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Identity and Violence: Cases in Georgia IDENTITY AND VIOLENCE: CASES IN GEORGIA by NINO KEMOKLIDZE A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies Department of Political Science and International Studies School of Government and Society College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham July 2014 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis explores the nexus between identity construction and the outbreak of violence. It focuses on the cases of violence in Georgia in the early 1990s, in particular – Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The author takes an historical, process-based approach to the question of how violence “came about” in Georgia. Using previously unpublished archival material and extensive, in-depth interviews, the author traces the process of the development of inter-ethnic relations in Georgia over the course of several decades and provides a detailed examination of how these relations evolved from tensions to violence. As the thesis demonstrates, ethnic fears and hostility between Georgians on the one hand and Abkhaz and Ossetians on the other – one of the important contributing factors to the outbreak of violence – were neither deep-rooted nor long-standing; rather, they were socially constructed. Still, despite its socially constructed nature, the author argues for bringing ethnicity back in the debate and proposes a more flexible, multi-layered analytical framework in order to integrate constructivist and primordialist views on ethnicity and ethnic group formation in the study of ethnic conflicts and violence. The result is a shift of analysis from self-centered manipulative elites to more “boundedly rational” actors who operate within a socially constructed reality shaped by Soviet nationality policies and historical and cultural narratives (embedded in myths and metaphors of ethnic groups concerned). To my biggest critics: My parents and my brother Acknowledgements There are many people who have helped me out enormously during the research process of this thesis and my stays in four different countries while doing this research. However, firstly, I would like to thank my supervisors Kataryna Wolczuk and Stefan Wolff for their constructive criticism, helpful comments, support and understanding during my research. I was first introduced to Stefan’s work back in 2005/6 when I was doing my master’s degree and little I knew back then that in just a few years’ time he would be supervising my own research project. Many thanks are also due to Jeremy Smith and Cerwyn Moore who started out as my supervisors and continued to provide me advice and support during the rest of my PhD period. I also thank Kasia and Ces for providing me with reference letters on a number of occasions often on rather short notices. I am also very grateful to Jeremy whose interest in my PhD topic is what brought me to CREES and Birmingham in the first place. Alongside with him I was also involved in the project on “Georgian Nationalism and Soviet Power” (funded by the Academy of Finland) that served as a turning point in my PhD research. I would also like to kindly acknowledge the help and support provided by Marea Arries and Patricia Carr at the department over the years as well as other members of CREES, in particular, Galina Yemelianova, Derek Averre, and Deema Kaneff. Without the financial support, however, I would have never been able to consider doing this project in the first place so I am extremely grateful for financial assistance provided by the Oversees Research Student Award Scheme (ORSAS), Kirkcaldy Postgraduate Scholarship, Postgraduate Incentive Fund (all from the University of Birmingham), and Open Society Institute’s Global Supplementary Grant Program-Europe (OSI/GSGP). A number of departmental and school travel funds allowed me to attend several conferences and helped me towards the costs of my fieldwork. BASEES Grant for Postgraduate Research funded by the British Association of Slavonic and Eastern European Studies was also very helpful in conducting the final stage of my fieldwork. During the 2010/11 academic year I was a visiting researcher at the Department of Russian and Eurasian Studies at the Norwegian Institute of Foreign Affairs (NUPI) in Oslo thanks to generous funding from the Norwegian Research Council – Yggdrasil–Young Guest and Doctoral Researchers’ Annual Scholarship for Investigation and Learning in Norway (project number: 202697/V11). I thank everyone at the department there for making me feel so welcome and for their most helpful comments on my initial PhD