Illnesses of Human Body: Magic and Curative Actions, Manipulations, Exerting Influence on Body Through Clothing, and Other Healing Practices in Ukrainian Traditional Culture

Iryna Ignatenko1

1. National University of , Department of History, Sub- department of Ethnology and Local Studies, Volodymyrska St, 60, Kyiv, , 01601 (Email: [email protected])

Received: 05 June 2016; Accepted: 19 July 2016; Revised: 10 August 2016 Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 4 (2016): 239-250

Abstract: Based on the archival ethnographical sources and author’s field records, the article reviews Ukrainian magic curative rituals, performed over a patient’s body or its symbolic substitutes. Among these, most widely used actions are: curing the sickness with an egg or bread (cleansing), measuring body with a thread, “re-baking” in an oven, pulling (dragging) body through certain apertures, as well as face wash, sprinkling, bathing in an enchanted water, etc. Manipulations performed upon a sick person’s clothing are also examined. It is shown that, according to Ukrainian traditional beliefs, these symbolic actions should have led to a practical result, recovery, which, in turn, required patient’s unquestioning assurance in the effectiveness of all these magic actions and manipulations.

Keywords: Human Body, Illness, Clothing, Magic, Ritual, Procedure, Tradition

Introduction Folk medicine has been drawing attention of Ukrainian ethnologists and of amateur collectors, beginning from the very first stages of ethnological science’s origin. Moreover, one of the “firstborns” of Ukrainian ethnological science was the research dedicated to folk medicine, namely: “Malorossian superstitions, believed in by few” (1776) composed by A. Chepa who belonged to a family of the small Cossack starshina (by that time, Ukrainian quasi-military class of nobility and land tenants) in Poltavschina (currently Poltavska oblast). Though, this work was published only in 1892, in monthly Kievskaya Starina (in Ukr.: Київська старовина, Rus.: Киевская старина) journal (Storozhenko 1892: 119-130).

This area of folk culture to this day presents strong interest for both domestic and foreign researchers (Boltarovich 1990, Ignatenko 2015, Skrypnik 1994, Serebryannikova 2004, Shvydkyi 2001, Hanchuk 1999, Mucz 1999). Ethnologists are interested in beliefs attributed to healers and sorcerers, popular understanding of the etiology of illnesses ISSN 2347 – 5463 Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 4: 2016

and corresponding curative practices, medicinal agents of herbal, animal, mineral origin, etc.

However, for a long time domestic ethnologists omitted such issues as illnesses of body as such, magic practices, manipulations, procedures performed upon a body with the goal of getting rid of an illness.

The subject of research in this paper, therefore, is the body itself, specifically, body illnesses. We will try to follow the ways in which traditional magic manipulations with human body (alternatively, its “substitute” – clothing, or “image” – measuring thread/rope) would be expected to lead to a practical result, recovery.

Materials The sources used for writing this article can be divided into published (mostly research papers by ethnographers and amateur collectors from the mid ХІХ – beginning of ХХ cent., with vast majority of field ethnographic records) and unpublished (archival and the author’s own field records). In particular, these are archival scientific collections of manuscripts and phonograms of the M.T. Rylski Institute of Art, Folklore Studies and Ethnology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (hereafter, ANFRF IMFE – Ukr.: АНФРФ ІМФЕ), collections of State Scientific Center for protecting cultural heritage from industry-related accidents (hereafter, DNCZKSTK – Ukr.: ДНЦЗКСТК) and archival collections of the of the Sub-department of ethnology and local studies of the Department of History at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv (hereafter, KEKIF – Ukr.: КЕКІФ).

Narrative and Discussion One of the most commonly encountered methods of performing manipulations upon the human body was cleansing – to “draw the illness out of the body”. Typically, an illness is “drawn out” into a chicken egg or a fresh breadcrumb, sometimes rolled up into small balls (balabushki).

