News Media and Power in Russia
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James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
Unsuccessful Orthodoxy in Russian Heartlands
Religion, State & Society, Vol. 28, No. 1, 2000 Unsuccessful Orthodoxy in Russian Heartlands FELIX CORLEY The Russian Orthodox Church may be the dominant and most visible religious group in the Russian Federation, but its performance in different regions of the country has been patchy. Even in regions that share common features - geographic, ethnic, economic and social - the Church has made a big impact in some, but little headway in others. Here we look at how the Church has fared in the postsoviet era in four Russian heartland provinces - Astrakhan', Yekaterinburg, Saratov and Omsk. I In all these regions the Orthodox Church has failed to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the end of restrictions on religious activity a decade ago and it is now suffering because of what many perceive as the authoritarian and backward-looking leadership offered by the local bishops. The article looks at what common features the Orthodox Church in these regions has and examines the consequences of failure to present a dynamic witness. Saratov1 Saratov had a vibrant circle of Orthodox intellectuals by the end of the 1980s, thanks in part to the benign influence of the local hierarch, Archbishop Pimen (Khmel evsky). Consecrated bishop in 1965 and appointed to the diocese of Saratov and Volgograd (as it was then), Pimen had had a chequered career, joining the Zhirovitsy Monastery in Belorussia during the Nazi occupation. In the 1950s - in a sign of trust from the Soviet authorities - he served in the Russian Spiritual Mission in Jerusalem. On his return to Russia he served in the Trinity-St Sergius Monastery in Zagorsk, for some of the time as deputy head. -
The Meltdown of the Russian Federation in the Early 1990S Nationalist Myth-Building and the Urals Republic Project Alexander Kuznetsov
The Meltdown of the Russian Federation in the Early 1990s Nationalist Myth-Building and the Urals Republic Project Alexander Kuznetsov Abstract: In the early 1990s after the collapse of the USSR, the new Russian state faced strong nationalist claims for sovereignty and increased autonomy from the side of regional elites. These nationalist challenges at the sub-national level were seriously considered by many experts to be a potential cause for the further breakup of Russia into a number of new independent states. The nationalist movements in ethnic republics like Chechnya, Tatarstan and Sakha-Yakutia, and their contribution to possible scenario of the disintegration of the Russian Federation, have been researched frequently in post- Soviet-studies literature. However, the examination of the impact of nationalistic ideas in ethnically Russian regions (oblasts) at the beginning of the 1990s has not received the same level of attention from political scientists. The Sverdlovsk oblast is a case study for this research. In the early 1990s, the creation of the Urals republic began in this region. This paper argues that the Sverdlovsk oblast’s claims for increased autonomy included elements of myth-construction within a sub-state nationalist ideology. The first section of this paper briefly contextualizes the events that occurred during the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s that led to the growth of strong sub-nationalist movements in post-Communist Russia. The second section gives details of the Urals republic project, launched in the Sverdlovsk oblast in 1993, and defines the presence of nationalist myth- making elements in this regional movement. -
Tymoshenko Cancels Visit to Moscow, Demands Russian Respect For
INSIDE:• Ruslana to perform benefit concert for CCRF — page 3. • Reflections on Yushchenko’s trip to the U.S. — page 8. • Maria Burmaka: from the “maidan” to Manhattan — page 12. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIII HE KRAINIANNo. 17 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, APRIL 24, 2005 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine TymoshenkoT cancelsU visit to Moscow, Ukraine’s ministerW of justice demands Russian respect for Ukraine assailed over academic credentials by Zenon Zawada note sent to the Russian Federation’s by Zenon Zawada formal legal education, he also has no Kyiv Press Bureau Ministry of Foreign Affairs and made pub- Kyiv Press Bureau graduate or post-graduate college degree, lic by Vsevolod Shmatkov, an advisor- despite his insistence to the contrary to KYIV – In a demand for respect from envoy of the Russian Embassy in Ukraine. KYIV – For the last eight years, Ukrainian reporters in recent weeks. the Russian Federation, Ukrainian Prime “Due to spring field work and the neces- Roman Zvarych, today Ukraine’s minis- “I received the diploma of a master in Minister Yulia Tymoshenko abruptly can- sity of resolving tasks in order to eliminate ter of justice, has been claiming that he philosophy,” Mr. Zvarych told the popu- celed her first visit to Moscow the day complications arising at their implementa- earned a graduate degree in philosophy lar Russian-language newspaper Fakty i after Russia’s top prosecutor said crimi- tion, the Ukrainian side is forced to post- from Columbia University. Kommentarii in an interview published nal charges were still pending against her. -
