Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus' and Goltz, 'Azerbaijan Diary

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus' and Goltz, 'Azerbaijan Diary H-Russia Mannteufel on Gall and Waal, 'Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus' and Goltz, 'Azerbaijan Diary. A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-Torn, Post-Soviet-Republic' Review published on Wednesday, November 1, 2000 Carlotta Gall, Thomas de Waal. Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus. New York: New York University Press, 1998. xiv + 416 pp. $26.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8147-3132-1.Thomas Goltz. Azerbaijan Diary. A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-Torn, Post-Soviet-Republic. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1998. xxx + 528 pp. $39.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7656-0244-2. Reviewed by Ingo Mannteufel (Journal OSTEUROPA. Zeitschrift für Gegenwartsfragen des Ostens, Aachen, Germany) Published on H-Russia (November, 2000) The Caucasus in the 1990s from the Perspective of War Correspondents The Caucasus in the 1990s from the Perspective of War Correspondents Since the last years of the Soviet Union the region around the Caucasus mountains has become an area of violent ethnic conflicts. The Armenian-Azerbaijan War for Nagorno-Karabakh, the hostilities in Georgia (South-Ossetia, Abkhazia), the clashes between Ossetians and Ingush within the Russian Federation, and last but not least the two large-scale Russian-Chechen Wars have drawn the attention of the international public to this up to then unknown region at the edge of Europe. But it was precisely this dangerous atmosphere that attracted journalists from all over the world to report directly from this new hot spot. Thomas Goltz, an American journalist who worked in Turkey during the 1980s, was one of these journalists. In 1991, he was actually on his way to Tashkent, Soviet Uzbekistan, where he was to take up a position as an adjunct professor of history for the next two years, when he made a detour and landed in Baku, capital of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan. Personal contacts gave Goltz a unique inside view into Azerbaijani society in the last months of Soviet rule. He was so fascinated by the atmosphere that he decided to stay for sometime before leaving for Tashkent. After the failed coup in Moscow in August 1991 he returned from a sleepy Tashkent to a boiling Baku to cover the developments in the Caucasus for the next two and a half years. Based on his experience, Goltz wrote a draft manuscript that was published in Istanbul in 1994 with the title Requiem for a Would-be Republic and covers the period from the Azerbaijani declaration of independence in 1991 to the Azerbaijani decision to join the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1993. In addition to the slightly revised text of Requiem, the present book, Azerbaijan Diary, includes an epilogue about the time from 1994 to November 1997, which he wrote after a short visit to Baku in the autumn of 1997. Reading the book it becomes obvious that Goltz saw and experienced quite a lot during his stay in the Caucasus. The reader is overwhelmed by "new facts", unique first-hand observations, portraits of individuals from all spheres of Azerbaijani society, travel accounts, reports from the battlefront in Citation: H-Net Reviews. Mannteufel on Gall and Waal, 'Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus' and Goltz, 'Azerbaijan Diary. A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-Torn, Post-Soviet-Republic'. H-Russia. 02-17-2014. https://networks.h-net.org/node/10000/reviews/10229/mannteufel-gall-and-waal-chechnya-calamity-caucasus-and-goltz Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. 1 H-Russia Nagorno-Karabakh (e.g. the Xodjali catastrophe of February 26-27, 1992) and the negotiating table. Goltz also reproduces several interviews, for example with Abulfez Elchibey, the first democratically elected president of Azerbaijan, and Heydar Aliyev, the "Grand Old Man" of Azerbaijani politics, who returned to power in Baku in 1992-93 and rules as Azerbaijani president since that time. The density and richness of his impressions are both an advantage and disadvantage for the book; sometimes the gripping story outweighs analytical clarity and structure. Goltz's aim is not to prove a thesis or a certain argument, but to disseminate as much information as possible about Azerbaijan and thereby to correct misperceptions and misinformation in the Western press. He states: "I have the arrogance to suggest to the reporters, editorial writers, and, ultimately, scholars of the period and place that they take the time to wade through this opus before furthering the promotion of "facts' based on repetitive errors" (p. xii). Thus, the book with its twenty-five chapters, a prologue and an epilogue is a "quarry" for all who are interested in the recent history of Azerbaijan. Three