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The Great Transformation: the Political and Economic Origins of Our Time / Karl Polanyi; Foreword by Joseph E

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The Great Transformation: the Political and Economic Origins of Our Time / Karl Polanyi; Foreword by Joseph E Karl Polanyi The C^reat Transformation The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time FOREWORD BY Joseph E.Stiglitz INTRODUCTION BY Fred Block BEACON PRESS BOSTON To my beloved wife Ilona Duczynska I dedicate this book which owes all to her help and criticism Beacon Press 25 Beacon Street Boston, Massachusetts 02108-2892 www.beacon.org Beacon Press books are published under the auspices of the Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations. © 1944) 1957) 2001 by Karl Polanyi First Beacon Paperback edition published in 1957 Second Beacon Paperback edition published in 2001 All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 05 04 03 02 01 00 87654321 This book is printed on acid-free paper that meets the uncoated paper ANSI/NISO specifications for permanence as revised in 1992. Text design by Dan Ochsner Composition by Wilsted & Taylor Publishing Services Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Polanyi, Karl, 1886-1964. The great transformation: the political and economic origins of our time / Karl Polanyi; foreword by Joseph E. Stiglitz; with a new introd. by Fred Block.—2nd Beacon Paperback ed. p. cm. Originally published: New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1944 and reprinted in 1957 by Beacon in Boston. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8070-5643-x (pa: alk. paper) 1. Economic history. 2. Social history. 3. Economics—History. I. Title. HC53 .P6 2001 330.9—dc2i 00-064156 Contents FOREWORD BY JOSEPH E. STIGLITZ Vll INTRODUCTION BY FRED BLOCK Xviii NOTE ON THE 2001 EDITION XXxix AUTHOR'S ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xl Part One: The International System i. The Hundred Years' Peace 3 2. Conservative Twenties, Revolutionary Thirties 21 Part Two: Rise and Fall of Market Economy I. Satanic Mill 3. "Habitation versus Improvement" 35 4. Societies and Economic Systems 45 5. Evolution of the Market Pattern 59 6. The Self-Regulating Market and the Fictitious Commodities: Labor, Land, and Money 71 7. Speenhamland, 1795 81 8. Antecedents and Consequences 90 9. Pauperism and Utopia 108 10. Political Economy and the Discovery of Society 116 II. Self-Protection of Society 11. Man, Nature, and Productive Organization 136 12. Birth of the Liberal Creed 141 13. Birth of the Liberal Creed (Continued): Class Interest and Social Change 158 14. Market and Man 171 15. Market and Nature 187 [vi] Contents 16. Market and Productive Organization 201 17. Self-Regulation Impaired 210 18. Disruptive Strains 218 Part Three: Transformation in Progress 19. Popular Government and Market Economy 231 20. History in the Gear of Social Change 245 21. Freedom in a Complex Society 257 NOTES ON SOURCES 1. Balance of Power as Policy, Historical Law, Principle, and System 269 2. Hundred Years' Peace 273 3. The Snapping of the Golden Thread 274 4. Swings of the Pendulum after World War I 275 5. Finance and Peace 275 6. Selected References to "Societies and Economic Systems" 276 7. Selected References to "Evolution of the Market Pattern" 280 8. The Literature of Speenhamland 285 9. Poor Law and the Organization of Labor 288 10. Speenhamland and Vienna 298 11. Why Not Whitbread's Bill? 299 12. Disraeli's "Two Nations" and the Problem of Colored Races 300 INDEX 305 [ Joseph E. Stiglitz ] Foreword (~it is a pleasure to write this foreword to Karl Polanyi's classic book A. describing the great transformation of European civilization from the preindustrial world to the era of industrialization, and the shifts in ideas, ideologies, and social and economic policies accompanying it. Because the transformation of European civilization is analogous to the transformation confronting developing countries around the world today, it often seems as if Polanyi is speaking directly to present- day issues. His arguments—and his concerns—are consonant with the issues raised by the rioters and marchers who took to the streets in Seattle and Prague in 1999 and 2000 to oppose the international fi­ nancial institutions. In his introduction to the 1944 first edition, writ­ ten when the IMF, the World Bank, and the United Nations existed only on paper, R. M. Maclver displayed a similar prescience, noting, "Of primary importance today is the lesson it carries for the makers of the coming international organization." How much better the policies they advocated might have been had they read, and taken seriously, the lessons of this book! It is hard, and probably wrong even to attempt to summarize a book of such complexity and subtlety in a few lines. While there are as­ pects of the language and economics of a book written a half century ago that may make it less accessible today, the issues and perspectives Polanyi raises have not lost their salience. Among his central theses are the ideas that self-regulating markets never work; their deficiencies, not