and modernise the machinery of Government. The Civil Service, still organised on lines laid down 1370, must be drastically overhauled to broaden its social intake and to encourage an interchange of personnel with industry and academic life. Probably the reform that would seem most impressive to the foreigner is a reorganisation of the Cabinet, possibly along Federal lines, in order to ensure that top Ministers have the opportunity to think out the lines of future policy. Certainly the present organisation of economic control is inePficient; the D.E.A. ought to be disbanded and its economic activities transferred to the Treasury, while its other activities could be given to an enlarged Board of Trade,together with the Ministry of Technology. Having made these changes in its structure and policies, the Government must encourage desirable reforms in industry. This implies an overhaul of the tax system to br±ng about increases in efficiency and productivity. For the sarre reason, the present activity of the Prices and Incomes Board under Aubrey Jones in concentrating upon increases in productivity is particularly welcome. The special duty of the Governrent is to encourage industry to be more scientific and competitive in its approach. At present businessmen are far too uncritical of their own performance. A relatively small number of firms are responsible for most of our export trade. Some firms tend to keep large and unproductive cash balances, instead of ploughing them back as caoital investment or distributing them to their shareholders. In short, British business is said by many to lack an ethos. It is to be hoped that the Little Neddies' succeed in persuading industry to adopt modern methods of cybernation, to institute the training of management, formen and shop stewards, to secure the abolition of the apprenticeship system, and to implement the re-training of the redundant. The aim must be so to reform industry and tne Unions as to remedy the situation where thirty men in Britain produce the same amount of Steel as ten men in America. These domestic reforms will do much to restore British influence in the ,aorld, but this increased influence rust be used to further constructive reforms in inter- national affairs. The first task is for Britain to enter the Common Market and to help build a stronE and prosperous Europe. The next task is no less important. It is to expand the IelL.F• so that the currency reserves af the manufacturing countries can be used as the caeital for a world currency. In thisetask Britain has a vital. role to play. But it can only be ployed if the British people eschew the attitude of -3- 'I'm all right Jack' and remain true to the spiritual vrlucsa excellence and class harmny. JO'S. TEE FLUCTIaT OF TBE SaTtl IF BCONOIC ORGANISATICE. Er, T.E. Utley. One of the difficulties in talking about the tradition of the Conservative Party in relation to this problem of the State and Economic Organisation is the difficulty which attends the whole of Conservative rhilosophy. The great characteristic of the Conservative Party is that it contradicts itself. It says one thing in one generation and another thing in the next generation. Paradoxically this is not a source 'GC weakness to the Conservatim ?arty; it is a source af strength. The first and earlier tradition might be loosely described as the tradition of Tory Socialism. Its romantic origins can be seen in the Disraeli novels. If you look at 'Coningsly? and 'Sybil', you will see our party emerging in the nineteenth century as a 'critic of the destructive forces of Liberalism'. Disraeli depicts Britain in the early nineteenth century as a very cosy country with a long tradition, in which social relations were peacefully organised according to custom, a8anda society in which everybody had a defined station with defined duties. This is the feudal ideal, the relationship between responsibility aad rights, and Disraeli saw this ideal being challenged by the doctrine of free enterprise which he loathed and detested. The men who built the wealth of modern Britain he regarded as revolution- aries, destroying a historic community, substituting interest for duty, and sacrificing the present generation for soce remote and hypothetical gain in the future. Another important strand in the economic doctrine of the Conservative Party came in the late nineteenth centry with the Imperial movement. In order to maintain a strong company of nations representing the British tradition in the world, it was necessary to east aside the dogma af Free Trade and to build a closely-interlocking Commonwealth. This decision to found the political unity cf the Empire on Tariff Carriers was in complete accordance with Conservative attitudes which have always been ready to sub- ject economic forces to political aims. Thirdly the Conservative Party has always been sceptical of the view that there are only two real entities to be reckoned with in politics, namely the individnal and the State. lctreme individualism - and all the chaos and anarchy of economic competition - simrly prepares the way for extreme centralisation. Thus in the early twentieth century, the Conservative Party becane interested in building up strong economic coemunities representing distinct interests within the State. In addition it supported a patriotic partnership between Industry and the State based upon the social harmony of the classes, which it fostered by the notion of joint control and ownership of industry. Thus the predominant intellectual tradition af Toryism has stressed several themes: the importance of authority in economic affairs, criticism