maps of the Caucasus and the Azerbaijan Republic and several photographs help the reader to keep track with the fast-paced account and its changing personal and locations. Some (scholarly) readers will not like the first-person style of writing which reminds us of the annotated diary that was the source for the book, but other readers will enjoy "accompanying" Goltz through his fictitious-like "adventures in an oil-rich, war-torn, post-Soviet republic". Two other journalists who were attracted by the violent events in the Caucasus in the 1990s were Carlotta Gall, a reporter with the "Moscow Times," and Thomas de Waal, who reported from Moscow from 1993 to 1997 for the "Moscow Times," "The Times of London," and "The Economist." Based on their investigations, interviews and on-the-scenes reports they produced a well-written and well- structured book on the (First) Russian-Chechen War of 1994-96 and its historical background. The book begins with the brutal events on New Year's Eve 1994, when the invasion of the Russian army into the Chechen capital Grozny had come to a deadlock, and the Russian leadership had reacted with a massive bombardment of the city without regard for casualties among Russian and Chechen civilians, Russian troops and Chechen fighters. In the next seven chapters Gall and de Waal present the historical context of the conflict. In "The French of the Caucasus" (Chapter Two) they discuss briefly the history and culture of the Chechen people, the importance of their rebellious spirit and their clans (teips), and the complex role of Islam among the Chechens. In Chapter Three, "Conquest and Resistance," and Four, "The Deportations," the authors review the long history of the Russian-Chechen relationship, dating back to the eighteenth century when the region of the Chechen mountain tribes first fell victim to the expansion of the Russian Empire. In the middle of the nineteenth century, Chechens and Dagestanis led by the famous Imam Shamil resisted Russian power for almost thirty years. This brutal "Caucasian War" is one of the two important cornerstones of Chechen historical consciousness with regard to the Russians. The second one, the deportation of the entire Chechen people to Central Asia in 1944 on order by Stalin, is told in the fourth chapter. Over half a million Chechen, Ingush and other Caucasian ethnic groups were deported from the region. Thousands died on the journey to Kazakhstan or perished of hunger and cold in the following winter. The Chechen- Ingush republic ceased to exist and in 1948, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR decreed that the Citation: H-Net Reviews. Mannteufel on Gall and Waal, 'Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus' and Goltz, 'Azerbaijan Diary. A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-Torn, Post-Soviet-Republic'. H-Russia. 02-17-2014. https://networks.h-net.org/node/10000/reviews/10229/mannteufel-gall-and-waal-chechnya-calamity-caucasus-and-goltz Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. 2 H-Russia deportees had no right to return. Only in 1957 was the Chechen-Ingushetian republic officially reinstated and the Chechens and Ingush allowed to return home. Gall and de Waal argue that the collective experience of large-scale deportation and thirteen years of exile gave "the Chechens a sense of common national identity as Chechens -- as distinct from belonging to a certainteip or village -- for the first time" (p. 74). In Chapter Five the authors show that "Dudayev's Revolution" and his rise to power in Chechnya in 1990/91 was preceded by a revolt within the Chechen Communist party against Moscow's candidate for First Secretary of the local Chechen committee. Instead in spring 1989 Doku Zavgayev, Second Secretary of the CP in the republic for fifteen years, was put in charge of the Chechen-Ingush republic. Although Dudayev became Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Chechen National Congress in 1990 the authors state that he was "a little-known figure" at that time and just elected to cover up the split between different political groups in the Congress (p. 83). Here, Gall and de Waal present a very interesting biographical sketch of Jokhar Dudayev showing that he "was much more a product of the Soviet system than a budding Chechen nationalist": He was born in Kazakhstan, had lived in Chechnya only briefly, spoke Chechen haltingly and was married to a Russian. Dudayev made a career as officer in the Soviet armed forces serving not in Chechnya, but in Russia, Ukraine, and Estonia. During the August coup of 1991 Dudayev backed Boris Yeltsin, who in return backed Dudayev in his struggle against Doku Zavgayev, then head of the regional Supreme Soviet. After ousting Zavgayev with the help of Yeltsin's aides Ruslan Khasbulatov and Aslanbek Aslakhanov, Dudayev ignored the power-sharing deal with Khasbulatov and announced that he had taken over power as Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Congress of Chechen people.