Detailed review shows that cleansing the body with a chicken egg (vikatchuvannya na yaytse) still remains one of the commonest methods of treatment in folk medicine. Cleansing proceeded in the following way: healer rolls the egg over all the parts of sick person’s body, beginning from head and finishing at feet. During this procedure, the incantation is pronounced: “From the head, I cast the spell, I roll the egg from the head, the eyes, the arms, along the hands, from fingernails, from under the fingernails, there you go, and from the joints, yellow bone, red blood, I roll along the feet (Od holovi, vihovorayu, vimovlayu z holovi, ya kachayu yayechkom z holovi, z ochei, z ruk, po rukakh, po dolonyakh, z nokhtikov, z-pod nokhtikov, ot, i z sustavchikov, zhovtoyi kosti, chervonoyi krovi, kachayu podoshvami), – then I crack the egg and it (the thing that had scared the patient. – Note by Iryna Ignatenko) becomes visible in water” (DNCZKSTK, coll. Brus.-Radom.- 2003: 32). Every part of the sick person’s body had been circled around quite assiduously, due to their important role in supporting general vital body functions.

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Cleansing began from head, one of the most important body parts, top element of the anatomic code, – because, according to folk belief, illnesses entered the human body through head. In turn, feet indicated a lower boundary of the human body; therefore, a spellcaster (sheptukha, f.) drew the illness out of the body through feet into the ground. In the archaic anatomy, the ritual of removal of the illness “from the top downwards” is aimed first of all to “break down” the composition of the human body, so that it could be restored to a full integrity from the “purified” components (Toporov 2003: 56).

In some cases, the spellcaster passes the egg around the body, hands/arms, feet/legs, head, without touching them. Researchers believe that certain concepts of a human body’s biofield could have existed in traditional society; however, the lack of data as per where the boundary of the biofield of the human body lays, and whether it tallies with a physical boundary, leaves the question unsolved (Mazalova 2001: 42).

Following cleansing, the egg was typically cracked into a glass of water and its content visually inspected. It must be noted that the cleansing had not only curative, but also diagnostic purpose. The egg after cleansing would be given to a dog, “to bark out the illness”, or poured onto the ground at an abandoned location, or taken to a crossroad (Archive of the Subdepartment of ethnology 2003: sh. 2).

“On-bread” cleansing is still widely popular in Rivnenschina. Routinely, the procedure goes like this: the spellcaster rolls up fresh breadcrumb into halushki (small rolls) (three or nine). Holding one such halushka in her hand, she rolls it all over the body of the sick person, pronouncing an incantation at the same time. She takes then another halushka and repeats the procedure. Having used all the halushki, she puts them all together and gives them to a dog “to bark it out”. In such case, the dog always must be black, and the halushka must be tossed over one’s back without looking backwards (DNCZKSTK. Coll. Rokitne-2006: sh. 7).

Other cleansing versions, on-bread in particular, also existed. For this, healers would take water out of three wells, make dough and bake three balabushki (small rolls): these were used for rolling all over a sick person’s body. Then, these balabushki would be thrown into a bucket of water taken from three wells, and the water poured onto the ground under a birch or pear tree (after a girl patient) or, after a boy, under an ash or oak tree. In case of a river available nearby, the water would be poured into it (DNCZKSTK. Coll. Lugini-2005: sh. 24).

Thus, regardless of how many different items would be used in this method of treatment, the common goal for all of them was to draw illness out of all body parts into an outside object (item) which, subsequently, would be incapacitated.

Another widely used method of bodily manipulations was face rinsing/sprinkling/ bathing in enchanted water, or its internal use.

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It should be noted that, over the course of treatment of many illnesses (vroki, danie, podvyi, pereliak) healers would mandatorily rinse certain body parts with water, especially the region of the heart, as well as knees and elbows. Possibly, this custom came out of people’s belief that these body parts are “entrances” through which an illness can find its way into a body. Water would also be used externally and internally (for drinking) (Ignatenko 2015: 122).