of private enterrrise, the orgenisation of the economic life af society on a corporate basis, the substitution of patriotismfor interest as the main motive La economic affairs, and the idea, not of a competitive pursuit of interest, but of a careful and enforced balance between rights and duties. Such tradition is perfectly expressed in the National Board for Prices, Incomes and Prod- uctivity which exists to achieve this just distribution af national wealth and this balance af rights and duties, which Disraeli would recognise as the feudal indeal. What then distinguishes this tradition from the traditim of modern Socialism, apart from the romantic language in which it is clothed? For both traditions accept the noed for just distribution and both traditions rely upon authority. The great difference is that the Disraellan tradition is profoundly sceptical about the role of the State and favours economic decentralisation InearISby cf corporatism, in which workers, management and the State all share in tne control of induatry. The Disraelian tradition also embodied a romantic belief in the settlement of economic disputes and social conflicts, not by human or institutional moans, but by the operation of invis- ible forces and in particular the invisible, impartial and objective force of custom. Thus there marked differences between Socialist thought and the Disraelian tradition. Concurrently with this tradition, there has always been another Conservative trad- ition in economic organisation, which may be described as the tradition of liberal . conservatism. This tradition is strongly anti-authoritarian and has always maintained that people should be free to do what they like in economic matters, subject only to certain defined limitations, aiming to produce a minimum of social security. It has also favoured the suprene importance of consumer interests, in contrast to the Disraelian tradition, which approached economic organisation from the standpoint af the producer. The liberal conservative tradition takes the view that efficiency and the service of the consumer are supreme aims and that the only way, given to us by -4-- Nature and God, of attaining those aims is the operation of the law of supply and demand. With this has gone a great scepticism of the power of corporations of decen- tralised authorities over economic affairs. In the matter of social justice, far from enforcing a precise balance between rights and duties, liberal conservatism bel- ieves in the liberation of human energies and the creation of social mobility. Accor- ding to this view, the role of the State in welfare is confined to clearing up the mess at the and and providing a level, below which no-one is allowed to fall, On the high intellectual plane, this doctrine was best expressed by the great Victorian jurist, Sir Henry Maine, whc believed the whole progress of civilisationwas a progress away from a society based on status towards one based on contract. In such a society the worker and employer made their contract and were regarded as eqpals before the law. Therefore Sir Henry liaine, considering that in a progressive society contract was the basis of economic organisation, was profoundly critical of authority and sceptical of political attempts to enforce social justice. What is therecommen to these two philosophies? The common element is the very essence of Conservatism atall times and in all generations. It is the deep scepticism of the Conservativeland about the efficacy of action by the State. Thus, although the Disraelian tradition upholds authority, it is sceptical of centralised State Auth- ority. The second commaa element is a profound belief in the reconciliation of social and economic conflicts, not by human intervention, but by impartial and invisible forces. In the Disraelian tradition, the force af social custom was prescribed; in the tradition of liberal conservatism, the invisible force is the power of the market, the total effect ofall the arrangements and conaracts between producers and consumers, the law of sup-ly and demand. The reliance of the Conservative Party during the nineteenth century on the Disraelian tradition vas entirely correct because the needs of the time dictated a patriotic concern for the effects of untrammelled individualism upon society. At that time, the importance of stability in social and economic affairs and the need to limit the impact of competition were deserving of emphasis. Indeed such an emphasiswas correct down to the period immeaiately following the Second World War. But just as t is was the correct aspect of social and economic policy to emphasis then, so it is the wrong aspect now. The needs of the tire dictate a dogmatic switch to the traaition of liberal conservatism. There are several reasons for this. The invisible foree of custom, on which the Disraelian tradition relies, is no longer operative in society, LLberal conservatism, with its greater emphasis on efficiency and service of the con- sumer, is more suitable in the highly competitive world in which Britain sells its goods, Moreover, since conflicts and tensions ought to be admitted and recognised, the per- manaat institution of co-operation is impossible. Both the need for efficiency and the recognition of conflict are opposed to corporative organisations in economic affairs, since these tend to limit competition. Increasing individualism and mobility, both social and geographical, in British society have made the remedies of the Disraelian tradition inappropriate to our present needs and dictated a switch to liberal conser- vatism, The principal objection