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STORIA, POLITICA E STORIOGRAFIA DELLE MIGRAZIONI FORZATE in EUROPA

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STORIA, POLITICA E STORIOGRAFIA DELLE MIGRAZIONI FORZATE in EUROPA UNIVERSITA’ degli STUDI di NAPOLI FEDERICO II DOTTORATO in SCIENZA POLITICA e ISTITUZIONI EUROPEE XX CICLO STORIA, POLITICA e STORIOGRAFIA DELLE MIGRAZIONI FORZATE IN EUROPA TUTOR CANDIDATO Chiar.Mo Prof. dott. Antonio FERRARA Andrea GRAZIOSI Per mamma e papà I N D I C E PARTE PRIMA: UNO SGUARDO PANORAMICO. STORIA DELLE MIGRAZIONI FORZATE IN EUROPA, 1912-1953 Premessa: problemi interpretativi e di classificazione p. 3 Che cos’è una migrazione forzata? p. 4 Perché una rassegna sulle migrazioni forzate? p. 9 Breve storia degli spostamenti forzati di popolazione p. 19 Capitolo I – La prima guerra mondiale e il crollo degli imperi, 1912-1923 p. 25 Le guerre balcaniche, 1912-1913 p. 27 Il genocidio armeno, 1914-1917 p. 31 Dopo il genocidio: costruzioni statali e scontri nazionali in Anatolia orientale e nel Caucaso, 1917-1921 p. 39 La guerra greco-turca e lo scambio di popolazioni, 1919-1923 p. 43 Deportati e rifugiati nell’impero zarista, 1914-1917 p. 51 Gli ebrei nell’impero zarista tra guerra e rivoluzione, 1914-1921 p. 59 La rivoluzione e la prima fase della guerra contadina sovietica, 1918-1923 p. 64 Capitolo II – L’Europa fra le due guerre, 1918-1939 p. 73 Il dopoguerra in Europa e il primo ripiegamento delle master nations p. 75 La seconda fase della guerra contadina sovietica, 1930-1932 p. 82 La tragedia del Kazakhstan e l’ Holodomor ucraino p. 87 La Grande Purga, 1937-1938 p. 95 ii Capitolo III – La seconda guerra mondiale, 1939-1944 p.103 Heim ins Reich e riorganizzazione razziale dei territori orientali, 1939-1941 p. 107 La Shoah nell’ambito della purificazione etnica E dell’uropa centro-orientale, 1941-1944 p. 118 Gli alleati della Germania nazista, 1940-1944 p. 125 La conquista dell’Occidente sovietico, 1939-1941 p. 129 Deportazioni etniche in URSS, 1941-1944 p. 135 Capitolo IV – Il dopoguerra e la cacciata dei “popoli signori”, 1943-1953 p.145 Il dopoguerra in URSS e la riconquista dell’Occidente sovietico, 1944-1953 p. 147 La cacciata dei “popoli signori”: il caso ucraino, 1943-1947 p. 155 Il caso polacco, 1945-1949 p. 162 Il caso cecoslovacco, 1945-1948 p. 171 Le peculiarità del caso jugoslavo, 1943-1948 p. 182 PARTE SECONDA: LA POLITICA DELLE MIGRAZIONI FORZATE IN EUROPA, 1913-1947 Capitolo V – Dai prodromi a Losanna, 1878-1923 p.189 I precursori (1878-1912) p. 191 Dalle guerre balcaniche alla prima guerra mondiale p. 199 La convenzione di Losanna p. 209 Capitolo VI – Dalla seconda guerra mondiale alla messa fuorilegge dei trasferimenti forzati di popolazione, 1937-1948 p.221 Il Generalplan Ost e i piani tedeschi per l’Europa orientale p. 228 Lo scambio di popolazioni polacco-ucraino e la politica sovietica p. 234 La strada di Potsdam p. 239 La messa fuorilegge dei trasferimenti di popolazione p. 246 iii PARTE TERZA: DALLA MEMORIA ALLA STORIA. LA STORIOGRAFIA SULLE MIGRAZIONI FORZATE IN EUROPA Introduzione p. 253 Le interpretazioni di Ludwig Mises e Lewis Namier p. 257 Capitolo VII – Dalle narrative nazionali all’apertura degli archivi p.265 Il caso tedesco: storia e memoria della Vertreibung p. 267 Gli storici non tedeschi della Vertreibung p. 288 Il caso polacco p. 295 Il caso sovietico p. 306 Dopo l’apertura degli archivi p. 311 La storiografia sul “lungo esodo” degli italiani d’Istria e Dalmazia p. 319 Conclusioni p. 327 Capitolo VIII – Verso una visione d’insieme p.329 E. M. Kulischer e la sua famiglia p. 332 Joseph Schechtman p. 347 I lavori «classici» di Schechtman e Kulischer p. 365 La storiografia contemporanea p. 375 Conclusioni generali p.383 Bibliografia p.395 Fonti primarie p. 397 Studi e Ricerche p. 417 iv RINGRAZIAMENTI Benché il lavoro di ricerca e di scrittura di una tesi di dottorato possa apparire – e a tratti essere – alquanto solitario, esso non è in realtà nemmeno concepibile senza l’aiuto e la collaborazione di un gran numero di persone. In proposito, il mio primo ringraziamento non può non essere indirizzato al mio direttore di ricerca Andrea Graziosi, senza il quale questo lavoro non sarebbe esistito, e che non mi ha mai fatto mancare il suo sostegno, oltre ad avermi sempre seguito con un’attenzione ben superiore a quella che avevo il diritto di aspettarmi. Desidero inoltre ringraziare Niccolò Pianciola, che ha messo a mia disposizione il materiale da lui raccolto in precedenza sull’argomento (e sul quale mi sono basato ancor più di quanto non emerga dalle note a piè di pagina) e mi ha costantemente aiutato soprattutto nella fase più difficile (e all’inizio apparentemente infruttuosa) delle mie ricerche. Per aver letto, commentato e costruttivamente criticato diverse parti del mio lavoro desidero ringraziare Gia Caglioti e poi Geppino Aragno, Stefano Bottoni e Vanni D’Alessio. Il Dipartimento