For example, to cure “evil eye spell”, a female healer in Volyn’ would take a half-full glass of cold water and drop three bits of a fresh breadcrumb and three small coal embers into it. She would dip the fingertips of her right hand into the water and then, with the upper side of her fingers, “wipe” over the sick person’s face three times. Afterwards, the patient would have to sip the water from three sides of the glass, with breadcrumb and coal pieces floating in it (ANFRF IMFE: sh. 340).

The Lemko people would treat evil eye spell in the following way: having crossed over the small ceramic pot of water, they would throw in three pieces of charcoal, counting to nine, and then in reversed order. The sick person would be given water to drink three times after the procedure (Matsiyevski et al. 2002: 145).

In Rivnenschyna, against evil eye spell, it would be advised to sprinkle the sick person with the consecrated water through the sieve three times, then to blow out and spit out the same number of times (ANFRF IMFE: sh. 2).

It must be noted that spitting out remains one of the most common actions in terms of magic, protection and curation. It is believed that saliva has curative properties, similar to its natural analogue, water. Healthy human’s saliva was deemed capable of destroying diseases. As an example, in case a child would “get sick because of evil eye”, the mother had to lick over its forehead three times, in order to spit it out over her left shoulder (because the guardian angel, as per popular beliefs, remains behind the right shoulder) (Ignatenko 2015: 124).

Water had been used for sprinkling all over a sick person, face or body wash. In Hutsulschyna, for individuals worn down by disease, a bath in the water where the embers from “live vatra” (fire, produced by friction) were extinguished, was recommended (Boltarovich 1987: 284).

In Polissya, for people suffering from fright neurosis, it was recommended to bathe in a decoction of sedative herbs, such as calamus root. In most cases a bath was used to treat children, whereas the methods of collecting herbs and plants for this purpose were unusual, sometimes extraordinary (Ignatenko 2015: 191).

In case of excessive infant crying and irritability (kriklivitsi), a bath would be prepared using the bedding from a hoghouse. After bathing, the water would be discarded onto wicker fence (ploti), at a desolate location. In Polissya, for “evil eye spell” in infants (znoski), it was recommended to go to a river or a lake and collect drift vegetation

242 Ignatenko 2016: 239-250 detained on a bank/shore between the tree roots. The term for it was znosyak (“carried by water”). Another recommendation was to go to a crosspoint of three boundaries (na tri mezhi) and collect vegetation of any kind, then make a bath from it and bathe a child in this water. Subsequently, the water had to be taken to a crossroad and poured out in a crisscross (DNCZKSTK. Coll. Zhytomyr-2004: sh. 28).

It is important to mention that, for treating bodily illnesses, different types of water could be used: consecrated in the church, “untouched” (collected prior to sunrise), or “regular” – from a well or a spring.

“Untouched” water was used in curative practice most of the time. It was considered as a mandatory condition for efficient treatment, whereas the water quest itself presented magic qualities. Specifically, the trip for “untouched” water happened like this: with an early departure, prior to sunrise, the water would be collected from three wells in three villages where churches were present. While carrying the water, it was not allowed to look backwards, to prevent the recursion of the illness. Only such kind of water would be considered as truly medicinal (DNCZKSTK. Coll. Yemilchine-2011: sh. 35).

As mentioned above, for many illnesses to be treated, internal use of water was required. However, the water would have to be enchanted by a healer, who whispered a special spell over it. In this case, a body is verbally influenced by means of water entering it. The particularity of this kind of spell consists in its minimal acoustic transmittal. The words of the spell could be “swallowed”, “drunk”, “let pass” into one’s own body, etc. Most often, the spell would be whispered over a food or water, intended for an internal use by an individual. The food or water, therefore, would be a “vehicle” for “delivering” the words to a “delivery point”. The vivified spell would become a “concentrate of contents” put into it (Baiburin 2005: 105).