to this in the past has been that it is impossible to reconcile the free market with social and economic stability. But this objection has been overcome by the discovery of fiscal methods, whereby full employrent and stable prices can be balanced. Therefore it is now eseential for the Conservative party to employ the principles of liberal conservatism in its policies for economic organisation. Thus the Govern- ment must not only cease to intervene further in industry, but also it must undo the harm caused by previous Government intervention. Regional imbalance, for example, rdght be the result cf preventing the operation of economic forces, as in the case of subsidised travel in South-East England, In the same way, national wage agreements prevent the local variations in labour costs attracting capital to depressed areas. Liberal conservatism also encourages a sceptical attitude towards an Incomes Policy, which is a perfect expression of the Socialist idea of an enforced centralised distri- bution of wealth, and offers the alternative of reliance on the market for the deter- mination of wage rates. However, the State has the duty to sec that the forces of competition do not create grave human hardship and is therefore justified in providing generous welfare services on the basis of proven need. In this way liberal conser- vatism combines social compassion with efficiency. The social and economic changes of the 70ast fewyears have created a climate of opinion, in which a radical swing to liberal conservatism is possible. 'rhile maintaining the balance between liberty and security, we must take this opportunity to jettison the doctrines of Disraeli and to emphasise the ideala of a free econom:. JO'S. -5— THE PIACE OF COMPETITION. ET =SM., Mr. Henx Bosch. Competition can be the most enormous incentive to imorovement in industry; recent improvements in razor blades, washing machines or refrigerators are proof of its effectiveness. How does this work in practice? The average person would likea quiet life; lif Growth means getting up half an hour earlier, then I do not want it'. Similnrly businessmen Are content with a Quiet life and easy profits; now ideas or price-cutting take effort and few go for improvement just for its own sake. Compet- ition comes in as a major seur simply because if a competitor innovates then a firm has to respond in order to survive. Of course it is not the only spur; exhortation, fear and incentives can be others, hear a lot About tthe Dunkirk spiritt; but we are by now nerhaps immune to aneenl made in the name af the national good. Fear works well enough in totalitarian societies; but we do not want to see it in action here. Incentives have to be recognised as important, but they are not the whole answer and tney are not effective without competition. How is competition relevant at the moment? If we look at the consequences of wage claims we can see that the easy and usual way out for management is to pass increased wages on as increased prices. One reason -why this is easy is national wage agreements: managements know that other firms in the sane industry will be under the same pressure and that their prices will keep in step. Exhortation is powerless to affect this pattern, whether an the union or the managers. But if there was more competitive pressure it might be different; if each firm bargained with the union on its own and there was no oollusion between managements, then firm would hesitate before passing costs on and thus pricing their products higher than those of other companies. Increasing exports is the major problem facing the economy at the present time; the difficulty is -that exporting is not profitable enough. The anly thing that poli- ticians can eb is to readjust the relative profitability of home and export markets. This is not feasible through export subsidies; these are prohibited under the GATT and it is to our advantage, more than any other country, that others should not use them. On the other hand if we could force home prices down and make it less profit- able to sell at home, we would make exporting relatively more profitable. It is only tarough competition that pricoe can be brought down. The situation is not one of black and white; other countries have had rising price levels, but unfortunately ours has gone ahead faster and what we need is to sloa it down. It is a question of degree. We need something likea rise of in exports to put our balance right; looked at in perspective only a marginal improvement is necessary. Similarly the increase in conpetition that we need is only a natter af degree. The Socialists maintain that there is very little competition anyway; this is partly true because there is more competition than appears on the surface. For Instance prioe competition is only one aspect of competition in action; improvements in products and satisfying consumer demands the better are just as much aspects of competition, and the same is true of improvements in delivery times, in servicing or in packaging. There seem to be two built-in disincentives to competition, first sloth and secondly the economies of large-scale production. These may lead to produce price- fixing and information agreements on the one hand and monopoly on the other. To combat these it was necessary to bring in legislation. This was started in 1946 improvedby further measures in 1953,by the creation of the Restrictive Practices Court in 1956, and most recently by the abolition of R.7.M. The result has been substantinly to increase the level of competition. It has led to monopolies behaving in a less monopolistic way and