Recommended publications
  • The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: a Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad
    The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: A Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad Michael Taarnby 9/5/2008 WP 20/2008 The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: A Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad Michael Taarnby Summary The current volume of publications dealing with Islamist militancy and terrorism defies belief in terms of its contents. The topic of this paper is a modest attempt to direct more attention and interest towards the much overlooked sub-field of historical research within Jihadi studies. Introduction The current volume of publications dealing with Islamist militancy and terrorism defies belief in terms of its contents. This can be perceived as part of a frantic effort to catch up for the lack of attention devoted to this phenomenon during the 1980s and 1990s, when this field of research field was considerably underdeveloped. The present level of research activity is struggling to keep pace with developments. Thus, it is primarily preoccupied with attempting to describe what is actually happening in the world right now and possibly to explain future developments. This is certainly a worthwhile effort, but the topic of this paper is a modest attempt to direct more attention and interest towards the much overlooked sub-field of historical research within Jihadi studies. The global Jihad has a long history, and everyone interested in this topic will be quite familiar with the significance of Afghanistan in fomenting ideological support for it and for bringing disparate militant groups together through its infamous training camps during the 1990s. However, many more events have been neglected by the research community to the point where most scholars and analysts are left with an incomplete picture, that is most often based on the successes of the Jihadi groups.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russia You Never Met
    The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya.
    [Show full text]
  • Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
    PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No.
    [Show full text]
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations
    Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Updated November 9, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41368 SUMMARY R41368 Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations November 9, 2020 U.S.-Turkey tensions have raised questions about the future of bilateral relations and have led to congressional action against Turkey, including informal holds on major new Jim Zanotti arms sales (such as upgrades to F-16 aircraft) and efforts to impose sanctions. Specialist in Middle Nevertheless, both countries’ officials emphasize the importance of continued U.S.- Eastern Affairs Turkey cooperation and Turkey’s membership in NATO. Observers voice concerns about the largely authoritarian rule of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Clayton Thomas Turkey’s polarized electorate could affect Erdogan’s future leadership. His biggest Analyst in Middle Eastern challenge may be structural weaknesses in Turkey’s economy—including a sharp Affairs decline in Turkey’s currency—that have worsened since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 pandemic began. The following are key factors in the U.S.-Turkey relationship. Turkey’s strategic orientation and U.S./NATO basing. Traditionally, Turkey has relied closely on the United States and NATO for defense cooperation, European countries for trade and investment, and Russia and Iran for energy imports. A number of complicated situations in Turkey’s surrounding region—including those involving Syria, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh (a region disputed by Armenia and Azerbaijan), and Eastern Mediterranean energy exploration—affect its relationships with the United States and other key actors, as Turkey seeks a more independent role. President Erdogan’s concerns about maintaining his parliamentary coalition with Turkish nationalists may partly explain his actions in some of the situations mentioned above.