Body measuring also was among widely known curative methods in folk medicine. As an example, here is the technique of treating “fright disorder” (perepolokh): “the invited healer measures body length of the sick child with the thread, width by arms extended sidewards, and the head circumference; he trims fingernails and toenails, and often, the hair on the head. All these articles, together with the thread that has been used for measurements, the healer squeezes into a small hole drilled in a “dead end” of the doorframe, hammering everything in with an aspen picket. Concurrently, he pronounces the spell, in order to conjure illness to stop torturing “white flesh, yellow bone, eyes, shoulders and all the joints” (Kovalenko et al. 1891).

During all rituals, especially curative, the human body had been constantly constructed and deconstructed at a verbal level. The measurement procedure also belongs to such rituals, but in this case, the main load is transferred to thread or rope. Irrespective of which of them would be used for measuring the human body, the measurements taken would be regarded as an individual’s “image”. On the one hand, such measurements could be dangerous if used with a goal to inflict harm, on the other

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hand – they could be used for “re-birth” and therapy, if the illness would travel to and remain in a “new” body (Svirnovskaya 1999: 75).

Pulling through, dragging through, pushing the body into certain apertures, – these techniques were used in case of especially serious infant illnesses of various etiologies and interpreted as new symbolic birth (Schepanskaya 1999: 149). This treatment option was referred to as an imitation of a new birth, after which a child would come into “this” world healthy. As an example, a frightened child would be passed through a window three times in Zhytomyrschyna (DNCZKSTK. Coll. Lugini-2005: sh. 20).

In Poltavschyna, infantile enuresis would be treated the following way: “a child is forced to crawl through “zhlukto” (a kind of narrow tub for bucking) while being lightly tapped from behind with the frozen tug (bucket handle)…” (Kovalenko et al, 1891).

“Re-baking” presents similar magic action. This magic procedure was used also in the case of rationally explainable illnesses, like tuberculosis (lung disease). A sick child would be placed onto a baker’s peel (usually by mother) and slid, like a bread loaf, into the oven. Often, the whole process would be imitated. Eg., in Zhytomyrschyna, if a child by 5 months had not been putting on weight and stayed thin, its condition would be considered as tuberculosis (“scourge”), and required “baking in”. The mother would “start the leaven” (vchinyala dizhu), whereas the midwife would bring nine “grafts” (cherry tree twigs) from the garden into the house. The mother would ask her: “What do you need these grafts for?” The answer would be: “I took these twigs from the tree to protect ourselves from scourge; I will be whipping scourge with these twigs, to draw it away from our house”. Next, the midwife placed the grafts onto a baker’s peel, put a bread loaf on them, and slid it onto the oven. While doing this, she would have one of the family members driven out of the room and the door shut. Similarly to bread wash prior to placing it into the oven, she would pour water on the child and place it onto the peel. With the mother holding child in place, the midwife would slide it into the mouth of the oven. The person behind the door would ask: “What are you doing?” – and the midwife’s response was: “Baking in scourge”. This would be repeated three times. Afterwards, the midwife would have spat threefold on the right and on the left, and the child would be given back to the mother (Ivanov 1897: 52-53).

Probably, the symbolic meaning of this ritual was to equalize child and bread: specifically, bread baking would be identified as childbirth. Hereby, a child would be symbolically returned to a mother’s womb (the oven), in order to be born again (Toporkov 1992: 115).

There was a peculiar method of treatment that consisted in disease’s humiliation by exhibiting naked body, especially genitals. For example, in case of epileptic seizure, the advice was: “cover the person with the black rag or a black shawl, and sit down on his face, excuse me, with your ass, and then strew over with rye”. Simultaneously, it

244 Ignatenko 2016: 239-250 would be required to keep saying: “Yaki gist’, taka i chest’” (“Like guest, like honor”) (DNCZKSTK. Coll. Zhytomyr-2004: sh. 23).