proposal. My very special thanks are due to the Head of the Department Helge Blakkisrud. In 2013 I also spent a year at Uppsala University’s Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies (UCRS) in Sweden thanks to generous funding from Swedish Institute – Visby Programme for PhD and Post-Doctoral Studies in Sweden. I could not have asked for a better place for writing- up my PhD thesis. My very special thanks are due to Research Director Li Bennich-Bjorkman and to all my colleagues there who made me feel so at home. Some of them also provided me with helpful comments on my PhD, in particular, Ausra Padskocimaite and Vaida Obelene (from UCRS) and Niklas Nilsson (from Södertörn University). In Georgia I would like to thank the Institute for Development of Freedom of Information (IDFI) and the staff at the Archive of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for their help and guidance during my archival research. I also thank Otar Burkiashvili for his assistance with tracking down some of the archival material when I was unable to physically be in Tbilisi. Many others were very helpful in putting me in touch with many of my respondents and sharing rare literature on the subject; in particular, I would like to thank Endzela Machavariani and Gela Gurgenidze. A number of people have also read some of the earlier chapters of my PhD and I would like to thank them for their most helpful comments. My friends Kamala Imranli-Lowe, Steve de Klerk, Katharina Hoffman and John Horne provided me with much appreciated constructive criticism and I thank them for their time, kind words and encouragement as well as for their friendship over the years. Thanks are also due to all the participants of the Mekrijärvi Workshop in Finland in 2012 (organized by Jeremy Smith) for their insightful comments on some of my earlier thoughts on Soviet nationality policies in Georgia. I would also like to acknowledge that this thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Martin Rickerd. Needless to say, however, I am responsible for any errors. Many thanks are also due to my friends who continued to provide support whether in Georgia, Birmingham, or elsewhere. My very special thanks are due to Roaa Ali and Alex Moore for being my family in Birmingham, for taking me to and picking me up from the airport, storing my things, and hosting me more times than I can remember. Many thanks also (in no particular order) to Dheepika Vadivale, Zijun Li, Kerry O’keffe, Lina Aylott, Olubayode Ero-Phillips, Nigel Lowe, Vickie Hudson, Daniela Ionescu, Rustam Stolkin, David Bendell, Aleksandra Duda, Sylwia Czort, Yannis Chatzidakis, Ingerid Opdahl, Martin Widmann, Sean Roberts, Cai Wilkinson, Larisa Kosygina, Linda Ahall, Jonna Nyman, Philippe Lassou, Adele Del Sordi and my Georgian friends in the UK and abroad Nana Gugeshashvili, Maka Uberi, Anna Iakobidze- Wilding, Anna Koiava, Tamuna Turkiashvili, Maia Chankseliani, Nino Vadakaria, Dimitri Gugushvili, Aleko Kupatadze, Gia Ubiria for helping me out in one way or another during my PhD. Thank you also to many others in various parts of the world who have kept me in their thoughts on a long distance. I would also like to thank each and every one of my respondents who agreed to be interviewed or who gave up their time to talk to me informally. Thank you for sharing your insights and personal stories (and often your personal archives). I hope I did justice to the information you provided. Last but not least, many thanks to my parents and my brother for teaching me how to love my country without being blind. I thank them for their unconditional love and support that has kept me going. It is to them that I dedicate this work. Table of Contents List of Tables List of Abbreviations Chapter 1 – Introduction 1. Research Context 1 2. Why is Georgia Interesting? 5 3. Research Questions 12 4. Locating the Study 17 5. Overview of the Chapters 19 Chapter 2 – Conceptual and Theoretical Framework 1. Introduction 22 2. Defining Key Concepts 2.1. Ethnicity 24 2.1.1. Ethnic Group 25 2.1.2. The Soviet Understanding of a “Nation” 27 2.2. Ethnic Conflict and Violence 28 3. Theories of Ethnicity and Ethnic Violence 33 3.1. Primordialism 35 3.1.1. Sociobiological Approaches 36 3.1.2. Cultural Approaches 38 3.2. Ethnic Hatreds: Ancient or Modern? 40 3.3.Instrumentalism 42 3.4. Rational Choice Theories of Violence 43 3.4.1. (In)Security Approaches 44 3.4.2. Economic Approaches 49 3.5. The Ethno-Symbolist Corrective? 53 Ethno-Symbolism and Violence 54 3.6. Constructivism 57 How Are Identities Formed?: Constructivist Views 59 4.
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