    [Show full text]
  • The Siloviki in Russian Politics
    The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgia/Abkhazia
    HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ARMS PROJECT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH/HELSINKI March 1995 Vol. 7, No. 7 GEORGIA/ABKHAZIA: VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OF WAR AND RUSSIA'S ROLE IN THE CONFLICT CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................5 EVOLUTION OF THE WAR.......................................................................................................................................6 The Role of the Russian Federation in the Conflict.........................................................................................7 RECOMMENDATIONS...............................................................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Republic of Georgia ..............................................................................................8 To the Commanders of the Abkhaz Forces .....................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Russian Federation................................................................................................8 To the Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus...........................................................................9 To the United Nations .....................................................................................................................................9 To the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe..........................................................................9
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Conference Program
    Presented by the Center for Global Education in conjunction with the Peace Studies Program in Wilkinson College of Humanities and Science Welcome to this year’s academic conference highlighting the conflict in Nagorno Karabakh. Join us in welcoming our guest speakers, including keynote speaker Robert Bradtke, former co-chair of the Minsk Process, who will speak on the search for a peaceful settlement. Conference Program - 2 & 3 | Conference Fact Sheet - 4 | Speaker Biographies - 5| Campus Information- 12 | Acknowledgements - 15 Struggle Between the Seas Conference Schedule FRIDAY, MARCH 8th 2013 Bush Conference Center, Beckman Hall 404 8:30 AM Complimentary coffee and snacks 9:00 AM KEYNOTE SPEAKER: AMBASSADOR ROBERT BRADTKE “Nagorno Karabakh: The Minsk Group and the Search for Peace” 10:15 - 10:30 AM Coffee Break 10:30 AM - 12:00 PM Panel 1 AMBASSADOR RUDOLF PERINA “The Minsk Group Process: Is Time Running Out?” ASBED KOTCHIKIAN “No Exit in the South Caucasus?” TALEH ZIYADOV “Exhausting the Althernatives: The OSCE Minsk Group and its Limits” 12:00 - 1:00 PM LUNCH (attendees will break for lunch on their own) Speakers: Meet in Beckman Corridor Continued on next page | Conference Program - 2 | Struggle Between the Seas Conference Schedule FRIDAY, MARCH 8th 2013 Bush Conference Center, Beckman Hall 404 1:00 PM—2:30 PM Panel 2 ALEXANDROS PETERSEN “Energy Security Issues as affected by Nagorno Karabakh” TRACEY GERMAN “Security Implications of the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict for the Caucasus Region E. WAYNE MERRY “Turkey: The Missing Variable in the Karabakh Equation” 2:30 - 2:45 PM Break 2:45 PM - 4:15 PM Panel 3 GEORGE ZARUBIN “Nagorno Karabakh: Public Perceptions about Prospects for Reconciliation and Institutional Challenges in Armenia and Azerbaijan” THOMAS DE WAAL “Armenia and Azerbaijan: Clashing Narratives” JAMES J.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Implications of NATO's Armed Intervention in Kosovo
    XJ[II Legal Implications of NATO's Armed Intervention in Kosovo Ved P. Nanda HE MILITARY INTERVENTION by the nineteen,member North Atlantic T Treaty Organization (NATO) in Kosovo, a province of Serbia in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, was the first ofits kind undertaken by the alli, ance. Under the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty,l NATO was formed as are, gional security organization. With its mission to act in a defensive capacity to protect its members from external aggression, under the treaty the parties spe, cifically agreed that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently ... if such an armed attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self,defense recognized by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, will assist the Party or Parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in concert with the other Parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.2 Thus, the intervention was arguably beyond NATO's intended mission. Equally important, by unilaterally intervening in Kosovo, NATO bypassed the United Nations. Its use of force clearly failed the test of strict compliance with Legal Implications of NATO's Armed Intervention in Kosovo the constraints of the UN Charter,3 for it did not seek prior authorization of the Security Council to use force. Although the UN eventually assumed an impor~ tant role in shaping the future of Kosovo, it was invited to perform that task only after the end of the conflict.4 I concede that it is too early to write a definitive commentary on the legal implications of this intervention.