to a great reduction in the number and strength af restrictive agreements. Ievertheless this has not been enough and a great deal of attention is beng given to frosh legislation. Th,at is encouragin7 but it is disturbing that curreliL thinking, especially Ly the Socialists, teals to concentrate on monopoly. While there are aangers from monopoliLJS, t.',:lere are also bendits, and we need to be careful that we do not hamper ourselves by being too unselective in attacking nenopoly situations; for instance both 'Jilkinsons and Gillette are monopolies under the defin- ition of the 1948 Act. The real danger cones from information agreements and unregis- tered informal price agreements, and they are what we have to look at. Puonle will not become competitive until they become worried that othemay steal a nnrch upon them. We can do nothing better than look at American practice. ',le need to make Restrictive Practices illegal; at the moment there is no penalty and the only thing which is illegal is desregarding 7:hat tht3 Court rules. Consequently our legislation does not deter sufficiently. Seconly we night imitate the Aeerican practice whereby firms which are overenar7ed as a rasult of restrictive practices can sue for triple damages; this is teligh but it does seem tbat only be being tough can we get the comparatively smell degree of increased comeetition we need, The cooporative spirit does not look like nroducing the results; what wehave to do is to change attitudes so that people feel that we need competition and a mere rigorous economy. (DSA) -6- HOW TOREaRD =CRT IN MUSTRIAL AND CO=IMIAL 1TPE. The Rt, Hon, Enoch 77nI;ell H.B.E. It is most useful and helpful to regard remuneration of all kinds as the way in which a society sets about adhieving its objects. It is a wv in which people are got into the places which society as a whole prefers to have them in. It is essentially an expression of social opinion and the emolument of an individual in any given situation is the judgment of society upon his usefulness in that situation. It is not therefore something which can be judged by consideration of the individual in isolation. I think the great divide btween the parties, and the great divide in the use and interpretation of emoluments, depends upon haw society expresses these wishes. You might sum it up in the question, who is to speak for society? 1:.ie believe that society has many ways af speaking, as it were for itself, which are superior to the alternative, that is that a Government should speak for it. If people are to think for themselves, if it is not to be the single conscious and cent- ralised decision of authority which determines the objectives, the values and in the last resort the destiny and the character of society, then society and the nation has to use insta.uments of self expression which are independent of any individual or group of individuals, which do not reauire that people should sit around a table and decide for all the rest. In the economic sphere, and to a large extend beyond the economic sphere, the indispensible mechanism for a society to mnke as it were its own decisions, is the medhanism of the market. It is in the framework of this mechanism as the means of self-expression for a society which is indispensible as the alter- native to centralised government decision, that we have to consider the price of Labour. I am, of course, using 'Labour' in the widest possible sense, if you like as precisely equivalent to effort of any kind and exercise of any qualities whatsoever. In any free society, it is the price which is put upon labour which determines, exp- resses, the pattern of that society's generalised wishes, and which is always tending to keep that pattern in line with those wishes. This word tendency is very important. 'je could never adeleve a perfect making of the pattern with the wishes for at least two reasons; one is that the wishes and the means af fulfiLing them are always chan- ging. Another is that no individual or grcup af individuals however well placed or provided with dr2ormatioy,, can accurately know the full facts. Having said that from the pcint of view of society, price is a monetary expres- sion of relative value, I must introduce avery important qualification from the point of view of the individual. The monetary price is only part af the emolument; there is hardly any activity where the entire satisfaction derived from doing it is in the monetary reward or imacca. In the laot resort the mere inconvenience of chan- ging to anoHaer is worth somethir4 as is the knowledge of the other men in the same job, and the relationship and the kind of comradeship and cooperation which arises in any activity, For a great many reonle, and I -wculd imagine for most between men of the tprofessionallTeople, the non-monetary emolument is a very large amount indeed total satisfaction, so much so that it would betruer to regard the monetary payment as a balancing factor rather than as the major element which subjectively gets or keeps that person doing that rather than the alternatives which are open. But since it is only in terms af price that the market can compare or offer advantage or value, therefore what the market does is to assign that price which in addition is all the other advantages tends to produce the pattemwthich it is trying to realise through its actions in the market, and monetary total of satisfaction, tnat is to say af non-monetary emolument being received either car 7:-rreon cc set of persons, ca:y.rot be appreciably altered unless there is jenee in the oop.H-J or t.