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Terezin Memorial Book Miroslav Karny, ed.. Terezinska pametni kniha. Praha, Czech Republic: Melantrich, 1995. 1-668 pp.p and 678-1559 pp. ISBN 978-80-7023-209-5. Reviewed by Herbert Schur Published on H-Holocaust (January, 1997) The purpose of this work may be stated were "liquidated" as a result of various actions or briefly: to provide, for the frst time, a widely as active anti-Nazi resistance fghters. All these available memorial in printed form, recording ba‐ will be remembered in a second (but separate) sic data and notes on the fate of each one of the Memorial Book which is in preparation (p. 1337). 81,397 Jewish children, women, and men from the A third volume of the present work will Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and the Re‐ record the fate of prisoners brought to Terezin ichsgau Sudetenland (Sudetengau) deported to the from Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, and Den‐ Terezin (Theresienstadt) "ghetto" and to destina‐ mark, accounting for 47 percent of the total num‐ tions in "the East" in the period from 16 October ber of the more than 150,000 prisoners deported 1941 to 16 March 1945, and including children to Terezin (p. 1337). It is not made clear whether born in Terezin. Included are not only the names the prisoners who arrived from Sered' in Slovakia of those who did not survive the largest institu‐ (e.g.,Transports XXVI/1 to XXVI/4 between 23 De‐ tionalized systematic mass murder in European cember 1944 and 7 April 1945) are to be included, history, but also of those who, having experienced or who among the 13,000 victims of death march‐ humanly unimaginable conditions, lived to greet es who arrived on foot and by rail on and after 20 the day of their liberation. April 1945 from Hungary, Poland, Roumania, the These two volumes do not include the names USSR, Slovakia, France, and Yugoslavia, including of the victims from the Protectorate of Bohemia also Belgian, Greek, Italian, and other nationals, and Moravia deported directly to Nisko in occu‐ will be included (p. 53). pied Poland as early as 18 October 1939 (unless In a brief introduction, Vaclav Havel identi‐ the individual victims concerned were subse‐ fies two main reasons why we need continually to quently included in transports to Terezin), the remind ourselves of the events recorded in this thousands from the Protectorate, the Sudetengau, work: frst, "because of the natural respect for the and the "Sudetenland" areas not incorporated in infinite suffering undergone by our fellow human the Sudetengau but in Bavaria and the Oberdonau beings and respect for their memory"; and sec‐ and Niederdonau parts of the Ostmark (Austria) ond, because of the continuing need for a warn‐ who were sent to German prisons for allegedly in‐ ing of the dangers posed by fanatics, perverse ide‐ fringing one or more of the numerous race "laws," ologies, and human knavery. "Nazism has been or to fatal Gestapo interrogations, or directly to defeated, but it would be naive to imagine that the Gestapo prison in the Terezin "Little Fortress," the spirit of racialism, of collective hatred and the to concentration camps in Germany, or those who readiness of mean human souls to confirm them‐ H-Net Reviews selves in their importance by the commission of (Le Memorial de la Deportation des Juifs de crimes, has vanished from this world.... The an‐ France [Paris, 1978]), and had participated in the tagonism to people of other nations, races or reli‐ production of the Memorial Books for the Jews of gions, this desperate substitute for the individual Belgium (with Maxime Steinberg), Luxembourg human self-awareness, latently slumbers all (by Paul Cerf), and Italy (by Liliana Picciotto Far‐ around us. It is necessary to resist it right from its gion), among others, began to work on a Memori‐ apparently innocuous initial manifestation. It is al Book of Jews from Bohemia and Moravia, using necessary to confront even the indifference to resources at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem, Israel; he such manifestation." was supported by Ilan Kaufthal of New York (p. 9) Virtually all the records from which the data and by Joseph and Betty Saville of France, who on the individuals listed have been extracted created a computerized database with informa‐ were in existence, often in multiple copies and tion on "more than 70 000 Jews deported from Bo‐ from multiple sources, in Prague in May 1945. hemia and Moravia" (p. 10). The completion of the Some of these records, in the form of lists and work was effectively sabotaged by Czech bureau‐ card indexes, were immediately made use of by crats who, in spite of the intervention of the Min‐ dedicated workers in the new Rada zidovskych istry of Foreign Affairs of France, denied Klarsfeld nabozenskych obci v Cechach a na Morave [Coun‐ access to the records in Prague of those deported cil of Jewish