    [Show full text]
  • Power Surge? Russia’S Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond
    Power Surge? Russia’s Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond PONARS Policy Memo No. 414 Brian D. Taylor Syracuse University December 2006 The “rise of the siloviki ” has become a standard framework for analyzing Russian politics under President Vladimir Putin . According to this view, the main difference between Putin’s rule and that of former president Boris Yeltsin is the triumph of guns (the siloviki ) over money (the oligarchs). This approach has a lot to recommend it, but it also raises sever al important questions . One is the ambiguity embedded in the term siloviki itself . Taken from the Russian phrase for the power ministries ( silovie ministerstva ) or power structures ( silovie strukturi ), the word is sometimes used to refer to those ministrie s and agencies ; sometimes to personnel from those structures ; and sometimes to a specific “clan” in Russian politics centered around the deputy head of the presidential administration, former KGB official Igor Sechin . A second issue , often glossed over in the “rise of the siloviki ” story , is whether the increase in political power of men with guns has necessarily led to the strengthening of the state, Putin’s central policy goal . Finally, as many observers have pointed out, treating the siloviki as a unit – particularly when the term is used to apply to all power ministries or power ministry personnel – seriously overstates the coherence of this group. In this memo, I break down the rise of the siloviki narrative into multiple parts, focusing on three issues . First, I look at change over time, from the early 1990s to the present .
    [Show full text]
  • Nowhere to Turn but Yeltsin
    Nowhere to Turn But Yeltsin JOHN LLOYD he Russian intelligentsia, dispirited, shorn of influence, and broke, had a Tcolloquium in Literaturnava Gazeta in February on its relationship with power. Led off by the greatest of the surviving 1960s bards, Bulat Okudzhava-who said that Yeltsin had tumed away from a group that had represented his staunchest supporters when he was elected five years ago, and now "scorned" it because he and his cronies could not bear criticism-the colloquium was in the main a melancholic series of reflections. Most agreed with Okudzhava by lamenting the loss of a leader who had held out a promise of renewal, yet those who remained reluctantly loyal-and none were robust about being so-fell back on a recognition that speech was now free and that life under the Communists would be worse. Their collective posture was well summed up by the writer Andrei Bitov: The mark of a member of the intelligentsia, he said, was to stand for certain moral and intellectual values, and to have nothing to do with power. Those members of the intelligentsia who had expected more and tried to help Yeltsin achieve it have usually had their fingers burned. Some have resigned, some were sacked, a few cling on for the usual reason that to leave would be to hand their place to someone worse. The most famous defector was the former prisoner of conscience Sergei Kovalev, who served as Yeltsin's Human Rights Ombudsman, protested loudly and with great courage against the war in Chechnya (he spent many weeks under bombardment in Grozny, the Chechen capital), and finally resigned from the last of his official posts earlier this year.
    [Show full text]
  • Genocide Claims Against Turkey Frivolous
    Genocide claims against Turkey frivolous By Thomas Goltz Missoulian News Online Friday, October 12, 2007 For as long as I have been academically associated with Turkey, the Middle East and the post-Soviet Caucasus, Diaspora Armenians in California, Massachusetts, Michigan and now even Montana, have made an annual attempt to convince Congress to pass resolutions condemning Turkey for having effected a “genocide” against their forefathers in the waning days of the Ottoman Empire, while Turkish groups have, less effectively, railed against such condemnation of their ancestors. In essence, the Armenian discourse can be summed up by the claim that the Ottoman Turkish authorities mounted a systematic policy of mass murder against a hapless population of innocents, and that up to 1.5 million Armenians thus perished from 1915 to 1918. The Turkish position is that Armenians joined forces with Czarist Russian armies in the largely roadless Ottoman East, slaughtered Muslims in great numbers and had to be removed to more secure areas of the crumbling empire, during the course of which large numbers of Armenians died of disease, starvation and violence - about the equivalent to the number of Muslim civilians and Ottoman soldiers in retreat through the same territory. Most American-Armenians have used their electoral influence, better known as well- financed lobby groups, to insist that U.S. lawmakers declare in their favor, thus condemning Turkey of genocide, thus labeling its citizens as the children of serial mass- murderers as bad as the Nazis. Armenian lobby groups are attempting to have non- specialists, who are prone to vote according to the perceived needs (or whims) of their constituencies, legislate that history.
    [Show full text]