-o The namber of nurses em7oloyed .olre-oase, This shows that the e hoL 7 arm o±csuffOciem mttraci, or rtfaih a ._Lowly increasing number of .7oons in that occupaticn„ Tho )7,-zoportion is often alvaneod "But nurses are under- paid;; they aught to be paid more", Let us e,:amine what this propcsitias means and whV would be the result of trying to nut it into effect, Let us supeose that it could be a—ontii4eq; -which it canoot. Let us supply an answer for the purposes of the arglmoerit. Let us supose that we decide that they are 2O underpaid and we there- i'orr- increase accordingly what they are paid, The inevitable result of that, is that more people will want to 1D( nurses and fewer rnil want to be everything else, Either you will recruit more nurseo or else you will recruit better nurses. But whether it is in terms of quality or numbers, or both,you will have increased the demand; what vou will have done is tc bid up nursing and to bid dawn everything else, But this an exp,-ession of a chane in society's demands; that is all that is meant; this is nothing to do with nurses beihE underoaid, and the resultfor those who are employed -7- at the moment will be that they will all get an uncovenanted benefit, They willn11 be, necessarily and unavoidably, paid more than was necessary to attract that number at that point into that nosition, because of course it is always at the margin that price turns on or off the tap, So what you are left with is that you cannot alter relative remuneration, and simce the balancing factor is money, you cannot alter the relative price of effort without altering the pattern of supply and demand, The rela- tive price im an oxweseion, and always will be, and always must be, except in a total- itarian society -where nrice has no effect, of supply and demand, You cannot say, "but these nrices do not correspond to the virtue, Eta-it, deserts etc af those receiving them", That is not what they are intended to do, This brings us to the recognition that the price of labour is a balancing factor which produces that pattern& total emoluments which corresponds to the pattern of supaly and demand deuired by society. Let us supoose that a Government decides that certain prices are too high and ordethat they shnll be reduced or alternatively that ti.yAlall be held if they would otherwise have increased, What is the consequence? The demand, the wishes af society, are not thereby affected, but of course the balance between demand and supely has been removed by the pegging & the price, In other words demand is now higher than supnly and the result in the case af a commodity, as you know perfectly well, is that there are queues, or black markets, or rationing, or all three. Since price is not balancing demand with sunnly, you have to sUbstitute some other way of deciding how the available supply is to be distributed, You cannot go very far just altering the price and lea13-ing unofficial or even official mechanisma to regulate demand at the new level, You find that therefore if you are going to set a different pattern of price from that which the market would establish you must alter the demand; you rust get at the underlying things, You cannot therefore establish a pattern afwages, a pattern of price different from the market pattern expressing the generalised demands of society, unless you actually operate upon people, unless you actually physically retain, people in the jobs where you think they ought to be and nrevent them from going to the jobs -where you dont, think they ought to be. In other words the control of prices is merely a first stage and inevitably only a first stage to the control of people. We have entered a society where nhet people do is not to be decided by their own interacting judgment and choice, but is to be decided by Government, Any man who believes that the Government should decide what is the pattern of activity in a nation, that person must be drawn on inex- orably to compel neonle to do that which they would prefer not to do, That system must be a system which extends over the whole of the life of society, because we can- not allow any escape into a free sector of the economy, So this is why I was justified in saying that basically the contrast is between a free and totalitarian society,end that contrast hinges unon the use or disuse of the market and of price. We must introduce the qualifications which arise fro= the existence af government in any society. In any society there will be things which that society wants to have, do, get, achieve, for which the mennnism of comparison through nrice is ineffective, which it can only do collectively, ntich it can only do ty a single decision, binding upon all and therefore enforced unon all;conscription or taxation, How do we relate this to what we have just been seeing about the indisnensible function of price az a menns of self expression in a free socioty? First the Government itself should as little damage by its actions as possible the validity of the market mechanism. There is a distinction between a Government using the mechanism of the market as it does in fixing incomes in the NILS and a Government displacing the mechanism af the market as it does in wartime, Government of a free society will use the machinery of the market rather than direct compulsion as a means of attaining its ends. But there is also this corollary, that you cannot have a free society if more than a certain amount of the decisions are taken by the Government, Now we have got where I think you are always going to get in real life; you will find that the important decisions in politics are always decisions of degree, In practical