Putin's Nationalist Challenge
Conflict Studies Research Centre Russian Series 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith Executive Summary * Putin is increasingly dominating the political system, which is becoming more authoritarian. * Administrative reform has been implemented in order to streamline the state with limited success. Three key issues: * Could "mild authoritarianism" be replaced by a harsher form of rule? * What will happen in 2008, when the next presidential elections are scheduled, and Putin will be constitutionally obliged to step down? * Could the scenario of the "orange revolution" in Ukraine be repeated in Russia? * There is now a strong possibility that Putin may either attempt to stay in power after his second term expires in 2008, or attempt to create an interim leadership from 2008 to 2012, and then return to power. * Any post-2008 leadership is likely to be more nationalist and authoritarian. 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith The Russian political system has been going through a process of subtle evolution since Vladimir Putin was first elected president in 2000. In 2000, major changes were made to the structure of centre-regional relations: • Putin created seven federal districts, headed by a plenipotentiary representative, appointed by the president, and solely accountable to him. The plenipotentiary representative’s main task is to ensure that federal government policy is being carried out by the regional leaderships. During the Yel’tsin period, many regional leaders had often ignored federal law, and elevated regional law above it. • The regional leaders were removed from the upper house of the Russian parliament, the Federation Council, and the president acquired the legal power to dismiss regional governors who defied federal law. -
Executive Intelligence Review, Volume 25, Number 42, October 23
EIR Founder and Contributing Editor: Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. Editorial Board: Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., Muriel Mirak-Weissbach, Antony Papert, Gerald From the Managing Editor Rose, Dennis Small, Edward Spannaus, Nancy Spannaus, Jeffrey Steinberg, William Wertz Associate Editor: Susan Welsh Managing Editors: John Sigerson, he world cannot afford a loss of nerve, a failure of command on Ronald Kokinda T Science Editor: Marjorie Mazel Hecht the part of the United States, as, at any given moment, the world may Special Projects: Mark Burdman be just seconds away from the disintegration of the global financial Book Editor: Katherine Notley Advertising Director: Marsha Freeman system. That, of course, means leadership from the Office of the Pres- Circulation Manager: Stanley Ezrol ident. INTELLIGENCE DIRECTORS: The LaRouche movement is defending that Office and President Asia and Africa: Linda de Hoyos Counterintelligence: Jeffrey Steinberg, Clinton from British-inspired attacks whose purpose is to emasculate Paul Goldstein the power of the United States to lead the world into a New Bretton Economics: Marcia Merry Baker, William Engdahl Woods system. As we go to press, a major rally is scheduled at History: Anton Chaitkin the White House on Oct. 17, at which signatures on the petition Ibero-America: Robyn Quijano, Dennis Small Law: Edward Spannaus “Americans to Save the Presidency” will be delivered to the White Russia and Eastern Europe: House. Rachel Douglas, Konstantin George United States: Debra Freeman, Suzanne Rose But, it is also necessary for President Clinton to take on the finan- INTERNATIONAL BUREAUS: cial establishment. In this week’s Feature, Lyndon LaRouche picks Bogota´: Jose´ Restrepo up where he left off with “Time to Tell the Truth” (last week’s issue), Bonn: George Gregory, Rainer Apel Buenos Aires: Gerardo Tera´n in addressing Clinton’s weaknesses. -
The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik
China-Russia Relations: The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik Yu Bin Associate Professor, Wittenberg University The specter of oil is haunting the world. The battle of oil, however, is not just being waged by oilmen from Texas and done with “shock-and-awe” in the era of preemption. Nor does it have anything to do with the billion-dollar contract awarded to the U.S. firm Halliburton for the reconstruction of postwar Iraq. This time, oil, or lack of it, is clogging the geostrategic pipeline between the world’s second largest oil producer (Russia) and second largest oil importing state (China) as they haggle over the future destination of Siberia’s vast oil reserves. To be sure, the “oil politik” between Moscow and Beijing is far from a full-blown crisis. Indeed, China-Russia relations during the third quarter were marked by dynamic interactions and close coordination over multilateral issues of postwar Iraq, the Korean nuclear crisis, and institution building for the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization). Russia’s energy realpolitik, however, has led to such a psychological point that for the first time, a generally linear, decade-long emerging Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, or honeymoon, seems arrested and is being replaced by a routine, boring, or even jolting marriage of necessity in which quarrels and conflicts are part normal. Business still as Usual Unlike the more turbulent and/or spectacular second quarter, the post-Iraq and post- SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) third quarter seemed normal for Russia and China, at least on the surface. All border checkpoints were reopened with busier transactions to make up for the losses suffered during the SARS epidemic. -
The Impact of Western Sanctions on Russia and How They Can Be Made Even More Effective
The impact of Western sanctions on Russia and how they can be made even more effective REPORT By Anders Åslund and Maria Snegovaya While Western sanctions have not succeeded in forcing the Kremlin to fully reverse its actions and end aggression in Ukraine, the economic impact of financial sanctions on Russia has been greater than previously understood. Dr. Anders Åslund is a resident senior fellow in the Eurasia Center at the Atlantic Council. He also teaches at Georgetown University. He is a leading specialist on economic policy in Russia, Ukraine, and East Europe. Dr. Maria Snegovaya is a non-resident fellow at the Eurasia Center, a visiting scholar with the Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies at the George Washington University; and a postdoctoral scholar with the Kellogg Center for Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. THE IMPACT OF WESTERN SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA AND HOW MAY 2021 THEY CAN BE MADE EVEN MORE EFFECTIVE Key points While Western sanctions have not succeeded in forcing the Kremlin to fully reverse its actions and end aggression in Ukraine, the economic impact of financial sanctions on Russia has been greater than previously understood. Western sanctions on Russia have been quite effective in two regards. First, they stopped Vladimir Putin’s preannounced military offensive into Ukraine in the summer of 2014. Second, sanctions have hit the Russian economy badly. Since 2014, it has grown by an average of 0.3 percent per year, while the global average was 2.3 percent per year. They have slashed foreign credits and foreign direct investment, and may have reduced Russia’s economic growth by 2.5–3 percent a year; that is, about $50 billion per year. -
THE POLITICAL SYSTEM – CHANGES DURING the ELECTION CAMPAIGNS the Search for a New Political Model
Part 1. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM – CHANGES DURING THE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS The search for a new political model. Putin as the national leader – a change in status and a possible change in the configuration of the political system. A change in the weight of different political institutions All of 2007 was characterized by the competition between two projects that can conditionally be called “successor” and “third term”. At that, supporters and opponents of the latter scheme belonged to different groups among the elites, which added a distinctive sharpness to the situation and this manifested itself not only in an ideological but also an administrative confrontation. The search for a place for Vladimir Putin in the “post-Putin” system of checks and balances started after the 1st of October when he agreed to head the United Russia party list. Before this, in spite of many statements by the head of state himself about his unwillingness to go against the Constitution and run for president for a third term, projects that entailed changing the Constitution predominated. The main lobbyists for the “third term” project were the so called “siloviki” or the security wing of the presidential administration that were headed by deputy head of the presidential administration, Igor Sechin. In the media, the main voice on this topic was the head of the Federation Council and leader of the party Fair Russia Sergey Mironov. This politician is considered to be in the orbit of this group of elites. Nevertheless, his wavering to meet the “party line” was evident. In particular, at the end of March in 2007, he increased his activity in this direction1.