only in their internal workings but also in their consequences (e.g., for the poor), are so great that government intervention becomes necessary; and that the pace of change is of central importance in de­ termining these consequences. Polanyi's analysis makes it clear that popular doctrines of trickle-down economics—that all, including the poor, benefit from growth—have little historical support. He also [ Yii ] [ viii ] Foreword clarifies the interplay between ideologies and particular interests: how free market ideology was the handmaiden for new industrial interests, and how those interests used that ideology selectively, calling upon government intervention when needed to pursue their own interests. Polanyi wrote The Great Transformation before modern econo­ mists clarified the limitations of self-regulating markets. Today, there is no respectable intellectual support for the proposition that markets, by themselves, lead to efficient, let alone equitable outcomes. When­ ever information is imperfect or markets are incomplete—that is, es­ sentially always—interventions exist that in principle could improve the efficiency of resource allocation. We have moved, by and large, to a more balanced position, one that recognizes both the power and the limitations of markets, and the necessity that government play a large role in the economy, though the bounds of that role remain in dispute. There is general consensus about the importance, for instance, of gov­ ernment regulation of financial markets, but not about the best way this should be done. There is also plenty of evidence from the modern era supporting historical experience: growth may lead to an increase in poverty. But we also know that growth can bring enormous benefits to most seg­ ments in society, as it has in some of the more enlightened advanced industrial countries. Polanyi stresses the interrelatedness of the doctrines of free labor markets, free trade, and the self-regulating monetary mechanism of the gold standard. His work was thus a precursor to today's dominant systemic approach (and in turn was foreshadowed by the work of gen­ eral equilibrium economists at the turn of the century). There are still a few economists who adhere to the doctrines of the gold standard, and who see the modern economy's problems as having arisen from a departure from that system, but this presents advocates of the self- regulating market mechanism with an even greater challenge. Flexible exchange rates are the order of the day, and one might argue that this would strengthen the position of those who believe in self-regulation. After all, why should foreign exchange markets be governed by prin­ ciples that differ from those that determine any other market? But it is also here that the weak underbelly of the doctrines of the self- regulating markets are exposed (at least to those who pay no attention to the social consequences of the doctrines)! For there is ample evi­ dence that such markets (like many other asset markets) exhibit excess Foreword [ ix ] volatility, that is, greater volatility than can be explained by changes in the underlying fundamentals. There is also ample evidence that seem­ ingly excessive changes in these prices, and investor expectations more broadly, can wreak havoc on an economy. The most recent global fi­ nancial crisis reminded the current generation of the lessons that their grandparents had learned in the Great Depression: the self-regulating economy does not always work as well as its proponents would like us to believe. Not even the U.S. Treasury (under Republican or Demo­ cratic administrations) or the IMF, those institutional bastions of be­ lief in the free market system, believe that governments should not intervene in the exchange rate, though they have never presented a coherent and compelling explanation of why this market should be treated differently from other markets. The IMF's inconsistencies—while professing belief in the free market system, it is a public organization that regularly intervenes in exchange rate markets, providing funds to bail out foreign creditors while pushing for usurious interest rates that bankrupt domestic firms—were foreshadowed in the ideological debates of the nine­ teenth century. Truly free markets for labor or goods have never ex­ isted. The irony is that today few even advocate the free flow of labor, and while the advanced industrial countries lecture the less developed countries on the vices of protectionism and government subsidies, they have been more adamant in opening up markets in developing countries than in opening their own markets to the goods and services that represent the developing world's comparative advantage. Today, however, the battle lines are drawn at a far different place than when Polanyi was writing. As I observed earlier, only diehards would argue for the self-regulating economy, at the one extreme, or for a government run economy, at the other. Everyone is aware of the power of markets, all pay obeisance to its limitations. But with that said, there are important differences among economists' views.
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