life the difference of principle, the differ- ence of object, between men and groups of men, does express itself in the decision. - whether we have less or more, Even where Government preemets so relatively limited a frnction of the total national effort that it can go into the market to.buy what it has decided upon without destroying the meaning and value of the market, even then there is some difference, some distortion that it makes. There is some effect upon everybody else and those effects are often incalculable, The pattern of taxation can very seriously affect one way or other the choices which are made by society in laying out the rest of its effort, "Few people farm because their only desire is to nake money; money can be rade more easily in other ways. Above a certain level of profit the demands af taxation absorb auch e large pronortion that the farmer tends to interpret his succese in other than financial terms; for instance he can invest nore heavily in imnlements and machinery than may be econorically justifiable in order to have the satisfaction of nerforming -0- * all his operations by the most ur-to-date efforts!: Through the imract of progressive taxation upon profits and through its effect on the comparisons made by those who are the imediate object of that taxation, the shedule of preferences presented to every- body else, and their decisions, has been altered, so that the total satisfaction which the community at large is getting from itS efforts is less than it would be if the same sum had been raised in taxes in a different way; or perhaps less because every method of raising taxes that you can conceive produces some variation in n11 the other preferences, Both volume and form of compulsion exerted by Government are of vital importance to the maintenance of a free society; both the scope cf Governmemt and the way in which that Government action is compuThively suprorted can be the decision between the character and the tendancy of the society as a whole, The Party which is the only protaoniin this country of a free society, a party to which it falls In practice alone to maintain and expound the antithesis to the Totalitarian or Authoritarian State by whomsoever advocated, wheresoever exemplified in the world, that party cannot dispense with a good conocience about price and the market, for price and the market are indispensible to Freedom, DSA, From the latest number of the District Bank review, ouse of Commono, Konbon, , • LT• oc' , , 1J L ion Lon, , C s C b j4:,) , n , • L., Z.. . r ,1 6 In _ 7,1-le 132 0.9 . 2 '3 C e e`, 2 7.. e ir - _-, sec er e - ' _ e , - • r , *mit of Commortg, ionbon, Ift D _ • IN!1 ".. T -r-r YC -L T • T T 0 T" T firt'l) T -IT p ° T Tfl j. ,;C:3 0 71 T .70 • •eily `5110111/203 JO 35R104 70ottoe of Contmono, i.onbon, 4 e, fir:73,r3,;,03L..--3, t--73- cs 3en Sc r!--,:tt.-.1`G50 2 sn :e..2S 9 30 5 —L e •ai.„n a. 3 1--, ? 60(,) ce 5Uc ',n113 7:11 .3est a.33 „ a:- 173 37,3: ",..31. fec.333r.,1j7 EtT 0 3 S e05e2-32i, eiera 5150, a a 33 _ • --, 3. :Le _4;f3.:..3„ ttt 2 3 .21 — 75-4 19 2 : - ouot of Commonl, Ionbon, 6. _ ''e LiTh'52.t - :cii• cr0re • ; 0 20 r1;1i 3 `9,MPPP17717 0: 7 3., 16 43) _ .3e,C:16.1 6112 e. • 2 / 3O113 20 :II II ;a :3 100: . '•••••• ,0-•: 02-Tit Af....411""ri4 .e .r.77t ( 2 3 13'3 C _ _ .1116or toff — /4 4(-7 eec, _ lipouse of Commons, lonbon, :3 2 "--•• _ c 4— / u e4. a 0 be 47171c AfiZ-e.:-e-a4e- .4. ,C7 4e-0-et e ,?"itc-4 /". orL 30ouoeof Commono, Unbolt, a. G4tee-g. 7 J- °,011.0- • •••••:;• c.3 -b•-•e e.' (4110%.1: •-.4 0 ego 61/eZ 2 .11'„C ;!.„ -- /Leer-112.c;- , ..• , , --',- 7, , :, - . -• _ ___, _ : _ b , .,;2.1__„-.., 42,4e A.-e,„".-e-ce/.--- 7 b ritelst-il-A,,t-1- 04447i-Lz"...ve ).---4--1-1kArjv71 _L D. (*It, ._., -_2',,- ., '" r, -- CI: ? ..•:- 3 2 u "3 :3 0 : '.':+U 11 ,T:1, ..,-.-•2u•,...•,zo blur: t!: j •-'. •••:• 0 ...... :-:L,-.1•; •.:' ; ..j.• . ‘.:: '.r.::Z ..‘T.: •,".:....., : ) S•11-0-k1.---44,4:..7v41,,save_3 t)41.4.-Ii-447/44--644.44". ,:it,77.14-4-1 4-- 4 -i .:',-it."'''."'•".i.iIiiiiiIiit:`,. 0 7.1 2.: .....• Ei;::. t% -::.-..:..• .1... • 12,' ' ' ' - - - - ,-, t -- .1. -...' L-• ,. • -J, .1.-2 '...1..3, ..,.., .,', .1 i t.A.4/1-7'Gi ' 2-1,-,- ',1,,..• ',:,-..:.._0 ',;,..2.5 ''.-:.' ' t IlL,'., b 't ..., •-, ,„,. i'-:-., "I',•...,.1.•'.....2•••.''...31. .:3_.'-. , - '; .b.b„..•• •...,...... „ - 7 ...... '--, - .... 'Z., : .,l , ,; el -k ,,,•:, ..i,. , ••.. .1 •-. 2 . •• • ,,,F ...... ' • ...... '..-, 0 ''':•.••..".,,f,. ,.., ' • •••••,•.• , ..,.0 7,i t., ,.. .2' ..' .....:, , .. / .."- ...: .-',. C ,...... ,,,,,-.1, ... :-.,,' . .„....' ...... --'''..-'7-.:•,, L., a ' _ *omit of GCommono, lonbon, V . •• I_ L' • .„ -; 2 • 1 e „ _ . i 32 e.• e w•Hi T.; i s •••_; • t /ILA- S C - • 2' L 7' ousS e of CommonO, lonbon, 6. , - 0 , 4- , *ousSe of commonS, tonbon, - c 30oule of Conuttono, tonbon, ee,cL. . ..• • c Cc) _ -o••••,-,7.---- • 3 ' - • • ou.5e of Commonl, lonbon, e, , T-2in 2:- - 3 "LI. -; L. • 2 2 2 • _ - 3 - . . 2 _ _ • 3bonoeof COMIliong, lonbon, *111.1 1 3m r ili :• L•2 _ ' 17,...I-L.:: C., L.-. '..)-•LiCsi s - • 0 2 UTII• eeol , c. e e 77: • 0.1 jggszatioet . - 11, • • _441114t— , - 41t4+17s _ 3Daustof Commong, lonbon, *Aid • 3 • • - Lc • Ammoof Common.g, ionbon. t -3 - • 3DatiAt of Cornmonl, lonbon, _ . _ ; zr. s - , /. n ts. s ..r:p1 77,t3i i . ' _ • •,,,,ier—trIn ...;)0 : s , b r n / .y;Son :'.