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University Microfilms. Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan (C> Copyright by Ronald Gene Lora This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 68-3015 LORA, Ronald Gene, 1938- CONSERVATISM IN AMERICAN THOUGHT, 1930-1955. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1967 History, mo d e m University Microfilms. Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan (c> Copyright by Ronald Gene Lora 1968 CONSERVATISM IN AMERICAN THOUGHT, 1930-1955 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ronald Gene Lora, B.S. * * * * * The Ohio State University 1967 Approved hy Adviser Department of History ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am most grateful to my adviser, Professor Robert H. Bremner, who first stimulated my interest in social and intellectual history, and later suggested the topic of this dissertation. His liberal expendi­ ture of time and genuine interest in this study were a constant source of encouragement. Financial aid granted by the Graduate School of The Ohio State University facilitated the completion of this dissertation. Thanks are due Professor Bremner, Dean Richard Armitage, and Associate Dean Elmer Baumer for securing this assistance. I want to acknowledge my gratitude to Doris, who showed not only how tolerant, but how helpful wives can be in the writing of a dissertation. VITA August 10, 1938 Born - Bluffton, Ohio I960 ........ B.S., Bluffton College, Bluffton, Ohio 1960-1962 . Faculty, Fostoria High School, Fostoria, Ohio 1964-1966 . Instructor, Bluffton College, Bluffton, Ohio 1966-1967 . Graduate Assistant, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1967.......... Appointment as Assistant Professor, The University of Toledo, Toledo, Ohio FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: History Political and Social History of the United States Since 1900. Professor Robert H. Bremner Political and Social History of the United States, 1850-1900. Professor Francis P. Weisenburger American Foreign Relations. Professor Foster Rhea Dulles History of England Since 1688. Professor Philip Poirier Modern Europe Since 1870. Professor Andreas Dorpalen Political Science. Professor Louis Nemzer -iii- TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS................ ii VITA ........................................... iii INTRODUCTION................................. 1 Chapter I. CONSERVATISM: A D E F I N I T I O N ........ 5 II. THE HUMANISM OF IRVING BABBITT AND PAUL ELMER M O R E .................. 42 III. TRADITIONALISM AND THE AGRARIAN NOSTALGIA ................ 85 IV. HERBERT HOOVER: CONSERVATISM AND THE WELFARE S T A T E ....................... 126 V. WALTER LIPPMANN AT THE CROSSROADS OF LIBERALISM ....................... 164 VI. THE NEW CONSERVATISM: PROFESSOR'S PRESCRIPTION ....................... 197 VII. CONSERVATISM AND THE AMERICAN LIBERAL TRADITION ................... 257 APPENDIX....................................... 264 BIBLIOGRAPHY................................... 267 INTRODUCTION American conservatism since the Great Crash, of 1929 has received scant attention in scholarly works. Historians have concentrated on liberalism since, whether the New Deal was liberal or conservative, everyone agrees that the depression decade called forth one of the most progressive reform periods of American history. After World War II, however, Americans wit­ nessed the spectacle of a large number of articulate scholars and writers openly declaring their allegiance to conservative values. A unique feature of this short­ lived phenomenon was that for the most part the "new conservatism" looked to Europe, especially to England for its traditions, heroes, and body of thought. To discover why this was so is to begin to understand the nature of the American political mind. An endemic trait of historians appears to be the inclination to see the period of which they write as a "crucial" one, as a "watershed" in the national history. This case has been made for virtually every decade since the founding of the Republic. Perhaps then it -1- is natural to see the era which witnessed the nation's worst depression, its most significant reform period, and its worst war as another crucial period. Histori­ cal change - planned and unplanned - has proceeded as rapidly in the past thirty-five years as at any time. But the era's most significant feature, namely the con­ scious commitment to social change to the extent that it could he rationally and effectively planned, existed prior to the period. In fact, the United States is probably the first large nation to have change and inno­ vation programmed into its culture. As this fact became evident, the nature of the good society assumed profound importance. How could the good society be defined? How deliberately should a society undertake its own reform? These are the most important political problems today. The intention of this work is to study the response of certain intellectual conservatives to these problems. There is no indivisible Platonic essence to which any embodiment of conservatism conforms. There are many varieties; it is well to state clearly that our concern is with one kind, the philosophical conserva­ tives. What questions do they ask of society? How do the values which emerge from their writings correspond -3- to dominant American values? Do they render the American experience intelligible? The answers to these questions have been sought in the published writings, books and articles of intellectual conservatives. The study focuses on cultural conservatives - the new humanists, the southern agrarians and the new conservatives - who generally abstained from comment on specific issues of national policy. Since the New Deal was the major domestic development of the inter-war years, attention is also devoted to two individuals, Herbert Hoover and Valter Lippmann, who wrote much about specific features of the Boosevelt Administration. Moreover, Hoover^* brand of avowedly wAmerican" conser­ vatism furnishes a clear-cut contrast to that of the cultural conservatives. Bor all of his enslavement to abstractions grounded in the past, he was entirely nationalistic, that is, his views were rooted in the unique biography that was his, one which he understood to be entirely American. Lippmann, philosophical and theoretical, represented the Lockean liberal, moving among universal abstractions and measuring the day-to- day events by them. The central theme of the study is the reaction of reflective conservatism to the theory of mass society, the theory that dwells on the standardization and undif­ ferentiated aspects of life in modern society. She writer's thesis is that the philosophical beliefs of genuine historical conservatism are in serious conflict with the general value system and purposes of American society. CHAPTER I CONSERVATISM: A DEFINITION What is conservatism? Such, a protean word, so often mishandled, defies all pat definitions. John Stuart Hill once characterized the conservatives as the stupid party. In America, conservatism has usually been linked with free enterprise, self-interest, or both. William Graham Sumner, an opponent of government inter­ vention in the name of freedom, and the historian Clinton Rossiter, who accepts New Deal reformism in the name of freedom, have both been dubbed conservatives. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has been de­ scribed as the conservative wing of world communism since it is currently engaged in the preservation of what was once a revolutionary program of reform. This chapter attempts to reduce the term to intelligibility and to set the growth of conservatism in the context of the past two hundred years of Western history. For the sake of convenience, we may note three possible meanings - or levels - of conservatism, all legitimate given the appropriate historical and social -5- -6- context. First, psychological conservatism. This type means simply the human disposition to preserve what is loved and to oppose change as being disruptive of accustomed life-patterns. It is disinterested in that it is not a rational attitude hut rather a matter of sentiment and natural disposition. All individuals possess it: it is a matter of degree. Economic conservatism denotes what most Americans think of when they hear the word conservatism. Economic conservatives are those who have something of material value to defend against innovation. It may he wealth, or privilege, or position. Usually it is materialistic and in its most extreme form, economic conservatism becomes an insidious influence, selfish and grasping. It ought to he noted, however, that the conservative who is easily irritated over discussion of economic change, may he most open-minded on subjects not directly related to his economic interests. There remains philosophical conservatism - the conservatism of those who articulate what they believe in intellectual rather than economic or purely political terms. The philosophical conservative finds certain values and ideas which support the existing order worthy -7- of expression and defense, and in so doing, often tran­ scends considerations of self-interest. The concern here is with this kind of conservatism. Has not conservatism always existed? Psycholo­ gically, yes; ideologically, no. Uhdergirding all other varieties is psychological or natural conservatism with its roots deep in all organic life. It signifies a state of being, a physical or mental disposition which enables the individual to feel at home in his environ­ ment. She tried is preferred to the untried, the known to the unknown, the present good to any possible better.1 Risk, great adventure, and
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