Religious Communities in Bohemia in eight transports sent directly to "the East" be‐ and Moravia] in providing an effective and effi‐ fore Terezin became the main concentration cient search service. The work of correcting and camp, euphemistically called a "ghetto" or even filling in the gaps in the records appears to have "ghetto for old people," for Jews from Bohemia continued until at least 1954-59, when the names and Moravia. These bureaucrats presumably re‐ (with date of birth) of 77,297 Jewish victims from lied on the regulation (not mentioned by Klarsfeld Bohemia and Moravia murdered in Terezin and or Karny) concerning access by, or for, foreigners elsewhere were being inscribed on the walls in to State archives less than ffty years old, which the Pinkas synagogue, which had become the states that "Permission to view will not be granted Holocaust memorial in Prague. However, as a if, by viewing the archives, state or societal inter‐ consequence of the political change in February ests could be endangered, or [could endanger] the 1948, ideological (nominally "Socialist" or "Com‐ legitimately protected interests of persons still liv‐ munist") regulations and pressures ensured that ing ..." (Vladimir Bystricky and Vaclav Hrub, only minimal progress in the work of correcting Prehled archivu CSR [Praha: Archivni sprava min‐ and flling gaps in the records and in exploiting isterstva vnitra CSR, 1984], p. 23). The interests of these resources could take place, especially when the state, the party, and Nazis and their collabora‐ requiring use of complementary documentary re‐ tors at that time still clearly rated higher than the sources and collaboration with research workers dissemination of information about the victims abroad. The freedom required for this work did and of the claims of the many still unsatisfied de‐ not return until the major political changes fol‐ mands of timely justice. lowing the November 1989 "velvet revolution," With the change in the balance of power in notwithstanding some exchange of data in the leadership of the Communist Party of Czecho‐ 1968-72 with the Juedisches Komitee fuer There‐ slovakia in November 1989, photocopies of these sienstadt in Vienna, Austria. lists were provided to Serge Klarsfeld overnight Early in 1980 Serge Klarsfeld, who had pub‐ (p. 9). In 1990, the Terezinska iniciativa [TI] adopt‐ lished the Memorial Book of the Jews of France ed a proposal by Miroslav Karny for publishing a Memorial Book, and when Klarsfeld learned of 2 H-Net Reviews this initiative he and his colleagues presented the The third section, "Terezin as ghetto and con‐ TI with all the data and computer programs and centration camp" (pp. 32-37), outlines the changes the computerized database they already had in Terezin, a garrison town of 3,825 civilian inhab‐ available, to enable "the researchers in the coun‐ itants, 3,478 of Czech and 347 of German "nation‐ try who are cognizant of the problems and have ality" (at an unspecified date) and a total popula‐ available the most accurate documentation" to tion (including military) never exceeding 7,200, complete the work (p. 10). from the arrival of the Aufbaukommando of 342 The chapter by Miroslav Karny, "The Geno‐ Jewish prisoners on 24 November 1941 and that cide of Czech Jews" (pp. 19-54), provides a histori‐ of the frst transport of 1,000 Jewish prisoners cal background briefing for the Czech user of the from Prague just six days later, to the end of 1942. database. It touches on the Nuremberg race The frst 1,000-strong transport left Terezin for "laws" and the concepts of "Glaubensjuden" and Riga on 9 January 1942 and was followed by an‐ "Geltungsjuden," of importance in the treatment other one six days later, followed by transports to of individuals and in statistics, notes the escape of Izbica, Piaski, Rejowiec, Lublin, Warsaw, Zamosc, some 90 percent of the Jews from the "Sudeten‐ Sobibor, Ujazdow, Trawniki, Maly Trostinec, Bara‐ land," following the Munich four-power accord, to novici, and Raasika, and 2,000-strong transports the then-unoccupied parts of Czechoslovakia, and to Treblinka, with the frst transport to Auschwitz the legal and "illegal" escape from the Protec‐ (Osvetim, in Czech) comprising 1,866 prisoners on torate of Bohemia and Moravia after 15 March 26 October 1942. The non-Jewish inhabitants of 1939. Terezin were required to move out by 3 July 1942, and the (Czech) Protectorate gendarmerie, who In the frst of the seven sections under sub‐ had been there to ensure the observance of the headings, "The ghetto without walls" (pp. 23-27), strict orders for the segregation of the Jewish pris‐ examples of "legal" restrictions imposed on Jews oners from contact with the residents, and men by physical segregation (similar to the isolation of from women, was withdrawn by 12:30 on 6 July persons with highly infectious and contagious dis‐ 1942.
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