di Scienze dello Stato della Facoltà di Scienze Politiche dell’Università degli studi di Napoli “Federico II” è stato per tre anni e più la mia “casa” scientifica e ha sostenuto le mie ricerche con una borsa di studio; desidero quindi ringraziare il suo direttore Francesco Riccobono e il coordinatore del dottorato Matteo Pizzigallo. Le ricerche che hanno avuto luogo fuori dall’Italia non sarebbero state realizzabili senza l’assistenza altrui. Desidero quindi ringraziare il personale della Biblioteca delle Nazioni Unite di Ginevra e in particolare la direttrice della League of Nations Archives Sub-Unit, Bernhardine Pejovic; in Israele, il personale dell’archivio del Vladimir Jabotinsky Institute di Tel Aviv e in particolare la sua direttrice Amira Stern. Quest’ultima mi ha messo in contatto con Benzion Netanyahu, che ringrazio per le informazioni che mi ha fornito su Joseph Schechtman. Per una illuminante conversazione e gli incoraggiamenti ricevuti ringrazio altresì Michael Confino dell’Accademia delle Scienze dello stato d’Israele. Negli Stati Uniti, infine, ho contratto debiti di gratitudine con molte altre persone. In particolare, Roman Szporluk è stato non solo una fonte d’ispirazione per le mie ricerche, ma mi ha anche permesso di passare l’estate 2004 all’Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute usufruendo di una borsa di studio. Sempre alla Harvard University ho potuto giovarmi dell’esperienza di Terry Martin e Mark Kramer; a quest’ultimo va un ringraziamento particolare per avermi consentito di esporre parte delle mie ricerche in una seduta del Cold War Studies Seminar nel 2006, nel corso del mio secondo soggiorno di studio v negli Stati Uniti. Per quest’ultimo desidero ringraziare innanzitutto Omer Bartov e il Watson Institute for International Studies presso la Brown University, che mi ha gentilmente ospitato e il cui personale è stato di grande aiuto da tutti i punti di vista. Ringrazio inoltre Jeffrey Burds per avermi offerto l’opportunità di seguire il corso da lui tenuto presso la Northeastern University di Boston; Irwin Weil e Mike Roof per avermi concesso due interviste e per avere diviso con me i loro ricordi di Eugene Kulischer. Per l’assistenza nella ricerca di materiali d’archivio ringrazio infine il personale della sede di College Park dell’United States National Archives and Records Administration; della Humanities and Social Sciences Library presso la New York Public Library e della Rare Books and Manuscript Library, Columbia University, entrambe a New York; degli American Jewish Archives di Cincinnati; e infine degli Hoover Institution Archives di Stanford. Last but certainly not least, voglio ringraziare tutti coloro, amici e familiari, che hanno in qualche modo tollerato i disagi causati dalle mie assenze – mentali non meno che fisiche – legate alla ricerca e alla stesura di questa tesi. In particolare voglio ringraziare i miei genitori e i miei nonni per avere sempre incoraggiato i miei studi e per non avermi mai fatto mancare il loro sostegno sia morale che materiale. vi PARTE PRIMA UNO SGUARDO PANORAMICO: STORIA E POLITICA DELLE MIGRAZIONI FORZATE IN EUROPA (1912-1953) “La carta della lingua è la nostra Magna Charta”, tale lo slogan del nazionalismo sul continente europeo; e un raffronto della carta politica dell’Europa nel 1920, e ancor più nel 1945, con quella del 1815 dimostra che, nel complesso, il programma è stato realizzato, sebbene forse non con i risultati presagiti dai suoi entusiasti: l’operazione è riuscita, ma a qual prezzo per il paziente? Lewis Namier (Ludwik Bernsztajn vel Nemirowski), storico britannico di origini galiziane, 1952 1 La composizione nazionale [dell’Ucraina] era molto particolare. La grande maggioranza della popolazione, i contadini, ha sempre usato il dialetto “piccolo russo” e benché non fosse pervasa dal sentimento nazionale era abituata a contrapporre la propria lingua “contadina” al russo, la lingua dei burocrati e delle classi dominanti urbane. Il latifondista era russo o polacco, il banchiere, l’industriale, il mercante in generale ebreo –sempre gente non di “lingua ucraina”. L’odio per le classi possidenti, l’aspirazione alla liberazione sociale dal giogo dei latifondisti, prendeva spontaneamente in queste condizioni una coloritura nazionale. “Via i signori” spesso si traduceva in “Via i ljachi [polacchi] ”, “Via i moskaly [i russi] ”, “Via i giudei”. Sotto l’influenza della guerra, che aveva richiamato nelle caserme e nelle città milioni di contadini ucraini, sotto l’influenza della rivoluzione, che ne aveva eccitato l’attività, molto presto si cristallizzò una ideologia nazional-sociale, tipica di piccoli proprietari contadini: l’Ucraina ai contadini ucraini…che si traduceva nell’espulsione di “moskaly”, “ljachi” e “giudei” dalla vita dello stato. M. G. Rafes, dirigente del Bund, il partito socialista ebraico, 1920 2 . 1Cit. da
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