(s• 12L,s,:-, S 2 , • A)ottoe of Commong, lonbon, 21- - _ .21C-1,3 , • Resouse of Commons, lonbon, Dor er , to . • - 3bou5eof Common, lonbon, .30 , _ • • - _ '-' 3/pule of Commons, ionbon, *led , - _ - - ° –e- C - - . ' 7 - = _ 7 - C 7 - y gTT• I:, , • • / -7----(/1-11-4 7 "iv -11t4,1z, 7vta–A1 qumtcriE p.v.7 43,44 At, --invir-.7 '5uozu2u w ler aono4 A / • )".P7L11/1. ) Ionbon, i - ie.:. L - L.:- „ L . n' t c C "74A _ potuse of Commom tonbon, 61111.1 G 1 r , e:. - 7(71 GX-de-f.t. o‘z-4, V - t 4.1• - _ `110V01. `ottoutwo3)lo once* • [Vh_4-t1 tivwfrO: .1\414AAr 4, :2 C.1=5 e crah e. on.J,3(3 „ • -0 on3e2/-at,i ,,•• 71414fri-kea)-C.--er Lili c.•.:. ..1.o 'Jac se , -JJ:: 1 „. f _Le r.a. az-; i . e 2.1-1 er1 •:a .1"1 r - C J •5: _ - _ _ • C., L.: 1 f t • 5 1:1 . • ' 1.2. cf3C3 3 . 3 hambi:::: in s s e: s 1,22 sinners s s une suci:±list C 61:71 '3 3 3 e 6 .6L :11 L.E..11 3.11 E, 211 3 3_11 e 3 _ _ - • 1,3 ;- 3 •L.) e c 6.3s . • s 3 kra/Rie - 'it"; . 2;2 j J .1 • - - - C , •_:1; , - _ e-C,t-ae-‘,4G4t-G-L :-L " C = _L. - ,_ 4 "m--f'h-rt - C /A_A--e4,-/- .3econ i I 1 2 )urt -in 3 cier, I..fj. L1-1 .72_1 ":2 . , • -2 _ 7.; ,=_7:11. i_. t11:at ut 2 ; L1C Ateo 3 2 3- Lj D 3 i _CD _ Le' _ C.: • D D. IL 3 11 5 3 3 _ r „L:2-14 _ "- - r r 7, - /am.. • ' LT „' 3, 3 _.• Y. 3 Tr, - 7...TT 3 3 ,7 s r: 7 11=114=0.=ig:T T c "r:n"':' ' 3 l'T741 -N. . -r I C" n - r- 14-7--17-1411 (-fr-v-ryrk 7 ‘r- 7-7T • „ T s' --. ry- T I:- T.:17'"7: C.: 7_-7 — n •r"r"' u r, 77: . ,(r r),-; T_T r.:77 . 9 TT T•7_.fm-,•_: 7 r, 7:„Tri.17,.. .7. p T 3 Cs T ..r 7!J",- 'T-T-313:7377,7 1.7,:r_ o ET 2 7.i.1 0-77,TOP,. 7.7 77, 3 7 .3377",,"; .7 : 2 T.;0 T r 7,3 71 Ur; T .7 '77, 7“"---, 0 TJ 7 : C.' rtaj- - YVV _Irt44"/1.1 -76 TT ;•-. 0,-710 72, 77) E- CI -r"n JL A g • 0 7., 377-1377. 3- 17,T a - 717-7a' • 21 3 CiAliajt4A sunl 3 . ,_,]e=3e'rles3 J.0- " di 7/Z., • Gi-oozooor Go c , .-HILi3sL. Icii oe j:rjtjQ. ei‘efore 0 e -oenc e of on the o t.h.e r 51C of the O o e3r.L o. pri e Lid 1-1•.:fi f e ri? S-H.L) 17111 e 2q.E.-rid teelidence so orrr 0 f o ic -".',;t .27) c0 0 0. , ._._ :3? 13Y;LS o ilu Dec 3.a L.: : O. o e irL :-.T.,.4e7.:7,erience -Lo s..rp .7.. 2,3 •:1=];"-... c o .,ze fo ;, o-liioinf I e.3...os " *AC — , 01 el 2 IT :Liu. 21 e 1-1en i ) ,3 71. • . . • is:L I .3 .3 h ir nt-, t •.:17 0-1'/ e f , --. ru ion, - r - • 10e. • ff I _ - . - _ • 7T:7 '7, -7 TT , `.." :E.: (7) 5: 7. 5, • • 4.7 ^ 4 7'•-•=": IT T . 7: 7...7 TT; - 5: ".2 • sTT.: IT TT c, 7". - ,T7•') 1,"LT r 57T.: r• •• •••••• - (:ITF"' 77 5::7: : 7.- -7 77,2 T•. T.T,2, T I: D s T T T. ":•• 0 E• T T .•:;?o c; a "ITT . • . -••• '• T. q.T1-1 - F •c_; n ,7";• 7.7 c C -.•/:",; 5.fl S97).::::"3: T :'_' f•sr' •••• c•-•-• r_117 :fa SO FTT P0 7:7 S' T -.";,-,7G 5:-.7 717 ::;:15-T.7. 5, . o TETT0. ;-• J i7;177 1PC; el :477 T..7,7^ , T.,77c" 717:, ;."..7.;1070 s, 7,7 T.77; 77. -r 9 E. u.,,•••• 57: T.10 TT+. S S 0 • - 4 - GiAZ. _ 1!2 e or f en.:145-,e -1-2ni-;:i e beliefs, 'Dec ause tu o 0: • i:Li) i-_c o - eni en-0 r0::: JLi0icLJ eo • 3 31 11117, ere c t-c. 3le; -2.02 '.;.!ei t., '7! PS't n 2 :-.)1):L1qj • •T 3 13 t; 0::ce2 e or. ea -2e], . e e2fbone1-1-0 f f oono:cy f incis ; 'in e 3 foe z-2:...en a .4 11he n eee cc;:onent, '( 4-L-Lch iyici i d-ii. , ieboi - 2..nne3see rit,Ls co2_ie • '( i -be :role:3 „S., 1:1 ecuL.C_,L111 ie C..-Lie., nnin e 3 Li': , 3 uf • b -b s O .!1.3(3• T.; :A"` L -go 320 C 2 i b.; 0 a. e f_C as• Lid- :-Lece-,./ foria t consider 3 eImeric iri r bUSe 21LC s nd tu - 2 c os. in de dent t 20-0 :IL' Tr, 74?-LF,' Ire uCL . '5 30 bgt Unf- F.-,ed .C2j,E3 O'Cc1C-11Thj.. 3...les:Ls -3 ifa .r.n11 7:11a e j uolce, s odid :::),:sr,3oi le 3 L. .-"T.e 230 J-:11 e 2 33_,/ uIIOC i 3e r 2:re ) rise . 2 ia Oii1:40 an-te-t-fa-4 3:len rer-f /4 resources C 311 t;:?• , es 01e3e de- l'317..L(1.):13 (.2.....I./2ai01-Li6:13 LOU-3 :1'.; Lt.- -,t-3 -! - to do so; 33 3 II1, so 1 f2e..• exaTioler„ for 3 1330 .-Doiner CAIL 31'- 6 le J ortre 17i "E-5 2 :21- Lon 2 io_ 2 6 C Or.T. a.76C - 2 e - 3 - uC st o rr Ts, -2e ri 2 C c 3i ie se; er te s c (-li. e r )nly eiciJ tc,rt .L=2. d 0 Sufferer tC Ofl ci s I;e3 e '.;1•1,1:1 c ion , s 61: , se C e OUCuris /77€4-ai , ),_ si dent, CO _ iufl 3.:ThIC 1 1 -7, 1- !"..‘ - 71-7 T-7. • 7; .7. 7." r :To ;.y.-.TH 7t,. .77 n LT 0 TJ:7 'q • 77. e-- 0,70.4LI:G! OUT7 Ta7L GC,..1„T 0 "7 7.70 n", 0 0r4 *-2. F777.- T.,7 • =.; A-747-/-14-4914/& 77 • =3,r7,7,7 D E i =7",-","7C-7,`)11:—E.T. ,7.7; TrI.T 37_""; r -7 • E- ,T: TT 7. 'H-2 r— 7,7 C T S CTTSICCTI.••• T 7 0 9:-.Q". T.1. 7 a /4ff E.'7.-"c.. ="_• ,77. T-".• 2T, C; E. C. 0 0 TT :7? . ELT T.TrI "7", ; -7.7. 7".,-; T." 0 , —L7 T" 2 72 TZ" eCJT Tn .10:7-270n--7-....,.7"..) 71:'2E7npT.;:T iisers 1'0:2 .3.31',1 'De t'ne -trend r 'fee-el./4 .ductivity 370 S2i i1333 33 joLrl -21-t1er317.1 .60 Cd2 2.-0-.!2,23 my kind S -U13 . rnour, , 3fLin 313 ec ii. 1 ..-.-:A.1633.1:1:3'6S` b r 3,:laLse 1 3 en erri, c e, t LiaL e f.1:3 12, C 31 1 d 32. rf,..rs-A.N $ tri j3 3D 2 Ca, 2j1. _L. .3 3 a: .c,:2 "36:hile 2233 n.riline,,e -e I rn t- L: fie 1 31'3_71 • 332,..33 2 t."3 3t ,h . , 2 "12:3..i •:.:,3:33,.23r13'n1:33-12 , C1-.3 s e2,-,aoo0"-Lr.:,31dP e 3.o:ienesis._Lz; ,0 -213 I fe::, L.z:3 i ce of tr: C 21' 3L.c 11" 2 3 :1:1 0 6.3 hi coal: 7:27.7 -1" 7.77 - , - T. O TU 77. -;77,777:- cG OTT;7537;-,.. uT. !STOOOF 1„-1.7:7J0C,:;7" g T: ,,77Gr?.ETT..7 - .7. T ::nT o n To -) 0 G.C. a. CVT Cr. 71 " 0 LIS T..T9ajfl JO,T. FUT 7.777H--3".7.:7 "-7;.7,1 T.M "- TT T ,,T.ToTn.T.pEora, ' c70,717_7„7,E 7.70flU.:DE nroc_:j - TT; T19 7`.. ":1 ...c7T-IT 9 T 7 fl & 4 n rirj or: t-.1T2,7, • LT:: zi-T f7,172.4-44.- Loo-Ios: To ; r -‘71" •.ITTO:TIGLIGO ,T.T•11-1") 17:7.T.TO .;^ JTO tTaTT'2 CTT,T. 6T u,0-671 f Oc-7.*TT 7.J:7,7:OTT s,a/7.700 --T,T 77n. • 7507:,:, 7-7fl,T.j T T, r, r , u Tnn 7- .7.0 To nu 0 - ° 4 , TIO TC-."ci0 Tca.T 0 roa rYL";.7 - 14 rc- • r „ "LT T r=, 0 r 0 CI, 1.7, 0 ,TT • sq.InT.Guc,--2",7: n'a r 2TXG OL G r TIT 'a Ton 7,92 Tp, COi i .3 is lie fel-the:Le3s t'..e iiitte in er: U . C .., su'o. 31 3 ts ; t a.te of cc ant 211ts i 3 3 3 se -Yr.:2 :te. ;- _y31 I2 e „.