For treating excessive infant crying and irritability (kriklivitsi), insomnolence (nesplyachki), the mother would be told to wrap her child into a sheepskin coat, place it on a doorstep and step over three times, repeatedly pronouncing the following phrase: “Yaka porodila, ta i odkhodila” (“Who begat, heals”). Another treatment version: before sunset, the child would have to be taken to a dump where the mother would place it onto the ground and step over it thrice, repeatably saying: “Chim mati rodila, tim i odkhodila” (“What mother delivered with, healed with”) (Grinchenko 1901: 60). This is another example of humiliation method, aiming at “offending” the illness and making it leave the body.

Fumigation had also been used in curative practice. For this purpose, dried herbs, consecrated in the church, were used most commonly, as well as other items. As an example, frightened children would be fumigated with a dropped stork feather. The spellcaster would place some frankincense and thyme on a metal lid and ignite the feather. It was advisable to light a consecrated candle used previously for a funeral. During the fumigation, the spellcaster would keep saying: “Kudi dim, tudi i liack” (“Where smoke goes, fear goes”). An individual suffering from willies would be fumigated with the egg shell from chicken hatchlings (DNCZKSTK. Coll. Lugini-2005: sh. 15).

Worth attention is also the method of body treatment via clothing, in which case the latter presented body substitute. Primarily it was an underwear shirt, closest to the body, its symbolic substitute. In many curative rituals, an individual or a child is bathed wearing a shirt (swaddle) that thereafter must be discarded together with the water. It would symbolize the deliverance from a sick body, along with water that “absorbed” the illness. For instance, for treatment of tuberculosis (sukhoti), it was recommended to break up some willow twigs, “boil it up and take a bath in it three times. Wearing a shirt and swaddle, take a bath. Then this bowl, together with the shirt and all that stuff, must be brought to the same willow tree the twigs were taken from, and poured onto that bush (sic!), and then it must be asked: “Willow, willow, don’t be angry at me – take away this illness – give me flesh for my bones” (Kravchenko 1920: 76).

Such magic effect can be attributed to the role of clothing as a symbolic body substitute, apart from its insulative and protective functions (Mayerchik 2003: 80). Therefore, this ritual involves actions performed not with the sick individual himself, but with his clothing or other possessions.

Conclusion Ukrainian traditional culture presents many curative methods involving certain magic manipulations over an ill body. For cleansing, regardless of how many different items

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would be used in this method of treatment, the common goal was to “draw” illness out of the body into an outside object which, subsequently, would be “incapacitated”.

For the curative practice, different types of water would be used: consecrated in the church, “untouched” (collected prior to sunrise), or regular – from a well or a spring. Consecrated water would be used for sprinkling, other water types – for face rinsing, bathing, etc. Subsequently, the water had to be taken to a crossroad and poured out in a crisscross. In this case, the human body is being verbally influenced by water entering it. To enchant the water or food intended for an internal use, the healer would whisper a spell over it with minimal acoustic transmittal. The food or water, therefore, would be a “vehicle” for “delivering” the words to a “delivery point”.

During all curative rituals, the human body had been constantly constructed and deconstructed at a verbal level. The measurement procedure also belongs to such rituals, but in this case, the main assignment is transferred to a thread or a rope. Such measurements were regarded as an individual’s “image”. Similar is the method of body treatment via clothing (underwear), in which case the latter presented a body substitute.

Fumigation also constituted an important form of curative practice. Most commonly people used dried herbs, consecrated in the church, and other symbolic items such as bird feathers, egg shells from chicken hatchlings, etc. Peculiar method of treatment consisted in “humiliating an illness” by exhibiting naked body, especially genitals, etc.

Described symbolic actions should have led to a practical result, recovery, which, in turn, required the patient’s unquestioning assurance in the effectiveness of all these magic actions and manipulations.

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