• . , .1. -4.. th, e r.) COi. ,f.j. 21 - i.o-in. .irh'3t "32:-..-7,2e.33.-.i. one i.:3 ',3-:-.eisT..-..nce '-:.-:nc.. enser-r; LI enc es e f t;:. f 4-r,....t.. i - Bee -3u.se ofiss e 02 sist err- of 73 3 CO 0235 11 1 2i 22,- rcnt •2332 23s o3i 23it. - 4)(1-'; 41,-) /.. Ut_fljLjQrL • :2 1'1 1.1. t.--Le: Ttr. fiu .2 one 2 n (33 of , nev• rtheles;15 t o 000rst, 1L. 74p,i 2'H3C eL:,7 -T.:le oe6.2 3 523 2i v e . , . : . 'r -L.1117: e , T :; -0 '11 C C 9$eCt, 2 332233 23.3 -e CZ • tE.':2 . 3 .j.1:1."7:TI 'CU i J'f. en 307.23 23,550 2in Jo o' e rtn = .L° ti sofloc I 123,10, tc- 2CCr 3 Tu.r_e Cu Lhe 'juns • ..ument e fi. e e zieLi-noldt s ...-38.1471,,ev 196J. e L.7/ • • - /or • In 'Dhe =1:,•• ( ) 13 u JUL D. Du-u-elled VO,COO. ID is inc-neeif _ upei. D cuntinue . :„. te of -Dbree--qu•ir-',De2s it - , •:3 :112. raxif:atel," u b t the t'Te :i-uve2nent ftu1e.3 of-3 e il. en•--_13 of t'ne ur,:;enp neC 431C, - unu J-1:3 Mot C the 1:3 - nu 230:7:: fo-e- e 2 .3on Jp.J CC j e e; t; C 0 u e Of ..hef b: 'the te.,...-2.1.7,02i -3 _ 4 ; _3 „„. S/e A , A • , h e Ct Of ? 3ao io is es eliti_31 to finis' e t 3 coAiltry 1tr1 , II s , , in to 1..iite 2 L h. L-.)S 'Htle is co ar, try, froro u olitd poLiced t the it::3.3 e1cC,,7)3331J.1 33; U1' n'd e e seotie, c Ttr e circa:i.sbection, •'oh r_L:• ,itfl iite surve11nce 3n3i 3 u te 21;333:-t .tu fe-ce. 3n unlimited number of .--',-tendants. -ati_ on .P.here s om or.sue thot 3e333it :and p ts into t 33 country i3 ustified un cconoo—ic 2u3n s. -isn if krzatt, ere riEht, i folio 3.33-rt-u-+,-P.5:77,77.tr1i f23. 31eier coantri, ou tr-s3te:.. Like, had unj to t'neir o 1ifIC nd 4_=t0--tfyliffloil4gart-T/ tribution.i in f c the-re is ro force in t'e ::ame..116 sumetimes rests on sh:oer i-inorance un:lerstandin6. Zor instnce, 3C0C e:Lo t hsle 'Iosbit.al sec:ice to be ex7)anaed foster 1-1,31,- been .1.3-6s3Lbier,', But tor.3 ere out imo s re :3ere I2 !L,c. 0 t'L 33 1 2 '0i31E 3 c•. 3nd experience) s • eti sS.3s1:ed 3 t• J- en ej or tbli z.ed, 3 e':1---,erie:ice in t:-Ls nL ese z. fti 'Llence. , .Lizen joos re b ein do n e byin irnits in 11e bro-oer sense of tl-ie term, sheae, is reeson so s nnthe u on bel:nce ,,3ny econoitic is ccruin ctuntr, Cur proserity ebeIZts s'•-•.e =1175 of u•_;2 U snc• . - -• of a a5 T.a, ,prou.os' on jiiide•:, o: :oaths. IL =..•.-17.; c ss C 0 an C1_2,," L o3 U _ , • oar L Sy o,:e '3 3 ed 2 3a I 7). C; • 11 2 CI 0 IL r L •-• • e , e Tli,ns :2 L' - ..**01. _,$E $CJC : r, - :,,ni:73.Jt ton., re •ni':J it i"•: - L.; —A. 4 B2iT3 t3 not- tad ou1oiti'L3.1 unto -pad na2-31 resbt2,2ces :1- 13„, 1n irtin, ecLnu.c.i.e.1ie t. it2;te.:21b.r.-.:i.d, e ioi.,o,:er Lie tu2nei. en a. 3 a ti on. i ne. U1' n e ci _ C I do fro e.=..in t1t3 b _Li be the uf the the Once the u jr 7,,nt s s e..nd e ielvune d st000ed cbila recu t'...en - ni. tsri - , bne b2ue tension clisc-rinin-ation, D D.-.-..nia-. tion, 00 b rico a it) .1? 2s On:: :oat ion a I difficult b rt.C.i..e oat -in L... I; f_ o T.:, I on, 1 , rieb wit • uC , I n. settled 'ne2e 1. ‘." . .211 , . _ tract from speech by the -at .Lon.3.1,noch Poy,e11 HY on beii :,2. installed as President of the 3outh Jt...frordshire Branch of the Institute of L3rketin and 3aies 1:oan.le1ent, ilocz: Hotel, 'Tettenhall,:olvorh pton 7 p.m. iriJay, 14th1985. ra)nths a:4.o I raised a namber of' eyeJro:As ancl tut a nustber of noses oat of joint by describinL an incanes and 7,rices policy 3s not just n'pnsense but danertus nonnense. fievl to-day are in any doubt ('hether they :Limit it or not) that the 77)olicy iz n.:tsense. Jhet I .. not sare is teit beople have Jet reconised vahy it is also danerous end hon danerous it is. One of the reozisons it is dao,ertus is cler froL the stand:Apint of ,y, U2 :)rofession of sales manar.Yient and maretiri.. T'oe incories :Drices 1:e311Li h 2,1a for then 7,:oods =_d ser-lices to sell :re aected o te'l:e less thpn -.113t their castoz_eT‘s are 711-' H1no 'rr..)7e to y roh.s.t the: theoselles believe 'o111 'oest The road hauliors, the deterenl, ,raanucturers.:Tand toe bers ha4e n-t been soh .oned 0.32ore toe jent se.it of Jons are sasoected of ::ettln to,_ little fur their h11 th oill e 1.t1..aro toe goods OT Srfic:S, 1,-;2 best roturn, or snir. re th:..n their custt:oers The clied criL.t; togly in .,..._;referonce to ny 13 the oToosite, th:,t they 11e tut _ouch. The doc- trine i3 ti-i to s3tt_ in t'oe test thr21.et --so -.Jrorig, uncatriotic, on. onso e oolic nterest. I repeat,then. I thon this for TaCO c2ci31 li-fes and its e::por.ts: - indeed, to su test oh there su'cremely riht - ebout 7,1', in., to sell -.[:,11 the tiiie on the sOst erns in the Jest nrnet. Pe :2_la :7 .3 Sh 311 be O JO ti-_-at the uctrOneO iO5 JO1J obiaz.e: it ,ioerin't to e:c.Hprt-- io the sdles eJent u f irm is tc. td Let li,.inirairn 1;e-- terms 14t ses JO e bat Loamuit terzis :;hen 44.e sells I . abro.ad`e ' lilzel; to nrid cn ercO c :Zco rell or tc e-ores- sicn be brun--,:-::hed oucdoctrine. speec`:.. r aon o.eo soue,.ith the 460 e$ " ugh" nJ. s 3 I! -7,is en 7:2e t deJ. reoLJe ", heir forel c6ante2-_-;--,2ts co_._-_:etitors if oh live it -.J.:. en- jirorftent hereCfieit.r firros a2e i c nt n dner ifbein.: Aauled u7: ond TDill,J.:21iEdtr usineir 3-3:13 their cu„E efci3l 03 2JOnJOIOS in fLec, :).Le of t'.e 2 -.4 • .1sad incoftes lat.L.Tidple2;fle .; • • ' •••-• • fo2 cit• . . • „ - • - • '‘•-• .7,JO 02136ueeful,-; occu:;i7.; . an7 uocr nT 01 @s,Tro UT1jTq 0,70tu. EETPI IOU pTr, 730 t7,91.M OU aro .q.E01.71 Or E U0 tre--94i, G'q0.. 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